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Hiotographic 

Scoices 

CorpoHtion 


23  WIST  MAIN  STRUT 

WnSTIR.N.Y.  14SM 

(716)172-4303 


e  ^'^i^ 


k 


,^ 


<i^ 


CiHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHIVI/ICIVIH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiquas 


TacSinical  and  Blk't^grapMe  NotM/NotM  t«chniquM  M  bibliographiquM 


Th«  Inttltut*  hM  attwnptad  to  obtain  ttio  boat 
original  copy  availaMo  for  filming.  Faaturaa  of  thia 
copy  wtiich  may  bo  bibHograpMcaNy  unlqua, 
which  may  altar  any  of  tha  Imagaa  In  tha 
raproduction,  or  vifhich  may  algnlfieantly  changa 
tlia  uaual  mathod  of  filming,  ara  ohackad  balow. 


□   Colourad  covara/ 
Couvartura  da  coulaur 


r~n   Covara  damagad/ 


D 


D 


D 


Couvartura  andommagAa 

Covara  raatorad  and/or  laminatad/ 
Couvartura  raataurAa  at/ou  pallicul4a 


I     I   Covar  titia  miaaing/ 


La  titra  da  couvartura  manqua 

Colourad  mapa/ 

Cartaa  gtegraphiquat  an  coulaur 

Colourad  ink  (i.a.  othar  than  blua  or  black)/ 
Encra  da  coulaur  fi.a.  autra  qua  Maua  ou  noira) 

Colourad  plataa  and/or  iliuatrationa/ 
Planchaa  at/ou  iliuatrationa  an  coulaur 


Bound  with  othar  matariaC/ 
Rail*  avac  d'autraa  documanta 

Tight  binding  may  causa  ahadowa  or  diatortion 
along  intarior  margin/ 

Laraliura  sarrAa  paut  cauaar  da  I'ombra  ou  da  la 
distortion  la  long  da  la  marga  intiriaura 

Blank  laavaa  addad  during  raatoration  may 
appaar  within  tha  taxt.  Whanavar  poaaibla.  thasa 
heva  baan  omittad  from  filming/ 
II  sa  paut  qua  cartainaa  pagas  blanchas  aJout4as 
iors  d'una  raatauration  apparaisaant  dana  la  taxta, 
mala,  lorsqua  cala  4tait  poaaibla.  caa  pagaa  n'ont 
pas  4t4  fiim«aa. 


r~7|   Additional  commanta:/ 


Various  paging*- 


L'Inatitut  a  microfilm^  la  maillaur  axamplaira 
qu'il  lui  a  4tA  poaaibla  da  aa  procurer.  Las  details 
da  cat  axamplaira  qui  sont  paut-Atra  uniquas  du 
point  da  vua  bibliographiqua.  qui  pauvant  modifior 
una  imaga  raproduita,  ou  qui  pauvant  axigar  una 
modification  dana  la  mithoda  normaia  da  filmaga 
sont  indiquAs  ci-dassous. 


I     I   Colourad  pagas/ 


D 
D 


Pagaa  da  coulaur 

Pagas  damagad/ 
Pagaa  andommagAas 

Pagas  raatorad  and/oi 

Pagas  rastaurAas  at/ou  palliculAas 

Pagas  discoloured,  stainad  or  foxad/ 
Pagas  dicolorAas,  tachattas  ou  piquiaa 


r~^   Pagaa  damagad/ 

r~~|   Pagaa  raatorad  and/or  laminatad/ 


□Pagaa  datachad/ 
Pagaa  dAtachAaa 


Showthrough/ 
Tranaparanca 


r~^   Quality  of  print  variaa/ 


Quaiiti  inAgaia  da  I'impraaaion 

Includaa  aupplamantary  matarial/ 
Comprand  du  material  aupplAmantaira 


Only  adition  availabia/ 
Saula  Adition  diaponibia 

Pagaa  wholly  or  partially  obacured  by  errata 
alipa.  tiaauea,  etc.,  have  been  refilmed  to 
enaure  the  beat  poaaibla  image/ 
Lea  pagaa  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obacurciea  per  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure, 
etc.,  ort  M  filmAea  k  nouveau  de  fapon  A 
obten'r  li  meilieure  imege  poaaibla. 


Thac< 
to  tha 


Tha  in 
poaaili 
of  tha 
filmin 


Origin 

beglnr 

thalai 

aion. 

other 

firatp 

aion. 

or  illui 


The  la 
ahallG 
TINUE 
which 

IMapa, 
differs 
entirel 
beginn 
right  e 
requir« 
metho 


Commentairea  aupplAmentairea: 


Thia  item  ia  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  eat  filmi  au  taux  da  rMuction  indiqu4  ci-daaaoMa. 


10X 

14X 

1BX 

22X 

26X 

30X 

y 

12X 


1CX 


aDx 


24X 


28X 


32X 


lair* 
I  dAtailt 
|UM  du 
It  modifiar 
igar  una 
•  ffilmaga 


/ 


Tha  copy  filmad  harr  haa  baan  raproducad  thanka 
to  tha  ganaroalty  of: 

BibllothAqua  nationala  du  Quibac 


Tha  imagaa  appaaring  hara  ara  tha  baat  quality 
poaaibia  conaidaring  tha  condition  and  laglbiiity 
of  tha  original  copy  and  in  kaaping  with  tha 
filming  contract  apacif ksatlona. 


Original  coplaa  in  printad  papar  covara  ara  filmad 
beginning  with  tha  front  covar  and  anding  on 
tha  iaat  paga  with  a  printad  or  iiluatratad  impraa- 
aion.  or  tha  back  covar  whan  appropriate.  All 
othar  origirtai  coplaa  ara  filmed  beginning  on  the 
firat  page  with  a  printad  or  iiluatratad  impraa- 
aion.  and  anding  on  the  Iaat  page  with  a  printad 
or  iiluatratad  impreaaton. 


Tha  iaat  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
ahall  contain  the  aymbol  — ^  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  aymbol  ▼  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  eppliea. 


L'axemplaira  film*  f ut  reproduh  grice  A  la 
gAnAroaIti  da: 

Bibliothiqua  nationala  du  Quebec 


Lea  imagaa  auivantee  ont  4t4  reprodultee  avac  la 
plua  grand  aoin,  compta  tenu  de  la  condition  at 
de  le  nettetA  de  I'exernpiaira  film*,  et  en 
conformity  avac  lea  conditiona  du  contrat  da 
fiimage. 

Lea  axempiairea  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  eat  ImprimAa  aont  filmAa  en  commen9ant 
par  ie  premier  plat  at  en  terminant  aoit  par  la 
derni*re  paga  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impreaaion  ou  d'iliuatration.  aoit  par  ie  aacond 
plat,  aaion  ie  caa.  Toua  lea  autrea  axempiairea 
originaux  aont  filmto  en  commen^ant  par  ia 
pramiAre  paga  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'iliuatration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  darniire  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  dea  aymbolaa  auivanta  apparaftra  aur  ia 
darniAre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  aaion  la 
caa:  ia  aymboia  — ►  aignifia  "A  SUiVRE".  la 
aymbcia  ▼  aignifie  "FIN". 


re 


y  errata 
)d  to 

nt 

ne  pelure, 

pon  A 


Mapa.  piatea.  charta.  etc..  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratioa.  Thoae  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  expoaure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  aa  many  frame*  aa 
required.  The  following  diagrama  iiiuatrata  the 
method: 


1  2  3 


Lea  carte*,  pianchea,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  Atre 
filmte  A  dea  taux  da  reduction  diffiranta. 
Loraque  ia  document  eat  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reproduit  en  un  aeul  ciich4,  ii  e*t  film*  i  partir 
da  I'angle  *upAri*ur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  droite. 
et  de  haut  an  be*.  *n  prenant  ia  nombre 
d'image*  nAce**aira.  Lea  diagramme*  auivants 
illuatrant  la  mAthoda. 


32X 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

h 


i^^ 


u: 


y^ 


\h" 


a 


(^nateaj^t    a/s    ^ieoeena  amigiter  to  the    mtf/hty    ^rind 
2/ownatan     hmntrmir  o/  ■  ittanout/ ttri^onei  etts   vire/intt 
convene  a    ana     oa/ttt^t    in  tne  ( fivtsttan  fcnty,  anct^ 
(pm/i  to     tL    cymr^  ,\C:^ohJ\^r. 


THIB 


s: 


K 


^^^^^m,^ 


xrovvs  4Ji»aicA. 


^ 


r.  ,- 


BY   §AMUTB]Li    ©.©MAIKJE. 


Bosxair. 


4.; 


B 


SCI 


Tin 


or 


k|v 


BIOGRAPHY  AMO  HISIORT 

ov  Tax 

INDIANS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA; 

cmraiiiiia 
A   GENERAL  ACCOUNT   OF  THEM, 

AMD 
OBTAILS   in  Tm  UTKS   OF  AU.  THB  HOST  SnTIll«ir|MpBl>  OniM,  MM 

oTBcaa,  WBo  hats  bekh  itorcDt  AMOiie  Tfei  TAmiout 
iiiDUN  KATioifi  UFoif  TU  cofrmniiT. 

ALIO, 

A  HISTORY  OF  THEIR  WARS; 

TUn  MANNBBS  AND  CVBTOMB;  AND  THB  MOST  OLmEATID 

or  THEIR  OBATOH8,  FEOM  THKQl  FIBBT  BONO  KNOWN  TO 
KUBOfEANB  TO  THB  PBESBNT  TIMB. 

LIKBWIIX 

EXHIBITING  AN  ANALT8I8 

OP   THB  MOST  OltTIIISUIBHBD,  Al   WBU.  All  AHIUBD  AnTHOBt,  Wl 
HATB   WBITTBIT  DPOIf  THB   SBBAT   qOBSTIOH  OP  THB 

FIRST  PEOPLING  OP  AMERICA. 


.  *■   A 


:'V:iu««£^^iiWiv>*.;?  ::• 

...    . Tm jinr.iNn mag im»wfewy .  ...>.. 
*.;  .*MI»Mfi)«i(iMab»jr4MHMiL.i.^TAii». 

BT  8AMUEL   O.   DRAKE, 


*\      , 


tMfi  AMUoM  Md  ComdiaM,  •at  mm 


iBi«r 


BOSTON: 

O.  h.  PBRKUfB,  Se  OOBNHUX,  AND  HILUARD,  ORAT  U  Oa 
NBW  TORKi    a.  It  C.  ft  N.    CABVILL. 
PHUiAOBLPHIA:  ORIGG  4b  EIJJOT. 

1834." 


••:•••:••:    ::  :.•% 


,'/ 


ctt 
hai 
cati 
of< 
fan 
bea 

OMM 
tOI 

mo( 

eiei 
mn 


ao. 


'  <► 


'.i?^ 


TO 


WILLIAM   JENKS,  D.  D 


RcrcRCND  Sib; 

I  HOPS  I  thaU  not  hs  thodght 
eating  my  labon  in  Indian  Hiitory  to  yov.    Bat  I  kid 
haiard  such  unkindness,  than  to  deprife  myadf  of  tko 
cation  of  appearing  before  the  pobKc  under  ths 
of  one  who  jusdj  commands  the  rejqfMet  of  alL 
forego  an  opportunity  to  show  raqieet  for 
bearing  testimony  to  great  worth,  true 
most  exemplary  piety ;  would  be  a  fiv  greater  aowwe  of 
to  me,  than  any  thing  that6st»ilioaa  erilioa  osold^Kjr 
DMytive. 

Mweover,  I  am  aware,  that,  te  e^rary  aalpiMrjr,  it 
exceedingly  gratifying,  to  ne  an  aneii 
more  espedally,  when  its  object  is  mMf  to  bealow 
where  it  is  so  eminently  doe. 

T09KV> 


to 
;of 
tin 


be 


BesTOR^  9SAW.  UOB. 


38134 


.* 


■>JVi 


"^^^"^ili 


■^;.- 


%:     *" 


AAA  I 


•Y 


% 


-.if  ao.'- 


(  S19l{«r 


'  'i}i\:'ji  • 


PREFACE. 


fj 


><■  aviti'tf 


.tif 


Ir  the  wooiMl«ditioaoftlikwork,itwMi]it0iided  tliatfrweon«aliaM«ral« 
dMoM  ■faould  ba  ntcmmrj  to  otben  ia  ftitaie,  if  Mnj  slioald  .be  nquirad  hgf 
Iba  pub/io.  It  ww  mmo  wen,  howcTcr,  that  Mvenl  «Tion  were  ■cmttef  4  ban 
«nd  tiiere  in  the  work;  tndutbe  printing  wu  going  on  at  the  time  oTwiitfaig, 
the/  were  not  diaeorered  until  it  waa  too  late  to  correct  them. 


HoreoTcr,  it  aometimea  happened,  that  all  waa  not  aaid  apon  a  aahioat  thi 
would  have  been  aaid,  if  more  information,  at  the  time  of  writing,  baa  beta  ( 
hand.  Hence  it  <^Um  happened,  that  a  Airther  notice  of  a  former  aobjael  «i 
necemary,  and  may  aeem  out  of  place.  The  author  waa  perfeetlj  awan,  tbM 
thia  would  a\|^iect  him  to  the  charge  uf  a  want  of  method,  but  aa  it  waa  iatautf- 
ed  to  aecompaajr  the  work  with  a  tolerably  complete  index,  it  waa  thoogbt  that 
anch  aeemin^  immethodical  arrangement  would  in  a  meaaora  be  eooipenaatod 
for:  at  leaat,  m  proportion  to  the  perfection  of  that  indiapenaaUe  aceonpanimmt 

Tboae  onaoquainted  with  the  nature  of  auch  an  undtrtakiag,  may  c< 
that  we  ahould  publiah  before  we  had  fili  \  up  all  Taoanoiea  in  mu  4oei 
and  hence  have  been  able,  not  only  to  have  been  completely  ftill  apon  tVMJ 
head,  but  at  the  aame  time  have  given  a  more  oontinuoaa  namtim  of  tba 
whole.  Thia  object,  could  it  have  been  attained,  would  hare  been  aa  inti^rfalf 
to  the  author  aa  to  the  reader.    But  we  can  aaaure  all  aooh  aa  are  diapoaad  tS 


eenanre  ua  upon  thia  acore,  that,  had  they  been  obliged  to  twa  over,  < 
pare,  examine  and  collate  one  fourth  aa  many  volumea  and  dalheed  raoonb  •■ 
the  author  haa  in  oompiling  laniioi  fiiooRArar,  thev  would  abandaii  tbelr  aMi> 
auiea  bv  the  time  they  haa  well  entered  upon  their  labora. 

Work!  of  thia  kind  will  alwaya  appear  premature  in  aome  leapeeti,  (le  fbrii 
authora,  if  no  othaia,)  for  the  raaaon  that  there  ia  no  e&d  to  the  uonmmtiam 
ofmateriala.  A  writer  may  think  himaelf  in  poaaeaaion  of  every  mattrial  ttaew* 
aaiy  for  hia  undertaking,  may  write  and  pint  hia  waik,  and  the  nest  day  dkn 
cover  facta  of  ao  much  importance,  aa  to  ihfJK  it  |ppear  to  hia.  mfaid,  that  all  ht 
haa  done  b  of  no  value,  compared  with  hia  laat  macovery.  Thia  ahould  apt 
deter  ua  from  putting  into  a  atate  of  preaervation,  by  printing,  iirom  time  to  tioMi, 
valuable  n»ttera,even  though  they  might  be  much  improved  by  withhdllBaf 
them  for  a  time ;  becauae,  from  variona  ocetureneea,  the  beat  eolloetiona  IM 
extremely  liable  to  be  acattered,  and  irfeeoverafaly  leat. 

Should  an  author  reaolve  not  to  write  ikpoa  a  nAjjeet  until  eveiy  tbiof 
upon  it  ahould  be  ooUeoted,  and  in  Ua  poaaeaaion,. it  to  pretty  certain  be  never 
WDold  begin ;  and  hia  lab4»a,  however  well  directed  or  loaf  exerted,  or  however 
valuable  to  himaell}  might,  by  a  common  accident,  be  loat  to  the  world  in  eveo 
arBborter  qiace  of  time  than  an  hour. 

The  firat  edition  oflnoian  Biography  waa  iapoed  in  June,  18!tl,  and  tbe 
aeeond  in  September,  1833.    Of  the  fermer,  tfiere  were  IflOO  eopiea,  and  of  tbe 
latter  9000.    Tbe  firat  waa  a  anwll  duodecimo,  of  346  pagaa.    The  aeoond  ww 
in  the  aame  loH  aad  (type  aa  the  praaent. 

When  400  MMa  of  the  aeeond  edition  were  printed,  there  remained  a  Iwie 
•mount  of  vaniule  matter  untouched ;  therefore  forty  pogea  nwie  #ere  aodad, 
and  thia  waa  the  extent  of  that  edition.  Even  thia  extenaion  V.i  ndl  9»itj  •• 
through  with  all  our  material ;  but  it  waa  eondnded  to  iaane  tbe  edHhm,  end 
wait  until  another  ahould  be  required  by  the  pi^blic,  in  which  eveat  It  waa 
determined  that  each  additiona  and  correctiona  mould  be  made,  aa  a  ooaetaiit 
examination  of  matariala  would  enable  the  author.  In  tbe  mean  tinw,Bnif 
lare  and  curio— werka  came  into  bla  jfommdnm,  ly waiMief  wNchwaw  urn 
eoBeideraUy  to  enrieb  oar  addttkoa. 


PREFACE. 


Th«r«  have  alio  fUlen  into  our  huida  MVtnl  of  the  moat  ntt  poftnita  tt 
diatinguiihed  Indians,  aeveral  of  which  hav*  been  enfraved  eapreaair  for  this 
edition.  They  ma^  be  relied  upon  aa  exact  copiei  of  the  orifiBals.  That  oTtlte 
"  LADr  Rbbecca,  '  tlie  aavior  of  Virginia,  more  proper!/  Mra.  ti»{f;  who  was 
■o  other  than  the  renowned  Pocahortai,  muat  gladden  the  heart  of  erery  aa- 
tiqoary. — Few  could  have  linown  that  such  existed ;  but  it  haa  exiated,  and  we 
laj  it  before  the  public  with  high  gratification :  all,  we  feel  confidant,  will 
traaaure  it  up  aa  a  pearl  of  great  price. 

The  likenCM  of  SAaorswATiiA  may  be  n>lied  upon  aa  a  fkithflil  one.  B«t- 
eral  of  the  author's  firiends,  who  have  seen  him,  attest  the  fant.  All  we  can  aajr 
of  NiAMATHLA  and  Odtacitk,  ia,  they  are  faithfltl  copiea,  and  doubt  not  they 
in  correct  likenesses. 

Borne  have  called  our  portrait  of  tho  great  Wampanoag  sachem,  a  "  aonj" 
one.  We  arc  not  to  blame  for  it.  Vfe  wish  our  fathers  had  left  us  a  better ; 
but  it  is  not  our  manner  to  slight  a  book  because  it  is  small,  or  because  ita 
covers  are  defaced,  or  a  portrait  hecause  it  does  not  exactly  coneapond  with  oar 
idea  of  a  man.  We  had  an  exact  copy  made  of  the  old  print  which  accompa- 
nied Of.  Sri/««'«  edition  of  Church's  Hiitort  or  Philif's  War,*  which  it  is  sup- 
aoaad  he  had  copied  f^om  an  original  painting  of  King  Philip,  atill  said  to  be 
In  existence.  If  this  be  true,  and  our  copy  be  a  fkithAil  one,  we  want  no  other. 
At  any  rate,  we  do  not  like  to  part  with  it  until  we  can  aubstitate  a  better  one. 

In  regard  to  the  wood  engravings  interspersed  throughout  the  work,  it  may 
be  observed,  that  those  representing  Indian  habits,  costume,  and  some  peculiar 
mannera  and  customs,  have  been  selected  Oom  a  large  collection ;  and  it  is  hoped 
the  selection  will  be  approved.  The  portraits  done  in  the  same  material  pre- 
Mrre  the  likenesses  of  tne  originds  with  great  exactness.  Several  of  these  de- 
■erre  to  be  executed  in  the  best  manner,  and  they  were  not  cut  in  wood  fVom  any 
otlier  cause  than  that  required  by  economy.  They  were  engraved  as  they  oame 
into  our  handa,  without  regarding  their  celebrity. 

We  have  mentionedt  the  existence  of  portraits  of  the  four  Iroquois  ohiefii 
who  visited  England  in  1710 ; — theae  the  author  is  exceedingly  happy  in  pos- 
Waaing ;  and  although  not  being  able,  on  account  of  the  expense,  to  enrich  this 
edition  with  copies  of  them,  he  hopes  they  will  be  engraved  in  due  time ;  which 
if  they  are.  peraons  possessing  the  work  may  procure  tiiem  separately. 

The  author  aubmita  his  work  with  aome  confidence,  firom  a  conaciouaneaa  of 
bnving  used  great  exertiona  to  make  it  usefbl,  and  of  having  treated  hia  auhjeet 
with  tne  atrictest  impartialiu.  All  verbiage  has  been  avoided,  in  as  (kr  as  prae- 
tieaBle,  and  plain  matters  of  fact  have  been  arrived  at  by  the  shortest  and  moat 
diieet  course.  Circumlocution,  the  offspring  of  verbiage,  is  a  fault  of  modem 
book-makers ;  and  every  observer  muat  nave  been  forcibly  struck  by  the  con- 
tnat  at  a  modem  title-page  and  the  reat  of  the  book ;  in  the  former,  muUnm  in 
jMrw  ia  true  to  the  letter,  and  that  page  is  too  often  the  only  one  in  which  it 
H  to  be  found,  throughout  a  performance. 

There  may  be  aome,  probably,  who  will  look  into  oar  book  to  aee  what  we 
hvn  said  upon  aome  recta  known  to  them,  and  be  much  disappointed  in  finding, 
that  we  have  not  imtieed  them  at  ail.  To  such  we  can  only  aay,  lee  havtgmtm 
ttktrfaeU  instead  tf  them;  in  other  words,  tee  have  fitted  our  took  as  fmas  U 
wmda  katd.  And  although  we  may  not  alwaya  have  selected  the  best  matter, 
W0  thoacht,  at  the  time  of  writing,  we  had  :  and  when  oar  information  ia  &ither 
•standeo,  we  jnay  agree  better  with  thoae  who  ahall  find  i%alt  with  ua. 

Extradfimn  Oit  Prrfau  iff  ike  FM  JEcKKm. 

^te  IbDowing  noticea  have  been  thrown  together  within  a  few  months,  al- 
tfiongb  OMUiy  yeara  have  elapaed  aince  the  author  began  the  collection  of  mate- 
tiala,  and  set  ahont  gaining  a  knowledge.of  this  kind  of  history. 

''lie  fiiat  adventorer  in  any  untrodden  path,  must  often  find  himself  emlar- 
nMcd  fbr  want  cf  land-marks,  by  which  to  direct  his  course.    This  will  be  ap- 

•  Mated  at  Newport,  B.  I.  hj  Bolomoh  S«uthwiok,  1779.— Tbe  »m  •diUoa  kad  no  nialss. 
II  waaprlaiad  at  BosIob,  by  B.  GBaBn,  in  the  year  1716.  Copies  at  both  edttlou  ate  la  pos- 
■ssrtsn  of  tke  anihor. 

tlsebeok  v. ebap.l,andaat<«teab«a.vti  booklv. 


IV  portnito  af 
pivMlv  Tor  thki 
I.  That  ofUw 
lo\f;  who  wM 
rt  of  ererj  >b- 
listed,  tnd  w* 
sonfidaDt,  will 

(bl  one.  Ber- 
All  we  ean  w^j 
loubt  not  they 

em,  •"•oiry" 
ft  ui  •  better ; 
or  becauM  it* 
ipond  with  our 
hich  aooompa- 
irhich  it  is  rap- 
■till  Mid  to  be 
want  no  other. 
•  a  better  one. 
9  work,  it  maj 
•ome  peculiar 
and  it  H  hoped 
p  material  pre- 
ral  of  these  de- 
wood  fVom  any 
das  they* 


roquoii  ohiefii 
happjr  in  poa- 
,  to  enrich  this 
etime;  which 

naoiousneaa  of 
led  hia  aubject 
as  (hr  as  prae- 
rtest  and  moat 
ult  of  modem 
;k  by  the  con- 
ler,  midtum  in 
ne  in  which  it 

aee  what  we 
ited  in  finding, 
wthavgntm 
k  a*  fidlmi  it 
m  best  matter, 
ktion  is  &tther 
th  us. 


w  months,  al- 
Btion  ofoate- 

mself  embar- 
will  be  ap- 

tlou  an  iapss- 


/" 


PREFACE.  m 

paimt  Ut  the  rrader.    But  he  will  not  be  the  first  to  when  it  has  been  thw  ••> 

Crent.  A  small  edition  is  now  offipred.  which,  if  well  reoeivad,  will  be  aaw 
iproTed  and  enUrged,  and  placed  at  the  public  diapoaal. 

It  will  be  remembered  hj  some,  that,  in  an  edition  of  Ckttrtk't  Histofj  «f 
PkUif'B  War,  published  bjr  the  author  five  jears  ago,  he  advertiaad  in  a  ncM 
apon  page  nimtty-tntn  of  that  work,  that  he  had  it  in  contemplation  to  pohliah 
•  work  of  this  kind     This  he  considers  a  redemption  of  that  pledge. 

The  edition  ot HmhUrd't  Indian  IVars,  which  be  sometime  siaee  annomwed 
as  pre|Kiring  with  large  notes,  is  in  a  forward  state. 

the  reader  should  be  reminded,  that  where  the  **  Hittary  of  JftwEtglmt'  ia 
eited,  /eferenee  to  Mr.  Huhkmri'a  is  understood. 

Acknowledgments  are  due  to  several  individuids,  who  have,  directly  or  in* 
directly,  sided  the  author  in  his  work ;  and  he  can  only  express  his  regret  that 
he  is  not  indebted  to  more,  equally  eminent  in  thia  brancn  of  American  an> 
tiquitics.  The  reverend  Dr.  Jenks,  to  whom,  by  permission,  his  work  is  dedi* 
oated,  has  many  thanks  for  his  kindness  in  fkciliUting  hb  researches  in  the 
library  of  the  MassaohusetU  Historical  Society,  as  also  Mr.  /psAim  C«Jim,ot 
Boston,  and  the  revererd  Dr.  Hmrrit,  of  Dorchester,  who  have  obligingly loued 
him  several  valuable  maauaeripts ;  and  Edmtrd  D.  Btmg;  Etq.  Beerelary  or 
Bute,  for  his  poUteness  in  accelerating  tlie  examination  of  our  State  Papaia. 

Extract  from  the  Prtfaee  to  the  Second  Edition. 

Aoenraey,  and  minuteness  of  detail,  where  the  subject  seemed  to  ie<|nir«  it, 
have  been  our  land-mark  throughout  thia  laborioua  performance.  We  jay  W 
borious ;  but  were  all  readers  antiquarians,  even  so  much  need  not  have  Seen 
said.  Although  we  have  been  very  minute,  in  numerous  instances,  in  oar  Uvea 
of  chiefs,  yet  tnere  are  many  others  in  which  we  gladly  would  have  been  mora 
80,  if  materials  could,  at  the  time  of  writing,  have  oeen  had.  Howerer,  we  do 
not  presume  that  we  arrogate  to  ourselves  too  much,  when  we  promise  to  give 
the  reader  a  much  greater  amount  of  Indian  hiator^,  than  he  can  elsewher*  find 
in  any  separate  work. 

The  merits  or  demerits  of  Iiini4ii  BiooRAenv  rest  solely  npon  ita  wtlioe, 
whose  variooa  cares  and  avocations,  could  they  be  known  to  the  critical  reader, 
would  cause  him  to  be  sparing  of  his  criticisms.  We  cnll  this  the  seooad 
edition,  although  we  have  treated  the  subieot  under  a  now  arraagemenl  The 
method  of  hooka  and  chaptera  waa  adopted  mainly  for  the  benefit  of  eonMalng 
history  with  biography.  Besides  containing  all  u  the  first  editiou  wlUdIi  vt> 
important,  this  will  be  found  to  contain,  in  addition,  three  timis  as  much  new 
matter. 

Many  names  of  the  same  persons  and  placea  will,  perhapa,  be  found  spelt  diA 
fiirently  in  various  parts  of  the  work ;  but  this  our  plan  could  not  obviate,  h^ 
cause  we  wished  to  preserve  the  orthography  of  each  author  from  whom  we  ez> 
tracted,  in  that  particular.  Except  in  qaotatious,  we  did  intend  to  haw  been 
uniform ;  but  we  are  aware  that  we  have  not  been  entirely  so,  firom  aev*ral 
causes,  which  need  no  explanation. 

In  general,  the  notes  give  due  credit  to  all  such  as  have  aaaisted  the  avtber 
in  any  way  in  hia  work.  As  to  the  works  of  deceased  authors,  we  have  made 
use  of  them  as  public  property,  taking  oaie  alwaya  to  cite  them,  except  when 
the  same  facta  were  common  to  many. 

There  is  no  work  before  the  public  upon  Ijidiait  BiooRArRY,  unless,  indeed, 
some  juvenile  performancea  be  so  considered,  recently  pnbliahed  in  New  York. 
Those  we  have  not  found  time  partieulwly  to  examine. 


UST  OF  THE  ENGRAVINGS. 


-.4 

it;* 


1.  Poitnit  of  POCAHONTAS,  m  a  Fron^upiMe. 

2.  Engraved  Title  Page  and  dihtjjit  view  of  Mount  Hope. 

3.  View  of  a  weatern  cbif  C  in  full  costume,  in  the  2d  Title  Pag*. 

4.  Manner  in  wiiich  many  kind«  of  game  were  taken B.i. 

5.  Manner  in  which  tome  tribes  dispose  of  their  dead 'i. 

6.  Natives  viewing  the  approach  of  an  European  ship 9. 

7.  Flight  of  an  Indian  family , jj, 

8.  Fortrwt,  at  lull  length,  of  POMETACOM,  alias  KiMO  Phihf iii. 

9.  Plan  of  landa  near  Metapoiset,  drawn  by  King  PhUip iii. 

0.  View  of  the  seti.  of  King  Philip,  from  an  accurate  drawing. iii. 

.  Chieft  of  t«ro  diOerent  tribes  in  the  act  of  concluding  peace iii. 

t.  A  loutbem  chief  and  bis  squaw  or  wife ^ iy. 

3.  Capture  of  Captain  Smitli  by  the  warriors  of  Opekankanough iv. 

4.  Pocahontas  in  the  net  of  saving  the  life  of  Captain  Smith iv. 

6.  A  Seminole  hunter  in  the  act  of  killivj^a  deer iv. 

6.  Portrait  of  OUT ACITE,  a  Creek  chief. iv. 

7.  Portrait  oftiltLUCCO,  or  the  Longtearrior,  chief  of  the  Seminoles. .  iv. 

8.  Portrait  of  NEAM ATHLA,  a  late  Seminole  chief. iv. 

19.  Retnni  of  a  hunter  to  bis  family , v. 

V).  Maaaer  in  which  game  and  other  articles  are  carried v. 

S!i.  Portrait  of  SAGOYEWATHA,  alias  J{«<  Jocite/ v. 

«.  Portrait  of  WAWANAHTON,  a  Yankton  chief. v. 

SS.  PtRtndlDf  ONQP ATONOA ,  or  B^gtlk,  cUef  of  the  Omrarhawa v. 

M.  Portrait  of  PETALE8HAROO,  a  Pawnee v. 

2S.  Portrait  of  METEA,  a  Pottowattomie  ehief. y. 

f&  Portrait  of  BLACK-HAWK,  or  AAicotemuAiairacii'f v. 

n.  Portraitof  WABOKIESHIEK,  pnfitet  io  Blaek^umk. v, 


p.  « 
1 

19 

86 

IS 

M 

36 

« 

1 

9 

10 

26 

29 

32 

09 

1 

20 

76 

112 

lUi 

116 

118 

I2S 

188 


NOTE. 

L'rom  llie  compariaon  of  various  recordj  and  printed  documents,  we  had  arrived  at 
he  e<mi!lDsion,  that  Mtuttuoit  lived  until  1662 ;  but,  according  to  an  extract  puMished  by 
ilr.  Daqoktt  in  his  History  of  Attlebovwigh,  it  seems  he  died  previous  to  6  June, 
VmO.  This  record,  he  says,  is  "  on  the  Old  Colony  Books."  If  the  date  in  said  rec- 
ord be  true,  Wtunanagin,  of  Quabaconk,  could  not  have  been  Masiatoit ;  and,  hence, 
several  farts  will  be  found  misstated.  But,  as  the  truth  of  our  statemnt  is  not  yoi 
clearly  disproved,  we  add  this  note  that  it  may  be  further  agitated.  The  date  may  be 
erroneo*  s  in  the  "  Old  Colony  Books,"  where,  it  seems,  the  death  of  Mattatoit  is  only 
""•i<lniilally  meulioeed. 


Origmq/rthe  tun 
— "^MentaiUk 
— Theopon^nU' 
Mlc— Seneca. 

The  name  Im 

America*  by  its 

Indies  by  sailing 

islands  and  contiii 

him,  suppos^  tha 

of  India,  and  ben 

error  Mras  not  dis< 

not  well  bo  chanj 

name  the  indigen 

America,  in  as  fa 

tion  to  the  aborij 

not  so  uniniportt 

.^eiica,  the  sanii 

produced  considei 

of  view,  tb»  error 

of  the  continent  it 

of  Cdu,nbtu. 

It  has  been  the 
the  indigenes  of  i 
coming  their  orig 
generally  has  been 
sore.  Long,  labor! 
daily  laid  before  th 
to  the  present  time, 
got  from  the  old  t 
many  of  our  prede 
and  so  shall  commi 
ings  it  is  alleged  th) 
peopled  it 

Thetmompusttilei 
'iltxmukr  the  Greal 
between  Midas  the 

*  So  named  from  Vf. 
part  of  the  coast  of  S 
coast  of  Not  »h  America 
1 


1 
1 

9 

16 
IS 
Li 
U 

m 
1 

9 
10 
16 
S9 
32 
fi9 
1 

SO 
76 
1» 
1116 
116 
118 

m 

198 


by 


ee, 


BOOK    I. 


INTRODUCTION 


CHAPTER  I. 

Origin  qf  Uit  name  Indian.-^Whf  applied  to  the  ptoph  found  m  Ameriea, 
— Annent  axiihon  tupposed  to  have  referred  to  Ameriea  in  their  writi$i^ 
— Themomput — Voyage  of  Hanno — Diodonu  Sicultu— Plato— ^An$- 
tottc — Seneca, 

Thb  name  Vidian  was  erroneously  a^^plied  to  the  original  nwa  of 
America*  by  its  first  discoverers.  The  nope  of  arriving  at  the  Eait 
Indies  by  sailing  west  caused  the  discoveiy  of  America.  When  dM 
islands  and  continent  were  at  first  discovered,  Columbus^  and  many  after 
him,  supposed  that  they  had  arrived  at  the  eastern  shore  of  Uie  coDtuMnt 
of  India,  and  hence  the  people  they  met  with  were  called  IttJiani.  The 
error  waa  not  discovered  until  the  name  had  so  obtained,  that  it  covld 
not  well  bo  changed.  It  is  true  that  it  matters  but  little  to  us  by  what 
name  the  indigenes  of  n  country  are  known,  and  especially  thow  of 
America,  in  as  far  as  the  name  is  seldom  used  among  ot  but  in  apfdlea* 
tion  to  the  aboriginal  Americans.  But  with  the  people  of  Europe  it  ht 
not  so  unimportant.  Situated  between  the  two  countriee,  India  ani 
.\merica,  tlie  same  nama  for  the  inhabitants  of  both  must,  at  fint,  have 
produced  considerable  inconvenience.  Therefore,  in  a  historical  point 
of  view,  tb"  error  is,  at  least,  as  much  to  be  detplored  as  that  the  nunc 
of  the  continent  itself  should  have  been  derived  from  Americui  instead 
of  Colu.nbti9. 

It  has  been  the  practice  of  almost  every  writer,  who  has  written  about 
the  indigenes  of  a  country,  to  give  some  wild  theories  of  othetB,  eon* 
ceming  their  origin,  and  to  close  his  account  with  his  own;  which 
generally  has  been  more  visionary,  if  possible,  than  those  of  his  ptedeeoe- 
sors.  Long,  laborious,  and,  we  may  add,  useless  disquisititHis  have  beuk 
daily  laid  before  the  worid,  from  the  discovery  of  America  by  Columbua 
to  tine  present  time,  to  endeavor  to  explain  by  what  means  the  inhaUtanIi 
got  fh)m  the  old  to  the  new  world.  To  act,  therefore,  in  unison  with 
many  of  our  predecessors,  we  will  begin  as  far  back  m  they  have  done, 
and  so  shall  commence  with  Theopompus  and  others,  flt)m  whocs  writ- 
ings it  is  allej^  that  the  ancients  had  knowledge  of  America,  and  heneo 
peopled  it 

Tkeopompuif  a  leame<l  historian  and  orator,  who  flourished  in  the  tlnw  of 
.Alexander  tne  Great,  in  a  book  entided  Thmmania,  gives  a  sort  of  dialogiM 
between  Afuleu  the  Phrygian  and  Sikmu.     The  book  itielf  is  loM,  mtt 

*  So  nmmed  from  VetputUu  Amtrwtu,  a  Floranline,  who  mad*  ■  dtMoveiy  of  mmm 

part  of  the  cout  of  South  Ameriea  in  1499,  two  jrean  aAer  Catef  had  nplortd  ihl 

eoul  of  Not  th  America ;  bat  Amerinu  had  the  foituna  to  gouCh  hie  I 

1 


IIANNO'S  VOYAGES.— DIODORUS  SICULUS. 


[Book 


jbu&o  refers  to  it,  nnd  JElianus  has  given  us  the  substance  of  the  dialogue, 
which  follows.  After  much  conversation,  SUenvu  said  to  Midas,  that 
Europe,  Asia  and  Africa  were  but  islands  surrounded  on  all  sides  l>y  the 
•ea;  but  that  there  wab  a  continent  situated  beyond  these,  which  was  of 
immense  dimensions,  even  without  limits ;  and  that  it  was  so  luxuriant, 
as  to  produce  animals  of  prodigious  magnitude,  and  men  grew  to  double 
the  height  of  themselves,  and  thnt  they  lived  to  a  far  greater  age  ;*  that 
they  had  many  grcnt  cities ;  and  their  usages  and  laws  were  different 
from  ours ;  that  in  one  city  there  was  more  than  a  million  of  inhabitants ; 
that  gold  and  silver  wore  there  in  vast  quantities.!  This  is  but  an  abstract 
from  J^iatata's  extract,  but  contains  all  of  it  that  can  be  said  to  refer  to  a 
country  west  of  Europe  and  Africa.}  iEliau  or  iElianus  lived  about 
A.  D.  200—230. 

Hanno  flourished  when  the  Carthaginians  were  in  their  greatest  pros- 
perity, but  the  exact  time  is  unknown.  Some  place  his  times  40,  and 
others  140,  years  before  the  founding  of  Rome,  which  would  be  about 
800  years  before  our  era.§  He  was  an  officer  of  great  enterprise,  having 
suled  around  and  explored  the  coast  of  Africa,  set  out  from  the  Pillars  of 
Hercules,  now  called  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar,  and  sailed  westward  30 
dtfkjrs.  Hence  it  is  inferred  by  many,  that  he  must  have  visited  America, 
or  some  of  its  islands.  He  wrote  a  book,  which  he  entitled  Periplus, 
giving  an  account  of  his  voyages,  which  was  translated  and  published 
about  1533,  in  Greek.J 

Many,  and  not  without  tolerably  good  reasons,  believe  that  an  island  or 
continent  existed  in  the  Atlantic  Ocean  about  this  period,  but  which  dis- 
iqmmred  afterwards. 

Diodama  Siadtta  says  that  some  "  Phoenicians  were  cast  upon  a  most 
ftltile  island  opposite  to  Africa."  Of  this,  he  says,  they  kept  the  most 
■ittdied  secrecy,  which  was  doubtless  occasioned  by  their  jealousy  of 
tk«  advantage  'the  discovery  might  be  to  the  neighboring;  nalions,  and 
which  they  wished  to  secure  wholly  to  themselves.  Dvodonut  l^culus 
liyed  about  100  years  before  Christ.  Islands  lying  west  of  Eui-of  .  and 
Africa  are  certainly  mentioned  by  Homer  and  iiorace.  They  wn**  called 
Maniides,  and  were  supposed  to  be  about  10000  furlongs  from  Africa. 

*  Btfffbn  and  RayiuU  either  had  not  read  this  story,  or  they  did  not  believe  it  to  have 
ban  America ;  for  Ihey  taught  that  all  animals  degenerated  here.  Many  of  the  first  od- 
vfntUMr*  to  ibe  eoants  of  unknown  countries  reported  ilicm  inhabited  by  siants.  Swift 
wrote  OtiUivtr'i  Travels  to  brine  >"ich  accounts  into  ridicule.  How  wellhe  succeeded 
it  evident  from  a  comparison  of  books  of  voyages  and  travels  before  and  after  his  time. 
IkAaHas  has  this  passage  : — 

"  Our  fearless  sailors,  in  far  voyages 

8 fore  led  by  gain's  hope  than  their  compasses), 
n  Ih'  Indian  shore  have  sometime  noted  some 
Whose  bodies  covered  two  broad  acres  room ; 
And  in  the  South  Sea  Ihey  have  also  seen 
Some  like  high-lopped  and  huge-amicd  Ireen ; 
And  other  some,  whose  monstrous  backs  did  bear 
Two  mighty  wheels,  with  whirling  spokes,  that  were 
Much  life  tne  winged  and  wide-spreading  sails 
Of  any  wind-mill  turned  with  merry  gales." 

Dimne  Wctkt,  p.  117,  ed.  4to,  1613. 
t  ^!ia|i,  Variar.  HIsloriar.  lib.  iii.  chap.  viii. 

1  Sim*  the  text  was  written,  there  has  come  into  my  hands  a  copy  of  a  trau'-lai'on  of 
.iBi^'i  wor|u  "  in  Englishe(at  well  according  to  the  truth  of  the  Greeke  lexte  a  of  the 
Ijut^jl,  bv  Abratiam  Fl/tmmg^'  London,  1576, 4la.  It  differ*  not  materially  from  the 
•UHrtB,  Wmch  is  civen  from  a  French  version  of  it.  . 

tEneyelopadia  Perlhensis. 
The  oeal  account  of  Hmmo  and  h:s  voyages,  with  which  we  are  acquainted,  is  to  l>e 
M  ihrbtm's  Hilt,  ef  Spain,  vol.  i.^,  109,  U9,  ISS,  133,  aiia  ISO,  od.  Paha, 


Chap.  I.] 

Here  existed 
with  Diodoru 
the  islands  w 
which  lie  mu 
of  it,  is  an  ii 
Its  soil  is  vei 
leys.  Its  coa 
are  well  culti 
trees."  Ho 
inhabitants  hi 
To  say  the  lei 
that  given  of  < 
haps  it  will  c< 

Plato's  ace 
He  lived  aboi 
is  as  follows: 
Atlantic  was  i 
kings  in  it,  wl 
And  BO  a  mos 
with  the  comi 
became  the  c( 
quake,  was  in 
swallowed  up 
of  the  sea,  in 
did  exist ;  ant 
from  which  t( 
those  islands  t 
"JVep/une  sett 
rivea,  and  div 
treinity  of  the 
signified  fertUi 
reipled  here,  I 
ordlt  o.*  primi 
sessed  e  sveral 
dued  all  Lybii 
the  island  sunl 
thereabouts  w 
ihixod  with  t 
ancients  had 
|ilain  and  as  v 

.Aristotle,  or 
speaks  of  an  h 
something  of 
Pillars  of  He 
but  without  ir 
dance.  It  is  i 
ians,  charmet 
settle  there ;  I 
sottl«fment  up< 
power  so  as  u 
ISrisMle  had  i 

•''A  "lerira  kn< 

t  F..»pyclopied 

i  I>e  mirahil. 

honnsiir  anx  Cai 

sur  Us  MaiHrt 

Paris,.l£17,  in  ( 


17».«v9b.4ie.. 


CaAr.  L] 


PLATO.— ARISTOTLE. 


8 


Here  existed  the  poets*  tabled  Elysian  fields.  But  to  be  mora  particular 
with  Diadonu,  we  will  let  him  spnak  for  himself.  "  After  having  pund 
the  islands  which  lie  beyond  the  Herculean  Strait,  we  will  speak  of  those 
which  lie  much  farther  into  the  ocean.  Towards  Africa,  and  to  the  weat 
of  it,  is  au  immense  island  in  the  broad  sea,  many  days'  sail  from  Lybia. 
Its  soil  is  very  fertile,  and  its  suriace  variegated  with  mountains  and  val- 
leys. Its  coasts  are  indented  with  many  navigable  rivers,  and  its  fields 
are  well  cultivated ;  del>'*iou8  gardens,  and  various  kinds  of  plants  and 
trees."  He  finally  seta  it  down  as  the  finest  country  known,  where  the 
inhabitants  have  spacious  dwellings,  and  every  thing  in  the  greatest  plenty. 
To  say  the  least  of  this  account  of  Diodorus,  it  corresponds  very  well  with 
that  given  of  tlie  Mexicans  when  first  known  to  the  S|)aniard8,  but  per- 
haps it  will  compare  as  well  with  the  Canaries. 

Plato's  account  has  more  weight,  perhaps,  than  any  of  the  ancients. 
He  lived  about  400  years  befiire  the  Christian  era.  A  part  of  his  account 
is  as  follows:  "In  those  first  times  [time  of  its  lieing  first  known],  the 
Atlantic  was  n  most  broad  island,  and  there  were  extant  most  |>owerful 
kings  in  it,  who,  with  joint  forces,  appointed  to  occupy  Asia  and  Europe : 
And  so  a  most  grievous  war  was  carried  on ;  in  which  the  Athenians, 
with  the  common  consent  of  the  Greeks,  op|)o8ed  themselves,  and  they 
became  the  conquerors.  But  that  Atlantic  island,  by  a  flood  and  earth- 
quake, was  indeed  suddenly  destroyed,  and  so  that  warlike  people  were 
swallowed  up."  He  adds,  in  another  place,  "  An  island  in  the  mouth 
of  the  sea,  in  the  passage  to  those  straits,  colled  the  Pillars  of  Hercules, 
did  exist ;  and  that  island  was  greater  and  larger  than  Lybia  and  Asia ; 
from  which  there  ^vas  an  easy  passage  over  to  other  islands,  and  from 
those  islands  to  that  continent,  which  is  situated  out -of  that  region."* 
^JVeptuTie  settled  in  this  island,  from  whose  son.  Atlas,  its  name  was  <le- 
rivea,  and  divided  it  among  his  ten  sons.  To  the  youngest  fell  the  ex- 
tremity of  the  island,  called  Gadir,  which,  in  the  language  of  the  country 
signified /er(i{e  or  abounding  in  aht^.  The  clcscendants  of  Neptune 
reipfed  here,  from  father  to  son,  for  a  great  number  of  generations  in  the 
oralT  o.*  primogeniture,  during  the  space  of  9000  years.  They  also  pos- 
sessed c  jveral  other  islands ;  and,  passing  into  Euro|ie  and  Africa,  sub- 
dued all  Lybia  as  fiu-  aa  Egypt,  and  all  Europe  to  Asia  Minor.  At  length 
the  island  sunk  under  water;  and  for  a  long  time  afterwards  the  sea 
thereabouts  was  flill  of  rocks  and  shelves."!  This  account,  although 
itaixod  writh  fiible,  cannot,  we .  think,  be  edtirely  rejected ;  and  that  me 
ancients  had  knowledge  of  countries  westward  of  Europe  appears  as 
|ilain  and  as  well  authenticated  aa  any  |)assage  of  history  of  that  period. 

Msiotky  or  the  author  of  a  book  which  is  generally  attributed  to  him,| 
speaks  of  an  island  beyond  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar ;  but  the  passage  savors 
sometliinff  of  hearsay,  and  is  as  follows :  "  Some  say  that,  beyond  the 
Pillars  of  HenuUs,  the  Carthaginians  have  found  a  very  fertile  island, 
but  without  inhabitants,  full  of  rorepts,  navigable  rivers  and  fruit  in  abun- 
dance. It  is  several  days'  v^ageTrom  the  main  land.  Some  Carthagin- 
ians, charmed  by  the  fertiwj^'of  the  country,  thought  to  murry  and 
settle  there ;  but  some  say  4at  the  government  of  Carthage  forliid  the 
sotthment  upon  pain  of  death,  from  the  fear  that  it  would  increase  in 
power  so  as  to  deprive  the  mother  country  of  her  possessions  there."  If 
Jlristotle  had  uttered  this  as  a  prediction,  that  such  a  thing  woiilt  'Hkn 

*"A  nerica  known  lo  the  Anrients,  10,  8vo,  Boilon,  1773. 

f  K.jryrlnpiedia  Pertbensis,  Art.  Atlantis. 

i  De  mirnltil.  auseultat.  Opera,  vol.  i.  Voltaire  »ays  of  this  book,  "  On  or  '"<«ii 
honneur  mix  Oarlharinois,  ct  on  cilait  un  livre  d'Aristolc  qu'il  n'n  pas  rompog<'."  /-■>  •  w 
xur  les  Mmnrs  et  Vttfrit  det  ntUims,  chap.  cxiv.  p.  70S.  vol.  iv.  of  his  works,  f.jii 
Piiri«,.l£17,  in  8vo. 


SENECA.-ST.  GREGORY— HERRKRA. 


[Book  I. 


ElMe  IP  regard  to  son)e  future  uation,  no  one,  pcrha(i8,  would  have  called 
im  a  fabc  prophet,  for  the  American  revolution  would  have  been  its 
fuUUinent.    This  philosopher  lived  about  384  years  before  Christ. 

Smeea  lived  about  the  commencement  of  the  vulgar  era.     He  wrote 
tragedies,  and  ui  one  of  them  occurs  this  passage : — 


'  Vcnionl  annis 


>  Siprula  scria,  qnibus  occanui 

Vinoula  rprum  laxct,  ct  ingcns 
Palcat  tellua,  Typhia'|ue  novo* 
Detcgat  orbes  :  nee  tit  tenis 
Ultima  Thulc/' 

Medea,  Act  3.  v.  375. 

This  is  nearer  prophecy,  and  mav  be  rendered  in  English  thus:  "The 
time  will  come  when  the  ocean  will  loosen  the  chains  of  nature,  and  we 
nhall  behold  a  vast  country.  A  new  Typhis  shall  discover  new  worlds : 
ThiUe  shall  no  longer  he  considered*  the  last  country  of  the  known 
world." 

Not  only  these  passages  from  the  ancient  authors  have  been  cited  and 
e-cited  by  moderns,  but  many  more,  though  less  to  the  point,  to  show 
nat,  in  some  way  or  other,  America  must  have  been  peopled  from  some 
of  tlie  eastern  coiitinenta.  Almost  every  country  has  claimed  the  honor 
of  having  been  its  first  discovf.or,  and  hence  the  father  or  mother  of  the 
Indians.  But  since  the  recent  ciscoveries  in  the  north,  writers  upon  the 
subject  say  but  little  atraut  getting  over  inhabitants  irom  Europe,  Asia,  or 
Africa  through  the  difficult  way  of  the  Atlantic  seas  and  islands,  as  it  is 
much  easier  to  pass  them  over  the  narrow  channels  of  the  north  in  canoes, 
or  upon  tho  ice.  Grotiua,  C.  Mather,  Hubbard,  and  after  them  Robertson, 
are  ^lad  to  meet  with  so  ( asy  a  method  of  solving  a  question  which  they 
consider  as  having  puzzled  their  predecessors  so  much. 


"^1 


.     *  CHAPTER  II. 

Ofmodam  Theorists  upon  thepeoj^ing  of  America, — St.  Ortgory. — Hemra. 
— T.  Morton. — fFiUtamson. — fFoo3.—Josseljfn. — TTutroumKla. — Adair.— 
R.  fmiams.—C.  Mather— Hubbard.— R(Aertson.—SmSh.— VoUaife.— 
MiftkUlr-M'CSdloh. — Ijord  Kaim. — iSirinton. — Cabrera. 

St.  Gregory,  who  flourished  in  the  7th  century,  in  an  epistle  to  St. 
dement,  said  that  beyond  the  ocean  there  was  another  world.* 

Herrera  argues,  that  the  new  world  could  not  have  been  known  to  the 
ancients ;  and  that  what  Seneca  has  said  was  not  true.  For  that  God  had 
kept  It  hid  from  the  old  world,  giving  them  no  certain  knowledge  of  it ; 
and  that,  in  the  secrecy  and  incomprehensibility  of  his  providence,  he 
lias  been  pleased  to  give  it  to  the  Castilian  nation.  That  Seneca's  predic- 
tion (if  so  it  may  be  considered)  was  a  false  one,  because  he  said  that  a 
new  world  would  be  discovered  in  the  northj  and  that  it  was  found  in 
the  west.t    Herrera  wrote  about  1598,  X  before  which  time  little  knowl- 

*  "  8.  Gregpire  snr  1'epistre  tic  S.  Clement,  dil  que  pass^ I'ucean,  it  y a  vn  autre  mond." 
{Herrera,  I  Decade,  2.)    This  is  the  whole  passage. 

t  Ibid,  3. 

t  H«  died  27  Mar.  1625,  at  the  at^e  of  about  CTt  years.  His  name  was  Tordettilaa 
Aimamo  de  Herrera— uue  of  the  best  Spanisli  historians.  His  history  of  the  voyafes 
to.  Mid  sett]em«nt  of  America  is  very  minute  and  very  valuable.  The  original  in  Span- 
ish is  very  rare.  Aco»ta'*  translation  (into  Ffcnch)  3  v.  4to,  1660,  is  oIm  scarce  and 
▼alaable.    It  is  this  we  cite. 


cuAf.  n.] 


MORTON.— WlLLUinON. 


<edge  was  obtained  of  North  America.    This  mnj  Mfioum  for  hki  im- 
peachment of  Seneea^a  prophecy. 

Thonuu  Morton,  who  came  to  New  England  in  16SB,  published  in  1637 
•n  account  of  its  natural  history,  with  much  other  curious  matter.  In 
speaking  upon  the  peopling  of  America,  he  thinks  it  sltogetlier  out  of 
the  question  to  suppose  that  it  was  peopled  by  the  Tarturo  from  tlie  muth, 
because  "a  people,  once  settled,  must  be  removed  by  compulsion,  or  ulse 
tempted  thereunto  in  hopes  of  better  fortunes,  u|K>n  commendations  of 
the  place  unto  which  they  should  he  drawn  to  remove.  And  if  it  may 
be  thouglit  that  these  people  came  over  the  frozen  sea,  then  would  it  be 
by  compulsion.  If  so,  then  bv  whom,  or  when  ?  Or  what  part  of  this 
main  continent  jnay  be  thought  to  border  upon  the  country  of  the  Tar- 
tars ?  It  is  yet  unknown ;  and  it  is  not  like  that  a  people |Well  enough  at 
ease,  will,  of  their  own  accord,  undertake  to  travel  over  a  sea  of  ice, 
considering  how  many  difficulties  thev  shall  encounter  with.  As,  lot, 
whether  there  be  any  laud  at  the  end  of  their  unknown  way,  no  land 
being  in  view ;  then  wont  of  food  to  sustain  life  in  the  mean  time  upon 
that  sea  of  ice.  Or  how  shall  they  do  for  fuel,  to  keep  them  at  night 
from  freezing  to  death  ?  which  will  not  be  had  in  such  a  place.  But  it 
nuy  perhaps  be  granted,  that  the  natives  of  this  country  might  originally 
come  of  the  scattered  Trojans ;  for  aAer  that  BriUiu,  who  was  the  fourth 
from  Enetu,  left  Lat:ura  upon  the  conflict  hekl  with  the  Latins  (where, 
although  he  gave  them  a  great  overthrow,  to  the  slaughter  of  their  grand 
captain  and  many  others  if  the  heroes  of  Latium,  yet  he  held  it  more 
safely  to  depart  unto  some  other  place  and  people,  than,  by  staying,  to  run 
the  hazard  of  an  unquiet  life  or  doubtful  conquest;  which,  as  history 
maketti  mention,  he  performed.)  This  people  was  dispersed,  there  is  no 
question,  but  the  people  that  lived  v^ith  him,  by  reason  of  their  convenm- 
tion  with  the  Grecians  and  Latins,  had  a  mixed  language,  that  participated 
of  both."*  This  is  the  main  ground  of  Morton,  but.  he  says  much  mora 
upon  the  subject ;  as  that  the  similarity  of  the  languages  of  the  Indians 
to  the  Greek  and  Roman  is  very  great.  From  the  examples  he  gives, 
we  presume  he  knew  as  little  about  the  Indian  languages  as  Dr.  JmMer, 
Adair,  and  BoudHnot,  who  thought  them  almost  to  coincide  with  the 
Hebrew.  Though  Morton  thinks  it  very  improbable  that  the  Tartars 
came  over  by  the  north  from  Asia,  because  they  could  not  see  land 
beyond  the  ice,  yet  he  finds  no  difficulty  in  getting  them  across  the  wide 
Atlantic,  although  he  allows  them  no  compass.  That  the  Indians  have  a 
Latin  origin  he  thinks  evident,  because  he  fancied  he  heard  among  their 
words  Paaco-pan,  and  hence  thinks,  without  doubt,  theur  ancestors  were 
acquainted  with  the  god  Pan.\ 

Dr.  muiamaont  says,  "  It  can  hardly  be  questk>ned  that  the  Indians 
of  South  America  are  descended  from  a  class  of  the  Hindoos,  in  the 
southern  parts  of  Asia."  That  they  could  not  have  comt'  from  the  north, 
because  the  South  American  Indians  arc  unlike  those  of  the  north. 
This  seems  to  clash  with  the  more  rational  views  r>f  Father  Fen^^.§ 
He  writes  as  follows :  "  Of  all  the  parts  of  America  hitherto  discovered, 
the  Californians  lie  nearest  to  Asia.  We  are  acmiainted  with  the  mode 
of  writing  in  all  the  eastern  nations.  We  cat)  aistiiigiiish  between  the 
characters  of  the  Japanese,  the  Chinese,  the  Chinese  Tartars,  the  Mogul 
Tartars,  and  other  nations  extending  as  fur  ss  the  Bay  of  Kamschathka ; 
■nd  learned  dissertations  on  tlictn,  by  Mr.  Boyer,  are  to  be  found  in  the 
acts  of  the  imperial  academy  of  sciences  at  Petersburg.     What  discovery 


*  New  Canaan,  hook  i.  paees  17  and  18, 
(  In  his  Hist.  N.  Carolina,  i.  216. 


t  Ibi(l.  18. 


Hid.  Caliroraia,  i.  60. 


Hi*  work  wa*  published  at  Madrid  in  1758. 


'fi 


e  WOOD.— JOS8GLYN.— DARLOW.— THOROWGOOD.       (Boov  t. 

would  it  he  to  ine«t  with  any  of  them  charactera,  or  others  like  them, 
among  the  Atncricnn  Indiana  nearest  to  Aoin !  But  as  to  the  Califnmiatie, 
if  ever  they  were  [lofweesed  of  any  invention  to  perpetuate  their  memoirs, 
they  have  eiitirely  loHt  it;  and  all  that  is  now  found  among  them,  amonntti 
to  no  more  than  some  obscuro  oral  traditions,  prolmbly  more  and  more 
adulterated  by  a  long  succession  of  tiuie.  They  have  not  so  much  an 
retained  anv  knowledge  of  the  |)articular  country  from  which  th-^y  emi- 

Cftted."  This  is  the  account  of  one  who  lived  many  years  among  the 
diaos  of  California. 

Mr.  IfUliam  Wood,*  who  left  New  England  in  1633,t  after  a  short  stay, 
aays,  "  Of  tlieir  language,  «  hich  is  only  peculiar  to  themselves,  not  in- 
clining to  any  of  the  renneu  tongues :  8ome  have  thought  they  might  be 
of  the  dispen^  Jews,  because  some  of  their  words  be  near  unto  the 
Hebrew ;  but  by  the  same  rule,  they  may  conclude  them  to  be  some  of 
the  {;ieanings  of  all  nations,  because  they  have  words  which  sound  after 
the  Ureek,  Latin,  French,  and  other  tongues.''^ 

Mr.  John  Jostelyn,  who  resided  some  time  :n  N.  England,  ftt>m  the  year 
IffiS,  says,  ''The  Mohawks  are  about  500:  their  speech  a  dialect  of  the 
Tartars  (as  also  is  the  Turkish  tongue)."§  In  another  work,||  he  says, 
**N.  England  is  by  some  affirmed  to  l)e  an  island,  bounded  on  the  north 
with  the  River  of  Canada  (so  called  from  Monsieur  Cane),  on  the  soutli 
with  the  River  Monhegan  or  HxidaonCs  River,  so  called,  because  he  was  the 
firat  that  discovered  it.  Some  will  have  America  to  be  an  island,  which 
out  of  question  must  needs  be,  if  there  be  a  north-east  passage  found  out 
into  the  South  Sea.  It  contains  115S400000  acres.  The  discovery  of  the 
north-weat  passage  (which  lies  within  the  RiTcr  of  Canada)  was  imder- 
taken  with  the  help  of  some  Protestant  French  uen,  which  left  Canada, 
and  retired  to  BoMon  about  the  year  1669.  '1  he  north-east  people  of 
America,  that  Is,  N.  England,  &C.,  are  judged  to  be  Tartars,  called 
Samoades,  being  alike  in  complexion,  shape,  nabit  and  manners."  We 
have  given  here  a  larger  extract  than  the  immediate  suhject  required, 
because  we  would  let  the  reader  enjoy  his  euriority,  as  well  as  we  ours, 
in  seeing  how  people  understood  thiols  in  that  day.  Barlow,  looking 
but  a  small  distance  beyond  those  tiroes^  with  great  elegance  says, — 


"  In  those  blank  periods,  where  no  man  can  trace 
The  gleams  of  thought  that  first  Illumed  his  race, 
His  errors,  twined  with  science,  look  their  birth. 
And  forged  their  fetters  for  this  child  of  «arth. 
Jjad  when,  as  oft,  be  dared  expand  his  mw, 
And  work  with  nature  on  the  line  she  drew, 
Some  monster,  gendered  in  his  fears,  munanned 
His  opening  soul,  and  marred  the  work*  he  planned 
Fear,  the  first  passion  of  his  helpless  state,^ 
Kedoubles  all  the  woes  that  round  him  wait, 
Block*  nature's  path,  and  sends  him  wand'.-r  :\^  wide. 
Without  a  guaraian,  and  without  a  guidb." 

CobtmNad,  ix.  137,  8tc. 


Rev.  Tkonuu  THorouigBocf  publishedasmall  quarto,  in  16S2,f  to  prove  that 
the  Indians  were  the  Jewa,  who  had  been  "  lost  in  t\e  world  for  the  space 

*  The  author  of  a  work  entitled  iUw  EngUuuPt  Proipeet,  pnblished  in  London,  I6M, 
in  4to.    Il  i»  a  very  rare,  and,  in  som%  respects,  a  curious  and  vahiabie  work. 
PraMMet,5]. 
Ibid.  lit.  ed.  17M. 

tHit  account  of  two  voyaifee  to  N,  EngUnd,  printed  London,  167S,  page  124. 
N.  Enr.  Rarities,  4,  A,^  printed  London,  IVK. 
Its  tilM  eooBMiiees.  " DigiN*  Dri:  Netu  Ditenvtriet,  wUh  turt  Argtmtttt  t» 
I,"  4(e. 


lit,  i.iiiiilKllllltiiiiilrf 


CiiAr.  n.] 


WlLLIAMS-^fATHEft^WARD. 


of  newilOOyMun.''  But  ./hoerar  basreadwIiWr  or  Ji0ii^iN«<,ha%bMidv 
■  good  deal  that  is  irrational,  raad  all  that  in  Thontegood  can  Im  Mrnwd 
rauonal. 

Rev.  Rtger  WiUimu  was,  at  one  time,  as  appear*  firom  JVrpiigoa/r 
work,*  of  the  mnie  opinion.  Being  written  to  for  his  opinion  «  the 
ori^n  of  the  natives,  <*  he  kindly  answers  to  those  letters  from  Salem  in 
N.  Eng.  90th  of  the  10th  month,  more  than  10  yeen*  since,  in  kae 
terhar  That  they  did  not  come  into  America  Aom  the  N.  Sast,  as  some 
had  imagined,  he  thought  evident  for  these  reasons :  1.  their  ancesloM 
affirm  they  came  fiom  the  9.  West,  and  retfim  thence  when  they  die: 
3.  because  they  "  separate  their  women  in  a  little  wigwam  by  themselves 
in  their  feminine  seasons:"  and  3.  "beside  their  god  Kuttand  to  the 
8.  West,  they  hold  that  Minmfitmwii\  (a  god  over  head)  made  the 
heavens  and  the  earth ;  and  some  tast  of  mnity  with  the  Hebrew  I 
have  found." 

Dr.  Cotton  Mather  is  an  author  of  such  singular  qualities,  that  we  afanoat 
hesitate  to  namp  him,  lest  we  be  thought  without  seriousoees  in  so 
weighty  a  matter.  But  we  will  aanire  the  reader,  that  he  is  an  author 
with  whom  we  would  in  no  wise  part ;  and  if  sometimes  we  appear  not 
serious  in  our  introduction  of  him,  what  is  of  more  importance,  we  believe 
him  really  to  be  so.  And  we  are  persuaded  that  we  should  not  be  par- 
doned did  we  not  allow  him  to  speak  upon  the  matter  before  us. 

He  days, "  It  should  not  pass  without  remark,  that  three  most  memora* 
ble  things  which  have  borne  a  very  great  aspect  upon  human  qffairt,  did, 
near  the  same  time,  namely,  at  the  conclusion  of  the  jyieanthy  and  the 
beginning  of  the  aixUenth,  century,  arise  unto  the  world :  the  firat  was  the 
JlerrfrrecnoM  of  literature;  the  second  was  tiie  opening  of  Amtriea;  the 
third  was  the  R^ormation  of  Religion."  Thus  far  we  have  an  instructive 
view  of  the  subject,  calculated  to  lead  to  the  conclusion  that,  in  the  dark 
ages,  when  literature  was  neglected  and  forgotten,  discoveries  might  have 
been  also,  and  hence  the  knowledge  of  America  lost  for  a  time.  The 
reader  must  now  summon  his  gravitv.  "  But,"  this  author  continues, "  ss 
probably  the  Devil,  seducing  the  nrst  inhabitants  of  America  into  it, 
therein  aimed  at  the  having  of  them  and  their  posterity  out  of  the  sound 
of  the  aUver  trunmets  of  the  gospel,  then  to  be  heard  through  the  Roman 
empire.}  If  the  Devil  had  any  expectation,  that,  by  the  peopling  of  Amer- 
ica, he  should  utterly  deprive  any  Europeans  of  the  two  nenefits,  litera- 
ture and  rdigion,  which  dawned  upon  the  miserable  world,  (one  just 
before,  the  other  just  ({^er,)  the  first  famed  navigation  hither,  'tis  to  be 
hoped  he  will  be  disappointed  of  that  ex|)ectation.*'§  The  learned  doctor, 
having  forgotten  what  he  had  written  in  his  first  liook,  or  wishing  to  in- 
culcate his  doctrine  more  firmly,  nearly  repeats  a  passage  which  he  had 
at  first  given,  in  a  distant  part  of  his  work  ;||  but,  there  being  consiilershle 

*  Poj^s  5  and  6. 

t  GetannitotBit  is  god  in  De\aviate.'^Hecke!oelder. 

X  This,  we  apprHbend.  is  not  entirely  originni  with  our  autlior,  but  borders  upon  pla- 
giarism. Ward,  the  celebrated  author  of  the  "  Simpie  Coble r  of  Aggawavi,"  savs  o! 
Uw  Irish,  "I'bese  Irish  (anciently  called  anthropofihagi,  man-eaters)  have  o  Irn'VitinM 
ainonci'  them,  that  when  the  Devil  showed  our  Saviour  all  the  ''ingtloms  of  the  earth,  and 
their  poty,  that  he  would  not  show  him  Ireland,  but  reserved  il  for  himself.  It  is,  prol'- 
ably,  true  j  for  he  hatli  kept  it  ever  since  for  his  own  peculiar :  thu  ol/lfox  foresaw  ii 
would  eclipse  the  giory  of  all  the  rest :  he  thought  it  wisdom  to  keep  the  Innd  for  n 
Boggards  linr  his  unclean  spirits  employed  in  (his  hemisphere,  and  the  people  to  do  his 
son  and  heir  ('he  Pope)  that  sc  rvice  lor  which  Lfieis  the  XI  kepi  his  Barbor  Oliver, 
which  makes  Hem  so  bloodthirsty."— £liii^>/e  Cobler,  86,  87.  Why  so  much  f^all  is 
poured  out  upon  the  poor  Irish,  we  cannot  satisfactorily  account.  Tlic  circumstance  of . 
his  writinr  in  the  time  of  Cromwell  will  explain  a  part,  if  not  the  whole,  of  the  ^nigmu. 
He  was  the  first  minister  of  Ipswich,  Mass,  but  was  born  and  died  in  England. 

^  M agniUa  Chriat.  Amer.  b.  i.  U  Ibid.  b.  lii. 


ADAnU-AOUOmOT^HUBBABD 


[Book  L 


adiUtioo,,  we  recite  il :  "  The  nativee  of  tfae  oouotiy  now  poMened  by  tb* 
Meweoiibuidek's,  had  been  ibrlom  and  wretched  keatken  ever  since  thebr 
fifnt  heixiing  he  c ;  ^ud  though  ne  know  not  when  or  how  these  Indians  fifsl 
fcwnae  iu  habitants  of  this  raigiity  continent,  yet  we  ma^  guess  that  prob- 
dMjr  the  IkvU  deeoved  those  misenible  salvages  hither,  in  hopes  that  the 
goapel  of  Lbe  Lord  Jeaua  Christ  would  never  come  here  to  destroy  or 
diMurb  his  ubsolute  ompue  over  them.  But  our  t'iliot  was  in  such  iU 
tMrms  with  tine  Devil,  as  to  alarm  him  with  sounding  the  niver  irumpdt 
of  heaven  in  i>is  territories,  and  make  some  noble  and  zealous  attempts 
towards  outing  him  of  ancient  possessions  here.  There  were,  I  think,  90 
aaveral  furftons  (if  I  may  call  them  so)  of  Indians  upon  that  spot  of  ground 
wbich  fell  under  the  influence  of  our  Thrte  UnUed  CoUmia ;  and  our 
EMot  was  willing  to  rescue  as  many  of  them  as  he  could  from  that  old 
usurping  iandlonl  of  America,  who  is,  Ajr  IA«.  wrath  of  God,  the  prince  of 
this  wond."  In  seventl  pihCcs  he  is  decided  in  the  opinion  that  Indians 
•re  Sovtbians,  and  is  confirmed  in  the  opinion,  on  meeting  with  this  pas- 
sago  of  JuUu$  Casar:  **  DifficUiua  hvmire  qv€m  interfiure"  which  be 
tbue  renders,  "  It  is  harder  to  find  them  tlian  to  foil  tbem."  At  least,  tliis 
i«  a  happy  application  of  the  passage.  Casar  was  speaking  of  tbu 
Soytbians,  and  our  historian  applies  tlie  paasage  in  speaking  of  the  sudden 
attacks  of  the  Indians,  and  their  agility  in  biding  themselves  fh>m  pursuit.* 
Dr.  Mather  wrote  at  the  close  of  ue  seventeenth  century,  and  his  famous 
book,  Magnolia  CkrM  Amaricana,  was  puUisfaed  in  1703. 

Jiaat.',  who  resided  40  years  (he  says)  among  the  southern  Indians, 
previous  to  1775,  published  a  huge  quarto  upon  their  origin,  history,  &c. 
He  tortures  every  custom  and  usage  into  a  like  one  of  the  Jews,  and 
almost  every  word  in  their  language  into  a  Hebrew  one  of  tlie  same 
meaning. 

Dr.  BouiHnnt,  in  his  book  called  "The  Star  in  the  West,"  has  folio  ved 
up  the  theory  of  Adair,  with  such  certainty,  as  he  thinks,  as  that  the  "  long 
lost  ten  tribes  of  Israel**  are  clearly  identified  in  the  American  Indiana. 
Such  theories  have  gained  many  supporters.  It  is  of  much  higher 
antiquity  tha.  Adair,  and  was  treated  as  such  visionary  speculations 
should  be  by  authors  as  far  back  as  the  historian  Hubbard, 

Hubbard,  who  wrote  about  1680,  has  this,  among  other  passages :  "  If 
any  observation  be  made  of  their  manners  and  dispositions,  it's  easier  to 
sa^  firom  what  nations  they  did  not,  than  from  whom  they  did,  derive  their 
original.  Doubtless  their  conjecture,  who  fimcy  them  to  be  leacended 
fit>ro  the  ten  tribes  of  the  If^raelites,  carried  captive  by  SaUaiUAtiaer  and 
Eaarhaddon,  hath  the  least  show  of  reason  of  any  other,  therv  lieiug  no 
foot8te|)K  to  be  observed  of  their  propinquity  to  them  more  than  to  any 
other  of  the  tribes  of  ^e  earth,  either  as  to  their  language  or  rianner8.''t 
This  author  is  one  of  the  best  historians  of  his  times ;  and,  generally,  he 
writes  with  as  much  discernment  upon  other  matters  as  upon  this. 

That  because  the  natives  of  one  country  nnd  those  of  another,  and  each 
unknown  to  the  other,  have  some  customs  and  practices  iu  common,  it 
has  been  urged  by  some,  and  not  a  few,  that  they  must  have  had  a  com- 
mon origin ;  but  this,  in  our  apprehension,  does  not  necessarily  follow. 
Who  will  pivtend  that  diflTerent  people,  when  placed  under  similar  cir- 
cumstances, will  not  have  similar  wants,  and  hence  similar  actions? 
that  like  wants  will  not  prompt  like  exertions?  and  like  causes  produce 
tut  like  effects?  This  mode  of  reasoning  we  think  sufficient  to  show, 
that,  although  the  Indians  may  have  some  nnstonis  in  common  with  the 
Scythians,  the  Tartars,  Chinese,  Hindoos,  Welsh,  and  indeed  every  other 
nation,  still,  the  former,  for  any  reason  we  can  see  to  the  contrary,  have 


*  See  Magnalia,  b.  vii. 


tUut.N.  EBglHid,S7. 


(Book  I, 


Cbap.  II.] 


ROBERT8>3N,^GROTIUe.-«.  8.  SMITH. 


M  good  rigbt  to  elaim  to  theivelTM  priortojr  of  orifia  m  either  or  ■■  of 
the  hitter. 

Dr.  Robertaon  should  have  proved  that  people  of  color  produce  othen 
of  no  color,  and  the  coutrary,  before  he  aaid, "  We  know  with  iaftlBble 
certainty,  ttmt  all  the  human  race  spring  fh>m  the  same  aouree,"*  meaahif 
Mam.  He  founds  thra  broad  oasertion  upon  the  Mae  notioa  thai,t» 
admit  any  other  would  be  an  inroad  upon  the  verity  of  the  holy  Seriptufea, 
Now,  in  uur  view  of  the  subject,  we  leave  them  equally  inviolate  in  a» 
Burning  a  very  different  grounu  ;t  namely,  that  all  hnfaitahte  parts  of  tlM 
.  world  limy  have  been  peopled  at  the  same  time,  and  by  diftrent  races  of 
I  men.  Thnt  it  w  ho  p«)pled,  we  know :  that  it  imw  so  peopled  v.  Su  baek 
as  we  have  any  account,  we  see  c  reason  to  disbelieve.  HevHW,  when 
it  waa  not  so  is  as  futile  to  inquire,  m  it  vould  be  impoastUe  to  cMM^ive 
of  the  iuiuihilation  of  space.  When  a  new  country  was  diocovered,  much 
inquii^  wr.«  made  to  ascertain  from  whence  came  the  inliabitants  found 
upon  It — not  even  asking  whence  came  the  other  animaJs.  The  answer 
to  us  is  plain.  Man,  the  other  animals,  trees  and  plants  of  every  UM, 
were  placed  there  by  the  suprenie  directing  hand,  which  carries  on  eveiy 
operation  of  nature'  by  fixed  and  undeviating  laws.  This,  it  must  be 
plain  to  every  reader,  is,  at  least,  as  reconeibdMe  to  the  BiUe  history  as  the 
theory  of  Robertson,  which  is  that  of  Onima,X  and  all  those  who  have 
fbllowcd  them. 

When  it  has  been  given  in,  at  least  by  all  who  have  thought  upon  the 
subject,  that  climate  does  not  change  the  complexion  of  the  human  race, 
to  hold  u(>  the  idea  still  that  all  must  Iiave  sprang  from  the  same  scuroe, 
.  {.Sdam,)  only  reminds  us  of  our  grandmothers,  who  to  this  day  laugh  at 
us  when  we  tell  them  that  the  eanh  is  a  globe.  Who,  we  ask,  will  ame 
that  th<!  negro  changes  his  color  by  living  among  us,  or  fay  changing  nis 
latitude  ?  Who  have  ever  become  negroes  by  living  in  their  country  or 
an>ong  them  ?  Has  the  Indian  ever  changed  his  complexion  by  Uving  in 
London  ?  Do  those  change  which  adopt  our  manners  and  enaimni^  and 
are  suiTouudf^  by  us  ?  Until  these  questions  can  be  answered  in  the 
affirmative,  tve  discard  altogether  that  urdtarian  system  of  peopKag  the 
world.     We  would  indeed  prenfer  OviiPt  method : — 


''  Ponere  daritiem  coBMie,  suumqne  ricomn ; 
Mollirique  mora,  mollitaque  diieefe  formam. 
Mox  ubi  crevorunt,  naturaque  milior  iJli* 
CooUgit,"  tee.  Stc 

Metamor.  lib.  i.  ftb.  si. 


That  is,  Deucalion  and  Pyrrha  performed  the  office  hy  traveling  over 
the  country  and  picking  up  stones,  which,  as  they  cast  them  over  their 
heads,  became  young  people  as  they  strurtk  the  earth. 

We  mean  not  to  w)  unaerstood  that  the  exterior  of  the  skin  of  people 
is  not  changed  by  climate,  for  this  is  very  evident ;  but  that  the  chiklren 
of  persons  would  be  any  lighter  or  darker,  whoae  residence  is  in  a  climate 
djnerent  from  that  in  which  they  were  bom,  is  what  we  deny,  as  in  the 
former  case.  As  astonishing  as  it  may  appear  to  the  succinct  reasoner, 
it  is  no  less  due,  that  Dr.  Samud  Stankrve  Smith  has  put  forth  an  octavo 
book  of  more  than  400  '^agecj  to  prove  the  unity,  as  he  expresses  it,  "of 
the  human  race,"  that  is,  that  all  were  originally  descended  from  one 
man.    His  reasoning  is  of  this  tenor:  " The  Ameri«;«o  and  European 

•  Hist.  America,  book  iv. 

t  Why  talk  of  a  theory's  clarhinir  with  holy  wnt,  and  say  noOuBf  of  the  cerlaiMy  of 
the  scirnccs  ofKeogTaphy^astL'oiiomy,  geology,  ii*.  T 
i  He  died  in  16M,  aet.  61 


to 


DUVFUfl.-~EAYWAL. 


|BeoK  L 


wmioT  n«iA»  <H]UHlly  at  tho  pu!e,  and  xtvitv  th«  equaior."    Then,  in  • 
Srintnpliiint  air,  lie  ilfiimiitlfl — **'W\  .milil  we,  without  necewity, 

aaauoK'  iIk;   lly|MttlM'^tm  that  ontfi,  «re  exiiiteU  different  ■pecics 

of  the  hciiiiui  kind?"*  What  kitm  ol  ar|fuini;nt  ia  contained  here  we 
iMve  ttie  reader  to  make  out ;  and  again,  when  he  would  prove  that  all 
the  human  faniiljr  are  of  the  anme  tribe,  he  Mys  that  negro  alavea  at  the 
■outh,  who  live  in  white  faniiliea,  are  gradually  found  to  conform  in 
ftalurea  to  the  whitea  with  whom  lliey  live  if  Aatonishing!  and  we 
wonder  who,  if  any,  knew  tiiia  beaide  the  author.  A^n,  ami  we  have 
done  with  our  exiraordinaqr  philo80|)lier.  He  is  positive  that  deformed 
or  disfigured  p<>rsons  will,  in  process  of  time,  produce  offspring  marked 
io  the  same  way.  That  is,  if  a  man  practise  flattening  hin  nose,  his 
oflipring  will  have  a  flatter  nose  than  he  would  have  had,  had  his  pro- 
genitor not  flattened  his ;  and  so,  if  this  ofllspring  repeat  tho  proceiw,  his 
oflipring  will  have  a  less  pruiniiient  nose ;  and  so  on,  until  the  nose  Iw 
driven  entirely  into  or  on  the  face !  In  tliis,  certainly,  our  author  has 
taken  quite  a  roundabout  way  to  vanquish  or  put  to  flight  a  nose.  We 
wiah  he  could  tell  us  how  many  ages  or  generations  it  would  take  to 
make  this  formidable  conquest.  Now,  for  any  reason  we  can  see  to  the 
contrary,  it  would  be  a  mrch  less  tedious  business  to  cut  ofl"  a  memlter 
at  once,  and  thus  accomplish  the  business  in  a  short  |ieriod ;  for  to  wait 
■everal  generations  for  a  fashion  seems  more  novel  than  the  fashion  itself^ 
and,  to  iay  the  least,  is  as  incompatible  with  human  nature  as  the  fashion 
itaelf.  A  man  must  be  monstrously  blind  to  his  prejudices,  to  maintain 
a  doctrine  like  this.  Asw<-ll  might  he  argue  that  colts  would  he  tnii< 
leas  because  it  has  lone  been  the  practice  to  shorten  the  tails  of  horses, 
of  both  sexes ;  but  we  nave  never  heard  that  colts'  tails  are  in  the  least 
affected  by  this  practice  which  has  been  performed  on  the  horse  so  lon^.| 
Certainly,  if  ever,  we  should  think  it  time  to  discover  something  of  it! 
Nor  have  we  ever  heard  that  a  female  child  has  ever  been  born  with  its 
ears  bored,  although  its  ancestors  have  endured  the  painful  operation  for 
nuaiy  generations ; — and  here  we  shall  ckMe  our  examination  of  Mr. 
SmWa  400  poges.^ 

Another  theory,  almost  as  wild,  and  quite  as  ridiculous,  respecting  tho 
•niinals  of  America,  seems  here  to  present  itself.  We  have  reference  to 
the  well  known  assertions  of  Buffon  and  l{ayna/,||  two  philosophers 
who  were  an  honor  to  the  times  of  FrankUru,  which  are,  tnat  man  and 
other  animals  in  America  degenerate.lT  This  has  been  met  in  r\xc\\  a 
masterly  manner  by  Mr.  Jefferson,**  that  to  repeat  any  thing  here  would 
be  entirely  out  of  place,  since  it  has  been  so  often  copied  into  works  on 
both  sides  of  the  Atlantic.  It  may  even  be  found  in  some  of  the  best 
English  Encyclopffidia8.ff 

•  Smith  on  Complexion,  N.  Brunswick,  N.  J.  1810,  p.  11.         t  Ibid.  170, 171. 

X  Tho  author  plead*  not  guilty  to  the  charge  of  plagioriim  ^  Tor  it  was  not  until  «oine 
months  after  the  text  was  written,  that  he  knew  that  even  this  idea  had  occurred  to  any 
one.  lie  lins  since  read  an  extract  very  similar,  iu  Dr.  Lawrence's  valurlile  Lectures  on 
Zoology,  Sic. 

0  Oil  rcficolion,  we  have  thouglit  our  remarks  ratht-r  pointed,  as  Mr.  Smith  is  not  a 
living'  autli'M' ;  but  what  called  them  forth  must  N'  their  apology. 

H  After  spf-uking  of  the  efluct  ol'  thi:  climate  of  the  oUi  worUI  in  producing  roan  and 
otber  animals  in  perfection,  hn  'dds,  "Combien,  au  cvutraire.  la  nature  paroit  aroir 
a^ig^  nouvea^i  mond !  Les  hommes  y  sont  moins  forts,  moins  courageux  ;  sans  barbe 
et  fans  poU,"  &c.  Hitloire  Philoa.  des  deux  /nrfc«,  yiii.  210.  Ed.  Geneva,  1781.  12 
volt.  8vo 

H  VoUaire  does  not  say  quite  as  much,  but  says  this  ;  "  La  nature  enfin  avail  donn6 
anx  Americanes  beaucoup  moins  d'industrie  qu'aux  hommes  de  I'ancien  monde.  Toules 
CM  cause*  ensemble  ont  pu  nuire  beaucoup  4  la  population."  [CEuvres,  iv.  19.1  I''*'* 
is,  however,  only  in  reference  to  the  Indians. 

**  In  his  Notes  on  Vii|^ia,  Quer.  vii.  ft  Perthensis,  i.  637.  (Art.  Amir.  (  38.) 


OlAP.  II-I 


8.  BMITH^VOLTAIltB^LAFITAU. 


mitli  is  nol  a 


Smith*  doM  not  deal  Airijr  with  a  paiMme  of  Kottoirc,  rdatinf  to  th* 
pao|)liiiK  of  Anierina ;  as  hn  lakea  only  a  part  of  a  ■entence  to  conuiMM 
upon.  I'erhapa  he  thought  it  aa  rrnieh  aa  ho  waa  capable  of  mana«taiif.f 
Tbe  completB  aentenee  to  whieh  w»  refer  we  tranaiate  aa  MIowat 
''There  are  found  men  and  animala  all  over  the  habitable  earth :  wb* 
baa  put  thorn  u|mn  it  ?  We  have  already  aaid,  it  ia  he  who  haa  madt 
tbe  graao  grow  in  the  (ielda ;  and  we  ahouM  be  no  more  mrpriaed  to  1M 
m  America  men,  than  we  HhouM  to  find  fliea.")  We  can  diaeover  no 
contradirtion  between  thia  paaaage  and  another  in  a  diatant  part  of  the 
aamo  work ;  and  which  vwrna  more  like  the  paiwage  Mr.  SmM  haa  died ! 
"Some  do  not  winh  to  heliere  that  the  caterpillara  and  the  anaila  of  one 
part  of  the  world  should  he  orifrinally  from  another  pan :  wherefore  be 
aatoniiilicd,  then,  that  there  flhould  be  in  America  aome  kinda  of  animala, 
and  some  mces  of  men  like  our  own  ?"4 

VoUetin  has  written  upon  the  auhject  in  a  manner  that  will  alwaya  !*#' 
attracting,  howevor  much  or  little  credence  may  be  allowed  to  what  fa*> ' 
haa  written.  Wo  will,  therefore,  extract  an  entire  article  wherein  h»' 
engag(!S  more  prnfcHsedly  upon  the  question  than  in  other  iians  of  hi* 
works,  in  which  he  haH  rather  incidentally  spoken  upon  it.  The  ehapter 
ia  as  follows  :||  *'  Since  many  fail  not  to  make  systems  upon  the  manner ' 
in  which  America  has  been  peopled,  it  ia  left  only  for  us  to  aay,  that  bo 
who  created  flics  in  those  regions,  created  man  there  also.  However 
pleasant  it  may  be  to  dispute,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  the  Supreme  Beinc, 
who  lives  in  all  nature,1I  haa  created  about  the  48°  two-legged  animaib 
without  feathers,  the  color  of  whose  shin  ia  a  mixture  of  white  and  car- 
nation, with  long  beards  approaching  to  red ;  about  the  line,  in  Afiriea 
and  its  islands,  negroes  without  beards ;  and  in  the  same  latitude,  other 
negroes  with  beards,  some  of  them  having  wool  and  aome  hair  on  their 
heads ;  and  among  them  other  animals  quite  white,  having  neither  bur 
nor  wool,  but  a  kind  of  white  silk.  It  does  not  very  clearly  appear  what 
should  have  prevented  Ood  from  placing  on  another  continent  animala 
of  the  same  species,  of  a  copper,  color,  m  the  same  latitude  in  wbieb, 
in  Africa  and  Asia,  they  are  found  black ;  or  even  from  making  them 
without  beards  in  the  very  same  latitude  in  which  others  ^oaaeaa  them. 
To  what  lengths  are  we  carried  by  the  rage  for  systems  jomed  with  the 
tyranny  of  prejudice !  We  see  these  animals ;  it  ia  agreea  that  Ood  haa 
had  the  power  to  place  them  where  they  ore ;  yet  it  is  not  agreed  that 
he  hai  so  placed  them.  The  same  persons  who  readily  admit  that  tbe 
beavera  of  Canada  are  of  Canadian  origin,  assert  that  the  men  must  have 
come  there  in  boats,  and  that  Mexico  must  have  been  peopled  by  some 
of  the  descendants  of  Magog.  As  well  might  it  be  said,  that,  if  there  be 
men  in  the  moon,  they  must  have  been  taken  therb  bv  Jiiiolpho  on  hia 
hippogriff,  when  he  went  to  fetch  RoUmdI't  sensoi,  which  were  corked 
up  in  a  bottle.  If  America  had  been  discovered  in  his  time,  and  there 
had  then  been  men  in  Europe  gyttemalic  e'>iu:igb  to  have  advanced,  with 
tbe  Jesuit  LtMau,**  that  the  Caribbees  de.ic  ^nded  fh>m  the  inhabitaota 
of  Caria,  ana  the  Hurons  from  the  Jews,  }.e  would  have  dune  well  to 
Imve  brought  back  the  bottle  containing  ihe  wits  of  these  reasoneni 

*  Beuimd  Smith,  who  publidwd  a  Uatory  of  New  Jersey,  ia  176A,  printeil  at  Bi^ 
liniton. 
f  See  irirt.  N.  J.  8. 

iEssai  sur  les  Moeura  et  I'Espril  det  Nations.    (OE^ivres,  iv.  18.) 
Ibid.  708. 
(Euvrei,  t  vii.  197, 198. 
Wili  the  reader  of  tlAa  call  VnUaire  an  atheist  T 
**  He  wrote  a  history  uf  the  savages  of  America,  aaJ  awnla'aed  that  iha  Caribbea 
languaf(e  was  radically  lieorew. 


INDIAN  TRAUITlON.-MITiHEL^KEKS. 


(riixiN  r. 


which  b«  woukl  doubllem  iiavt*  ('niind  in  ilin  moon,  alonfr  with  ihoiw  of 
AHgdiea'i  lover.  Tliti  fint  tiling  tluno  wlu'n  an  iniiabitcd  iaiaod  ia  db* 
oovM«d  in  the  lodiao  Ocean,  or  in  the  South  Sea,  m  to  inquire,  Whence 
oame  theae  people  ?  but  aa  for  the  uvea  and  the  lortoiaea,  tt«y  are,  withoat 
■ay  heaitation,  pronouneed  to  be  indi>;enoua ;  aa  if  it  were  more  diflleuk 
fcr  nature  to  make  men  than  to  make  tortoiaea.  One  thing,  bowerer, 
whteb  aeema  to  countenance  thia  ayalem,  ia,  that  there  ia  aearcely  an 
taland  in  the  eaatem  or  weatem  ocean,  which  Joea  not  contain  juKglen, 
quneka,  knavea  and  foola.  This,  it  in  probable,  gave  riaa  to  the  opmion, 
tnat  tbeae  animala  are  of  the  aame  race  with  ouraeWea." 

Some  account  of  what  the  Indiana  tbempeivea  bare  aaid  upon  the 
aulgeet  of  their  origin  may  be  very  naturally  i^wl^d  for  in  thia  place. 
Tbeir  notiona  in  thia  reapect  can  no  more  be  relied  upon  than  the  laMed 
atoriea  of  the  goda  in  ancient  my  thologv.  Indeed,  their  accounta  of  prim- 
itive inliabitanta  do  not  agree  beyond  their  own  neighborhood,  and  often 
diMgree  with  themaelvea  at  different  timea.  Some  aa^  their  ancestora 
came  from  the  nortii,  othera  from  the  north-west,  olhera  from  the  east,  and 
othara  from  the  weat ;  aome  from  the  regiona  of  the  air,  and  some  from 
under  the  earth.  Hence  that  to  raise  any  theory  upon  anv  thing  coming 
flam  them  upon  the  auliject,  would  show  only  that  the  theorist  himaeff 
waa  M  ignorant  aa  hia  inlbrmantsk  We  mi((bt  as  well  ask  the  forest  treea 
Imw  they  came  planted  upon  the  soil  in  which  they  grow.  Not  that  the 
IndiMM  are  unintelligent  in  other  affairs,  any  further  than  the  neeeaaary 
oonaequence  growing  out  of  their  aituation  impliea ;  nor  are  they  leaa  ao 
than  many  woo  have  written,  upon  their  hlstoiy. 


"  Since,  then,  the  witMt  are  m  doll  at  we, 
In  one  grave  maxim  let  us  all  fiee 
Nature  ne'er  meant  her  lecreti  thouM  be  found. 
And  mau'i  a  riddle,  which  man  can't  expound !" 

Pain^t  Ruling  Pasrion. 

fbe  difllsrent  notiona  of  the  Indiana  will  be  best  gathered  from  their 
HfM  In  their  Pfuper  places  in  the  following  work. 

Dr.  S.  L.  JmtehiUf  of  Now  York,  a  man  who  writes  learnedly,  if  not 
wisely,  on  almost  ertirf  aubiect,  has,  in  his  opinion,  like  hundreds  before 
hfan,  set  the  great  (Question,  How  wai  America  ptopkd  ?  at  rest.  He  has  no 
doubt  but  the  Indians,  in  the  first  place,  are  of  the  same  color  originally 
as  the  north-eastern  nations  of  Asia,  and  Iienpe  sprung  from  them.  What 
time  be  settles  them  in  thn  country  he  does  not  tell  us,  but  prcts  them  into 
Oreenhnd  about  the  year  8  or  900.  Thinks  hu  saw  tlip  Scuiiiliuavinns  as 
far  as  the  shores  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  but  what  tiinc  this  woh  ho  docs  not 
say.  He  must  of  course  make  these  people  the  builders  of  the  mounds 
scattered  all  over  the  western  country.  After  nil,  wo  a])|>rehend  the  doctor 
would  have  short  time  for  his  emigrants  to  do  nil  that  nature  and  art 
have  done  touching  these  mattcm.  In  the  first  place,  it  Is  evident  that 
many  ages  passed  away  firom  the  time  these  tuuiuli  were  began  until  they 
were  finished :  3d,  a  multitude  of  ages  must  have  passed  since  the  use 
for  which  they  were  reared  has  been  known ;  for  trees  of  the  ago  of  900 
yean  crow  from  the  ruins  of  others  which  must  have  had  as  great  age: 
and,  So,  no  Indian  nation  or  tribe  haa  the  least  tradition  concerning  them.* 
This  could  not  have  happened  had  the  ancestors  of  the  present  In- 
dians been  the  erectors  of  them,  in  the  nature  of  things.f 

The  observation  of  an  author  in  Dr.  Reai'a  Encyclopcdia4  ahhouf^ 

*  Or  none  bat  mch  ai  are  at  t-ariance  with  all  hittofjr  and  latioaality. 
t  Arehaotogia  AflMiieaaa,  i  Stt,SK,Ml,  fce. 
%  Alt.  Amuuca. 


If    . 


Ca*r.  m 


REES^M'CVLLOH. 


18 


Mjrinf  no  mora  Uian  hu  been  ■Iready  Mid  in  our  iiynopiis,  is,  ncverthelMi^ 
go  bappy.  that  we  Bhould  uoi  feel  clear  to  omit  it : — **  Ae  to  thnae  who 
preteod  tliat  tlie  human  race  has  only  of  late  found  iia  wav  into  Amerlei, 
by  croainc  the  na  at  Kamwhatka,  or  the  Straita  of  TichutAi,  eilbv 
upon  the  netda  of  ice  or  in  canoea,  thev  do  not  consider  that  tbit  opiakm, 
beaidea  that  it  ia  extremely  difficult  of  comprrliensinn,  tiaa  not  the  laMI 
tendency  to  diminish  the  pro«liay  ;  for  it  would  he  siiriirisinc  indeed  lh« 
one  half  of  our  planet  Rhould  nave  romained  without  InhnbitMts  during 
thouaaniis  of  years,  while  tlie  other  half  was  fwopled.  What  rendera 
thb  opinion  li^tis  probable  is,  that  America  is  supposed  in  it  to  hare  had 
animals,  since  we  cannot  bring  thosu  speries  of  animals  flnom  the  old 
world  which  do  not  exist  in  it,  as  those  of  the  tapir,  the  glaina,  and  the 
tajaclu.  Neither  ran  wo  admit  of  the  recent  orKoiiization  of  matter  fbr 
the  western  hemisphere ;  because,  independently  of  the  accumulated 
difficulties  in  this  hypotbeslM,  and  whicli  ran  by  no  means  be  solved,  w« 
shall  observe,  that  the  fomil  tmnes  discovered  m  so  many  parts  of  Ameri- 
ca, and  at  such  small  depths,  provo  that  certain  8|>ecios  of  animals,  so  tkt 
ftom  having  bceu  recently  organized,  have  been  annihilated  a  long  while 
ago." 

Before  we  had  known,  that,  if  we  wore  in  error,  it  was  in  the  company 
of  philosophers,  such  as  wo  have  in  this  chapter  introduced  to  our 
readers,  we  felt  a  hesitancv  in  avowing  our  opinions  upon  a  matter  of 
y(^  so  great  moment.  But,  after  all,  as  it  is  only  matter  of  honest  opinioB, 
no  one  should  be  intolerant,  although  he  may  be  allowed  to  make  himself 
and  oven  hu  friends  merry  at  our  expense.  When,  in  the  da)'a  of  Cfoy*- 
asfom,  some  ventured  to  assert  their  opinions  of  the  rotunmqr 
of  the  earth,  that  learned  father  "did  laugh  at  them!"*  And,  when 
soience  shall  have  progressed  sufficiently,  (if  it  be  possible,)  to  settle  this 
question,  there  is  a  possibility  that  the  Cknftoidoma  of  these  davs  will  not 
nave  the  same  excuse  for  their  infidelity.  But  as  it  is  a  day  of  prodigie^ 
there  is  some  danger  of  treating  lightly  even  the  most  seemingly  ahmrd 
conjectures.  We  therefore  feel  very  safe,  and  more  especially  ■■  it  r»- 
quired  considerable  hardihood  to  laugh  even  nt  the  theory  of  the  late 
Mr.  Symmta. 

When  we  lately  took  up  a  book  entitled  "  Researdie$,  PhOom^phieti  and 
Antiquarian,  concerning  the  Moririnal  History  of  America,  by  J.  H. 
M'Coi.LOH,  Jr.  M.  D."!  we  did  think,  fVom  the  imposing  appearance  of  it, 
that  some  new  matters  on  the  subject  had  been  discovered :  and  tnow 
espNBcially  when  we  read  in  the  preface,  that  "  his  first  object  was  to  ex- 
plain the  origin  of  the  men  unci  animals  of  America,  so  far  as  that  que** 
tion  is  involved  witli  the  apparent  physical  impediments  that  have  ao 
long  kept  the  subject  in  total  obscurity."  Now,  with  what  success  this 
has  been  done,  to  do  the  author  justice,  he  shall  speak  for  himself  and 
the  reader  then  may  judge  fbr  himself. 

"  Before  we  attempt  to  explain  in  what  manner  the  men  and  animoli 
o/ America  reached  this  continent,  it  is  necessary  to  ascertain,  if  powiUe, 
the  circumstances  of  their  original  creation ;  for  upon  this  essential  par- 
tKular  depends  the  great  interest  of  our  present  investigation.  [We  ar« 
not  able  to  discover  that  he  has  said  an^  thing  further  upon  it]  It  must 
be  evident  that  we  can  arrive  at  no  satisfactory  conclusion,  if  it  be  doubt- 
fbl  whether  the  Creator  of  the  universe  made  man  and  the  animals  bat  in 
one  locality,  fix>m  whence  they  were  dispersed  over  the  earth ;  or  whether 
he  created  them  in  each  of  those  various  situations  where  we  now  find 
them  living.    So  far  as  this  inquiry  rsapects  mankind,  there  can  be  no 


•  Sm  Aeoita'f  HUt.  E.  and  W.  Indies,  p.  1.  ed.  London,  1604. 
t  PgbUMd  at  Baltintuic,  18S9,  in  8vo. 

a 


u 


M'CULLOH. 


[BOOE  1. 


neMonable  ground  to  doubt  the  one  origin  of  the  species.  This  fact 
may  be  proved  licrh  physically  and  morally.  [If  the  reader  can  discover 
any  thing  that  amounts  to  proof  in  what  follows,  he  will  have  made  a 
discovery  that  we  could  not.]  That  man,  notwithstanding  all  the  diver- 
sities of  tlieir  appearance,  are  but  of  one  species,  is  a  truth  now  univer- 
■•ny  admitted  by  every  physiological  naturalist.  [That  is,  notwithstanding 
a  oegro  be  black,  an  Indian  brown,  a  European  white,  stiU,  they  are  aO 
ipuD.  And  then  follows  a  quotation  from  Dr.  Lawrtnct*  to  corrob>)rate 
tfie  fiict  that  men  are  all  of  one  species.]  It  is  true,  this  physiologist  does 
not  admit  that  the  huvian  species  had  tiicir  origin  but  from  one  pair ;  for 
bo  observes,  the  same  species  might  have  been  created  at  the  same  time 
in  very  different  parts  of  the  earth.  But  when  we  have  analyzed  the 
moral  history  of  mankind,  to  which  Mr.  Lawrence  seems  to  have  paid 
little  attention,  [and  if  our  author  has  done  it,  we  would  thank  him  to 
show  us  where  we  can  find  it,]  we  find  such  strongly  marked  onalogies 
in  alwtract  matters  existing  among  nations  the  most  widely  separated 
from  each  other,  that  wc  cannot  doubt  there  has  l)een  a  time,  when  the 
whole  human  family  have  intimately  participated  in  one  common  system 
of  things,  whether  it  be  of  trnth  or  of  error,  of  science  or  of  prejudice. 
FThis  does  not  at  all  agree  wiili  what  he  soys  aAerwards,  '  We  have 
men  unable  to  discern  anv  traces  of  Asiatic  or  of  European  civilizatysn 
in  America  prior  to  the  discovciy  of  Columbus.'  And  again :  'In  com- 
paring the  barbarian  notions  of  America  with  those  of  the  eastern  con- 
tinent, we  perceive  no  points  of  resemblance  between  them,  in  their 
Qioiml  institutions  or  in  their  habits,  that  are  not  apparently  founded  in 
the  necessities  of  human  life.'  If,  then,  there  is  no  affinity,  other  than 
what  would  accidentally  happen  fi-om  similar  circumstances,  wherefore 
tbis  prating  about  * stronffly-marked  analogies,^  &c.  just  copied.]  As 
respects  the  origin  of  animals,  [we  have  given  his  best  proofs  of  the 
origin  of  man  and  their  transportation  to  America,]  the  subject  is  muck 
Ipiiore  refractory.  Wo  find  them  living  all  over  the  surface  of  the  earth, 
IUM)  suited  by  their  physical  conformity  to  a  great  variety  of  climates  and 
•lHl^liu'  localities.  Everjr  one  will  admit  the  impossibili.y  of  ascertain- 
mg  the  history  of  their  original  creation  from  the  mere  natural  history  of 
the  animals  tLemselvcs."  Now,  as  "  refractory"  as  this  subject  is,  wo  did 
not  expect  to  see  it  fiithcred  off  upon  a  miracle,  because  this  was  the 
easy  and  convenient  manner  ia  which  tlie  superstitious  of  every  age  ac- 
cpiinted  for  every  thing  which  they  at  once  could  not  comprehend. 
And  we  do  not  expect,  when  it  is  gravely  announced,  that  a  discovery  in 
any  science  is  to  be  shown,  that  the  undertaker  is  going  to  tell  us  it  is 
accomplished  bv  a  miracle,  and  that,  therefore,  "  he  knows  not  why  lie 
idfaould  be  called  upon  to  answer  objections,"  &c. 

As  it  would  be  tedious  to  the  reader,  as  well  as  incompatible  with  our 
plan,  to  quote  larger  fVom  Mr.  JifCuttoVi  Iraok,  we  shall  finish  with  him 
titer  a  few  remarks. 

We  do  not  object  to  the  capacity  of  the  ark  for  all  animals,  but  we  do 
object  to  its  introduction  in  the  question  undertaken  by  Mr.  M'CttUoh ; 
fi>reverv  child  knows  that  affair  to  liave  been  miracifous;  and  if  any 
put  of  the  question  depended  upon  tlie  truth  or  falsity  of  a  miracle,  why 
l4l«ue  the  world  with  a  book  of  some  500  peges,  merely  to  promulgate 
SUGA  a  belief]!  when  a  sentence  would  be  all  that  is  required  ?  No  on& 
that  admits  an  overruling  power,  or  the  existence  of  God,  will  doubt  of 
bis  alulity  to  create  a  myriad  of  men,  animals,  and  all  matter,  by  «. 
bpi^ath ;  or  tlut  an  arlf  ten  feet  square  could  contain,  comfortably,  ten 


*  The  celebrated  author  of  Lieelures  oa  Phyriology,  Zoology,  and  tht  Natural  HUtorf 
•fMmu 


Chap.  II.] 


IkTCULLOH.— KAIM. 


thoumnd  men,  as  well  as  one  of  the  dimensiona  (riven  in  aeripture  to  con- 
tain  wImii  that  did.  Therefore,  if  one  in  these  days  should  luaku  a  book 
expressly  to  explain  the  cause  of  the  different  lengths  of  days,  or  the 
changes  of  the  seasons,  nnd  fiud,  after  he  had  written  a  vast  deal,  that  he 
could  in  no  wise  unravel  the  mystery,  and,  to  close  his  account,  declare* 
it  was  nil  a  miracle,  such  an  author  would  be  precisely  in  the  predicament 
ofHlr.ATCtiUoh. 

We  do  not  pretend  that  the  subject  can  be  pursued  with  the  certain^ 
of  mathematical  calculations ;  and  so  long  as  it  is  contended  that  tKe 
whole  species  of  man  sprins  from  one  pair,  so  long  will  the  subjoot 
admit  of  controversy:  therefore  it  makes  but  little  or  no  difference 
whether  the  inhabiUints  are  got  into  America  by  the  north  or  the  south, 
the  east  or  the  west,  as  it  regards  the  main  question.  For  it  is  very  cer- 
tsia  that,  if  there  were  hut  one  pair  originally,  and  these  placed  upon  • 
ceit^in  spot,  all  other  places  where  people  are  now  found  must  have 
been  soHleU  by  people  from  the  primitive  spot,  who  found  their  way 
thither,  some  how  or  other,  and  it  is  very  unimportant  how,  as  we  have 
just  olMerved. 

Iv-rd  JJCatmef,  a  writer  of  great  good  sense,  has  not  omitted  to  say  some- 
thing upon  this  subjects*  He  very  judiciously  asks  those  who  maintain 
that  America  was  peopled  from  Knmskatka,  whether  the  inhabitants  of 
that  region  speak  the  same  language  with  their  American  neighbors  on 
the  opposite  shores.  That  they  do  not,  he  observes,  is  fully  confirmed 
by  recent  accounts  from  thence ;  and  "  whence  we  may  conclude,  with 
great  certainty,  that  the  latter  are  not  a  colony  of  the  former."!  We  have 
confirmation  upon  confirmation,  that  these  nations  speak  languages 
entirely  different ;  and  for  the  satisfaction  of  the  curious,  we  will  give  a 
short  vocabulary  of  words  in  both,  with  the  English  against  them. 


EngKsk, 


Kamakadak. 


MiauUanJ^ 


God Nionstichtchitch AgfaogoGh. 

Father Iskh Auuui. 

Mother Nas-kh Anaan. 

Sou Pa-atch L'laan. 

Daughter Souguing Aschkinn 

Brother Ktchidscli Koyota. 

Sister Kos-Khou Angiin. 

Husband Skoch Ougiinn. 

Woman Skoua-aou Al-yagar. 

Girl Kh-tchitchou Ougeghilikinn. 

Young  boy Pahatch Auckthok. 

Child Pahatchitch OuKkolik. 

A  man Ouskaams Toyoch. 

The  people Kouaskon. 

Persons Ouskaamsit. 

The  head T-Khousa Kamgha. 

The  face Koua-agh Soghiniaginn. 

The  nose Kaankang Aughosinn. 

The  nostrils Kaanga Gouakik. 

The  eye Nanit Tlmck. 

*  Sec  his  "  Sikftchts  of  the  Hittory  of  Man,"  a  work  which  he  publiihed  ia  177i,  at 
Edinhtirfth,  in  2  vols.  4to. 

t  Vol.  ii.  71. 

X  The  Al^miteanR  inhabit  the  chain  of  iaiands  which  stretch  from  the  N.  W.  point  of 
\merirn  into  the  neighborhood  of  Kamskatka.  It  mitHl  be  remembered  that  these  namei 
tire  in  ilin  French  orthorraphv,  hnin);  taken  from  a  French  translation  of  BUlingt's  voy- 
age into  those  repons,  from  1786  to  1794. 


16 


SWINTON.— CABRERA. 


[Book  I. 


^4 


Af;;r  ii'....;i>. iii^  that  "there  are  Beveral  cogent  argumcuts  to  evince 
tliAt  tlic  Atnciicuiia  are  not  descended  from  any  people  in  the  north  of 
^liiia,  or  ia  lln'  i.fuih  of  Europe,"  Lord  Kaimtt  continues, — •'  I  venture  Bti)l 
ftirtlicr ;  whirh  is,  to  conjecture,  that  America  has  not  been  fieopled  from 
say  part  of  ilie  old  world."  But  although  this  last  conjecture  is  in  unison 
with  those  of  man}'  others,  ^et  his  lordship  is  greatly  out  in  Home  of  the 
proofs  which  ho  adduces  in  its  support.  As  we  have  no  ground  on 
which  to  controvert  this  opinion,  we  may  he  excused  from  examining  its 
proofs;  but  this  we  will  observe,  that  Lord  JTatmMisin  the  same  error 
about  the  beardlcssncss  of  the  Americans  as  some  other  learned  Euro- 
peans. 

The  learned  Dr.  Sivinton,*  in  u  dissertation  upon  the  peopling  of 
America,f  iifter  stating  tiit!  diiTerciit  opinions  of  various  authors  who 
have  advocated  in  fuvor  of  the  "dispersed  )>eople,"  the  Phoenicians, 
und  other  enstcrii  nations,  observes,  "  that,  therefore,  the  Americans  in 
general  w»r<!  descended  from  some  people  who  inhabited  a  country  not 
so  far  distant  from  them  as  Egypt  and  Phacnicia,  our  readers  will,  as  we 
apprehend,  readily  admit.  Now,  no  country  can  be  pitched  upon  so 
proper  and  convenient  for  this  purpose  as  the  north-eastern  |)art  of  Asia, 
iwrticularly  Greut  Tartary,  Silnu'ia,  and  more  especially  tlie  peninsula 
of  Kamtscliatka.  That  probably  was  the  tract  through  which  many 
Tartarian  colonies  passed  into  America,  und  peopled  the  most  consider- 
able part  of  the  new  world." 

This,  it  is  not  to  be  denied,  is  the  most  rational  way  of  getting  inhabit-  « 
ants  into  America,  if  it  must  be  allowed  that  it  was  peopled  from  the  •, 
"  old  world."    But  it  is  not  quite  so  easy  to  account  for  tlie  existence  of  . 
equatorial  animals  in  America,  when  all  authors  agree  that  they  never 
could  have  passed  that  way,  as  they  could  not  have  survived  the  cold- 
ness of  the  climute,  at  any  season  of  the  year.    Moreover,  the  vocabulary 
we  have  given,  if  it  prove  any  thing,  proves  that  either  the  inhabitants 
of  North  America  did  not  come  in  ti-om  the  north-west,  or  that,  if  they 
did,  Bome  unknown  cause  must  liavc,  for  ages,  suspended  all  communica- 
tion between  the  emigrants  and  their  ancestors  upon  the  neighboring 
shores  of  Asia. 

In  1822,  there  appeai'ed  in  London  a  work  which  attracted  some  atten- 
tion, as  most  works  have  upon  similar  subjects.  It  was  entitled,  "  De- 
scription of  the  ruins  of  an  ancient  city,  discovered  near  Palenque,  in  the 
Ungdom  of  Guatemala,  in  Spanish  Atnerica :  translated  from  the  original 
manuscript  report  of  Capt.  Don  Antonio  Del  Rio :  followed  by  a  critical 
investigation  and  research  into  the  History  of  the  Amerieams,  by  Dr.  Pmd 
Fdix  Cabrtra,  of  the  city  of  New  Guatemala." 

Capt.  Dd  Rio  was  ordered  by  the  Spanish  king,  in  the  year  1786,  to 
make  an  examination  of  whatever  ruins  he  might  nnd,  which  he  accord- 
ingly did.  From  the  manuscript  he  left,  which  afterwards  fell  into  the 
hands  of  Dr.  Cabrera,  his  work  was  composid,  and  is  that  part  of  the 
work  which  concerns  us  in  our  view  of  systems  or  conjectures  concerning 
the  peouling  of  America.  Wo  shall  be  short  with  this  author,  as  his 
system  difiers  very  little  from  some  which  we  have  already  sketched. 
He  is  very  confident  that  he  has  settled  the  question  how  South  America 


received  its  inhabitants,  namely,  from  the  Phcenieians,  who  sailed  across 

the  rui 
was  built  by  the  first  adventurers. 


the  Atlantic  Ocean,  and  that 


ned  city  described  by  Capt.  Del  Rio 

Dr.  Cabrera  calls  any  system,  which,  in  his  view,  does  not  harmonizs 

•  Dr.  John  Stpinton,  the  eminent  autliur  of  inaiiy  pans  of  llic  AticietU  Univertal  His- 
tory.   He  died  in  17T7,  aged  74. 

t  Universal  llislnry,  xx.  1G2,  1G3.— See  Malont'i  edition  of  Botteell't  Lift  Dr.  Joht- 
ton,  v,  271.  ed.  in  fi  v.  13mo.  Loiidou,  1821. 


CHAr.  ni] 


LAWRENCE—CLINTON. 


17 


with  die  Scripturea,  an  innovation  upon  the  "  holy  Catholic  relicion  f  and 
nUher  than  m»rt  to  any  such,  he  nys,  "  It  is  bettor  to  believe  bia  [GodV] 
worka  miraculous,  than  endeavor  to  make  an  ostentatious  display  of  our 
lalenta  by  the  ounnius  invention  of  new  systems,  in  attributing  them  to 
oatural  cauaes."*  The  same  reasoning  will  apply  in  this  case  as  in  • 
ibrmer.  If  we  are  to  attribute  every  thing  to  miracles,  wherefore  tha 
neceasitf  of  investigation  ?  These  authors  are  fond  of  iuveatiaatiiif 
matters  m  their  way,  but  are  displeased  if  others  take  the  same  libeitv. 
And  should  we  follow  an  author  in  his  theories,  who  cuts  the  whofe 
business  short  by  declaring  all  tc  be  a  miracle,  when  he  can  no  k>nger 
grope  in  the  labyrinth  of  his  own  forming,  our  reader  would  be  just  in 
condemning  such  waste  of  time.  When  every  thing  which  we  cannot  at 
first  si^ht  understand  or  comprehend  must  not  be  inquired  into,  from 
superatitious  doubts,  then  and  there  will  be  fixed  the  bounds  of  all  science; 
hvt,  as  Lord  Bjiron  said  upon  another  occasion,  rmt  till  tken,    ■ 

"If  it  be  allowed  (savs  Dr.  LAWRENcc)f  that  all  men  are  of  the  same 
species,  it  does  not  follow  that  they  arv  all  descended  flrom  the  same 
nmilv.  We  have  no  data  for  determining  this  point :  it  could  indeed 
only  be  settled  by  a  knowledge  of  t'aels,  which  have  long  ago  been  in- 
volved in  the  impenetrable  darkness  of  antiquity."  That  climate  has 
nothing  to  do  with  the  complexion,  ho  offers  the  following  in  proof: 

"The  establishments  of  the  Europeans  in  Asia  and  America  have 
now  subsisted  about  three  centuries.  Faamtez  Dt  Gama  landed  at  Calicut 
in  1496;  and  the  Portuguese  empire  in  India  was  founded  in  the  bee- 
tling of  the  following  century.  Brazil  vfas  discovered  and  taken  poases- 
sion  of  by  the  same  nanon  in  the  very  first  ycir  of  the  sixteenth  century. 
Towards  the  end  of  the  15th,  and  the  beginning  of  the  16th  century, 
Coltunbus,  Cer(ez,8iid  Pixam,  subiugated  for  the  Spaniards  the. West 
Indian  islands,  wkh  the  empires  of  Mexico  and  Peru.  Sir  fFaUer  Raiegh 
planted  an  English  colony  in  Virginia  in  1584 ;  and  the  French  settw- 
ment  of  Canada  has  rather  a  later  date.  The  colonists  have,  in  no  in- 
stance, approached  to  the  natives  of  these  countries:  and  their  deaoea^ 
ants,  where  the  Mood  has  been  kept  pure,  have,  at  this  time,  the  same 
characters  as  native  Europeans.*^ 

The  eminent  antiquary,  De  Witt  CItnton,§  suppciged  that  the  anoieni 
works  found  in  this  country  were  similar  to  those  supposed  to  be  Roman 
by  Pennant  in  Wales.  He  adds,  **  The  Danes,  as  well  as  the  natkons 
which  erected  our  fortifications,  were  in  all  probability  of  Scythian  orijj^ 
According  to  P/iny,the  name  of  Scythian  was  common  to  ul  the  natms 
Bving  in  the  north  of  Asia  and  Europe.''^ 


t  harmonize 


CHAPTER  III. 

Mmmm  <md  Cuatomi  qf  the  Indimu,  as  Hhutrated  by  AnudUu,  Mkt- 

ratitet,  tfe. 

WiL — An  Ottaway  chief,  known  to  the  French  by  the  name  of  WhUt' 
kiku,  was  a  great  drunkard.  Count  FHntenae  asked  him  what  he  thoa|^t 
brandy  to  be  made  of;  he  replied  that  it  must  be  made  of  henrts  and 
tongues — **  For,"  said  he, "  when  I  have  drunken  plentifldly  of  it,  my  heart 

•Pai^ao. 

f  Lectures  on  Zoology,  inc.  44S.  ed.  8vo.  Salem,  1828.  \  Ibid.  464, 465. 

^  A  Memoir  on  the  Anti^mititi  o/lKeWetlem  ParU  of  the  BtaU  o/N.  ForA,  pafet  9, 
laSvo.  Albany,  lata. 


t8 


HONOR— RECKLESSNESSt-JUSTICE,  &c. 


[Book  I. 


H  a  thouiRUKl  strong,  ond  I  can  talk,  too,  with  astonishing  freedom  and 
rapidity."* 

Honor. — A  chief  of  the  Five  Nations,  who  fougliton  the  side  of  the  Eng- 
lish in  the  French  wars,  cimiiced  to  meet  in  battfc  his  own  fatlicr,  who  wa» 
fiffhting  on  the  side  of  the  Frenc'li.  Just  as  he  wns  about  to  deal  a  deadly 
blow  upon  his  head,  he  discovered  who  he  was,  and  said  to  him,  "  You 
have  once  eivcn  mc  life,  iind  now  I  give  it  to  you.  Let  me  meet  you  no 
more ;  (or  I  have  pRid  the  debt  I  owed  you."f 

Rtckleasnesa. — !»  Connecticut  River,  about "  200  miles  from  Long  Island 
Sound,  is  a  narrow  of  5  yards  only,  formed  by  two  shelving  mountains  of 
solid  rock.  Through  this  chasm  are  compelled  to  pass  all  the  waters 
which  in  the  time  of  tiic  floods  bury  the  northern  country."  [This  is  now 
called  Tumer^s  Falls,  from  the  great  fight  he  had  there  with  the  Indians  in 
Philip's  war.]  It  is  p.  frightful  passage  of  about  400  yards  in  length.  No 
boat,  or,  as  my  author  uxpre&.v:8  it, "  no  living  creature,  was  ever  known  to 
pass  through  this  narrow,  except  un  Indian  woman."  This  woman  had 
undertaken  to  cross  the  river  just  above,  and  although  she  had  the  god 
Bacchud  by  her  side,  yet  Neptune  prevailed  in  spite  of  their  united  efTorts, 
and  the  canoe  was  hurried  down  th«  frightful  gulf.  While  this  Indian 
woman  was  thus  hurrying  to  certain  destruction,  as  she  had  e\CTy  reason 
to  expect,  she  seized  upon  her  bottle  of  rum,  and  did  not  take  it  worn  her 
mouth  until  the  last  drop  was  quaffed.  She  was  marvellously  preserved, 
and  was  actually  picked  up  several  miles  bQlow,  floating  in  the  canoe, 
still  Quite  drunk.  When  it  was  known  what  &he  had  done,  and  being 
adceu  how  she  dared  to  drink  so  much  rum  with  the  prospect  of  cer'^n 
death  before  her,  she  answered  that  she  knew  it  vas  too  much  for  one 
time,  but  she  was  unwilling  that  any  of  it  should  be  1ost4 

Auftce. — A  missionary  residing  among  a  certain  tribe  of  Indians,  was  one 
day,  af>.er  he  bad  been  preaching  to  them,  invited  by  their  chief  to  visit  his 
wigwam.  After  having  been  kindly  entertained,  and  being  about  to 
depart,  the  chief  took  him  by  the  hand  and  said,  "  1  have  very  bad  squaw. 
She  had  two  little  children.  One  she  loved  well,  the  other  she  hated. 
In  a  cold  night,  when  I  was  gone  hunting  in  the  woods,  she  shut  it  out 
of  the  wigwam,  and  it  froze  to  death.  What  must  be  done  with  her  ?" 
The  missionary  replied,  "  She  must  be  hanged."  "  Ah !"  said  the  chief^ 
"go,  then,  and  hang  your  God,  whom  you  mako  just  like  her." 

Revenge. — "An  Indian,  in  Chatanque  coimty.  New  York,  a  stout  man, 
known  by  the  name  of  the  DevWs-ramrod,  lately  had  a  rencounter  v/ith  a 
white  man,  in  which  he  came  off  second  liest.  Mortified  at  the  result,  he 
twice  jumped  into  a  neighboring  creek  to  drown  himself,  but  was  dragged 
out  by  the  people  present.     He  made  a  third  attempt,  and  succecded."§ 

Magnammittf. — A  hunter,  in  his  wanderings  for  game,  fell  among  the 
back  settlements  of  Virgiriia,  and  by  reason  of  the  inclemency  of  the 
weather,  was  induced  to  seek  refbge  at  the  hous(<  nf  a  planter,  whom  he 
met  nt  his  door.  Admission  was  refused  him.  K(  ing  both  hungry  and 
thirsty,  he  asked  for  a  morsel  of  bread  ai>d  a  cup  of  water,  but  wok 
answered  in  every  case,  **  No !  you  shall  have  nothing  here !  Get  you 
gone,  you  Indian  dog.""  It  happened,  in  process  of  time,  that  this  same 
planter  lost  himself  in  the  woods,  and,  afler  a  fatiguing  day's  travel,  he 
came  to  an  Indian's  cabin,  into  which  he  was  welcomed.  On  inauiring 
the  way,  and  the  distarce  to  the  white  settlements,  being  told  by  Uie  In- 
dian that  he  could  not  go  in  the  night,  and  being  kindly  oflTered  lodsing 
and  victuals,  he  gladly  refreshed  and  reposed  himself  in  the  Indian's  cabin. 
In  the  morning,  he  conducted  him  through  the  wilderness,  agroeably  to 


*  Universal  MuMum  for  1763. 
t  Peters'*  Hist.  Connecticut. 


t  Ibid. 

i  Nilet'i  Regi.  i 


K.368. 


fSfiin 


Cbap.  ni] 


DECEPTION.— SHREWDNESS. 


19 


hii  promise  the  night  before,  until  they  came  in  si^t  of  the  habitatioM 
of  the  whites.  Aa  he  waa  about  to  take  his  leave  ol  the  planter,  bo  lodk^ 
him  full  in  the  face,  and  asked  him  if  he  did  not  know  him.  Horror- 
■truck  at  finding  himself  thus  in  the  power  of  a  man  he  had  so  inhuman- 
ly treated,  and  dumb  with  shame  on  thinking  of  the  manner  it  was  re- 
quited, he  beoBU  at  length  to  ipake  excuses,  and  beg  a  thousand  pardona, 
when  the  Indian  interrupted  him,  and  said,  ^  When  you  see  poor  Indiana 
funting  for  a  cup  of  com  water,  don't  say  again,  'Get  ^ou  gone,  you  Ib- 
dian  dog !' "  He  then  dismissed  him  to  return  to  his  frieni^.  My  author 
adds,  "  It  is  not  difficult  to  say,  which  of  these  two  had  the  best  claim  to 
the  name  of  Christian."* 

Deception. — ^The  captain  of  a  vessel,  having  a  desire  to  make  a  present  to 
a  lady  of  some  fine  oranges  which  he  had  just  brought  from  "  the  sunr 
islands,"  gave  them  to  an  Indian  in  his  employ  to  carry  to  her.  Lest  Be 
should  not  perform  the  office  pnnctualiy,  he  wrote  a  letter  to  her,  to  be  takm 
along  with  the  present,  thut  she  might  detect  the  besren  if  he  should  fail  to 
deliver  the  whole  of  what  he  was  intrusted  with.  The  Indian,  during 
the  journey,  reflected  how  he  should  refresh  himself  with  the  oranges, 
and  not  be  found  out.  Not  having  any  apprehension  of  the  manner  of 
communication  by  writing,  he  concluded  that  it  was  only  necessary  to  keep 
his  design  secret  from  the  letter  itseli^  supposing  that  would  tell  of  him  if 
he  did  not ;  he  therefore  laid  it  upon  the  ground,  and  rolled  a  large  stone 
upon  it,  and  retired  to  some  distance,  where  he  regaled  himself  with 
several  of  the  oranges,  and  then  proceeded  on  his  journey.  On  deliver- 
ing the  remainder  and  the  letter  to  the  lady,  she  asked  him  where  the 
rest  of  the  oranges  were  ;  he  said  he  had  delivered  all ;  she  told  him  that 
the  letter  said  there  were  several  more  sent ;  to  which  he  answered  that 
the  letter  lied,  and  she  must  not  believe  it  But  he  was  soon  confronted 
m  his  falsehood,  and,  begging  forgiveness  of  the  offence,  was  porduned.f 

Shrnodness, — As  Governor  Joseph  Dudley  of  Massachusetts  was  superin- 
tending some  of  his  workmen,  he  took  notice  of  an  able-bodied  Indian,  who, 
half  naked,  would  come  and  look  on,  as  a  pastime,  to  see  his  men  work. 
The  governor  took  occasion  one  day  to  ask  hmi  why  he  did  not  work  and  fit 
tome  clothes,  wheretoUh  to  cover  himsey.  The  Indian  answered  by  askmg 
him  why  he  did  not  work.  The  governor,  pointing  with  his  finger  to  his 
head,  said, "  I  work  head  work,  and  so  have  no  need  to  work  with  my  hands 
as  you  should."  The  Indian  then  said  he  would  work  if  any  one  would 
employ  him.  The  governor  told  him  he  wanted  a  calf  killed,  and  that,  if 
he  would  go  and  do  it,  he  would  give  him  a  shilling.  Ho  accepted  the 
ofier,  and  went  immediately  and  killed  the  calf,  and  then  went  saunter- 
ing about  as  before.  The  governor,  on  observing  what  he  had  done, 
asked  him  why  he  did  not  dress  the  calf  before  ho  left  it.  The  Indian 
answered,  "  Ao,  no,  Coponoh ;  that  was  not  in  the  bargain :  I  was  to  have 
a  shilling  for  killing  him.  ^m  hf  no  dead,  Coponoh?  [governor.]"  Ttu: 
governor,  seeing  himself  thus  outwitted,  told  him  to  dress  it,  iuid  he  would 
give  him  another  shilling. 

This  done,  and  hi  possession  of  two  shillings,  the  Indian  gocc  directly 
to  a  grog-shop  for  rum.  Afler  a  short  stay,  he  returned  to  the  governor, 
and  told  him  he  had  given  him  a  bad  shilhng  piece,  and  presented  a  bruiO' 
one  to  be  exchanged.  The  governor,  tliinkmg  possibly  it  might  Imvc 
been  the  case,  gave  him  another.  It  wus  not  long  before  lie  returned  a 
second  time  with  another  brass  shilling  to  be  cxchnugcd  ;  the  governor 
was  now  convinced  of  his  knavery,  but,  not  caring  to  innkc  words  at  tlu; 
time,  gave  him  another ;  and  thus  the  fellow  got  four  shillings  for  one. 


*  Caroy'i  Museiun,  vi.  40. 

t  Urinip*  Voyage  lo  N.  England  in  1709,  Svo.  London^  17S6. 


EQUALiry.— MATRIMONY^TOLERATION. 


(Book  f. 


The  governor  determined  to  have  the  rogue  corrected  for  his  abuM, 
■d,  meeting  with  him  aoon  after,  told  him  he  must  take  a  letter  tu  Bee- 
ton  for  him  [and  gave  him  a  half  a  crown  for  the  service.*]  The  letter 
was  directed  to  the  keeper  of  hridewell,  ordering  him  to  give  the  bearer 
■o  many  lushes ;  but,  mistrusting  that  all  woe  not  exactly  agreeable,  and 
■Meting  a  servant  of  the  governor  on  the  road,  ordered  him,  in  liie  name 
of  his  tnaMer,  to  carry  the  letter  immediately,  as  he  was  in  haste  to  return. 
•The  consequence  was,  this  servant  got  egregiously  whipped.    When  the 

Evertior  lcai|ied  what  had  taken  place,  he  telt  no  little  chagrin  at  being 
iW  twice  outwitted  by  the  Indian. 

He  did  not  sec  the  fellow  for  some  time  after  this,  but  at  length,  falling 
in  with  him,  asked  him  by  what  means  he  had  cheated  and  deceived  him 
■o  many  times.  Taking  the  governor  again  in  his  own  play,  he  answer- 
ad,  pointing  with  his  finger  to  his  head,  "  Head  work,  Coponoh,^uad  work!" 
The  governor  was  now  so  well  pleased  that  he  forgave  the  whole  ofTence.f 

E^ialiiy. — An  Indian  chief,  on  being  asked  whether  his  people  were 
fiee,  answered,  **  Why  not,  since  I  myself  am  free,  although  their  king  ?**! 

Matrimony. — **  An  aged  Indian,  who  for  many  years  had  spent  much  time 
among  the  white  people,  both  in  Pennsvlvania  and  New  Jersey,  one  day, 
about  the  year  1770,  observed  that  the  Indians  had  not  only  a  much  easier 
way  of  getting  a  wife  than  the  whites,  but  also  a  more  certain  way  of  getting 
a  good  one.  » For,'  said  he  in  broken  English,  '  white  man  court— court 
—may  l»e  one  whole  year ! — may  be  two  years  before  he  marry !  Well — 
may  be  then  he  get  very  good  wife — but  may  be  not — may  be  very  cross ! 
Well,  now  suppose  cross!  scold  so  soon  as  get  awake  in  the  morning! 
■cold  all  day ! — scold  until  sleep ! — all  one — he  must  keep  him ! — White 
people  have  law  forbidding  throw  away  wife  he  be  ever  so  cross — must 
keep  him  always!  Well,  now  does  Indian  do  ?  Indian,  when  he  see  in- 
dustrious squaw,  he  like,  he  go  to  him,  place  his  two  fore  fingers  close 
aside  each  other,  make  two  like  one — then  look  squaw  in  the  face — see 
him  smile — this  is  all  one  he  say  yes ! — so  he  take  him  home — no  danger 
he  be  cross !  No,  no — equaw  know  too  well  what  Indian  do  if  he  croos ! 
throw  him  away  and  take  another! — Squaw  love  to  eat  meat — no  hus- 
band no  meat.  Squaw  do  every  thing  to  please  husband,  he  do  every 
thing  to  please  squaw — live  happy.'  "§ 

TvUnmon. — In  the  year  1791,  two  Creek  chiefs  accompanied  an  Ameri- 
can to  England,  where,  as  usual,  they  attracted  great  attention,  and  many 
flocked  around  them,  as  well  to  learn  their  ideas  of  certain  things  as  to 
behold  "the  savages."  Being  asked  their  opinion  of  religion,  or  of  what 
religion  they  were,  one  made  answer,  that  they  had  no  priests  in  their  coun- 
try, or  established  religion,  fur  they  thought,  that,  u{)on  a  subject  where 
there  was  no  possibility  of  people's  agreeing  in  opinion,  and  as  it  was  alto- 
gether matter  of  mere  opinion, "  it  vrau  best  that  every  one  should  paddle  his 
canoe  his  own  way."  Here  is  a  volume  of  instruction  in  a  short  eurwer 
of  a  savage !  

A  recruiting  officer,  engaged  in  the  service  of  the  United  States'  govern- 
ment in  the  time  of  the  Western  Indian  wars,  (about  1790,)  wrote  thus  to 
a  friend :  "  Where  I  am,  the  recruiting  business  goes  on  heavily ;  none 
but  the  refuse  of  creation  to  be  picked  up ;  ^llows-looking  fellows,  (like 
Sir  John  FalstaiTs  regiment,)  who  only  enlist  with  a  design  to  desert ; 
and,  when  collected,  will,  I  fear,  be  pronounced 

So  worn,  so  wanted,  so  despised  a  crew, 
All  even  Indians  mig^ht  wilh  pity  view." 

*  A  scntenre  added  in  a  version  of  this  anocdole  in  Carry's  Mtuevm,  vi,  S04. 

t  Urin^.  lit  tupra.  ISO.  \  Carei^i  mutum,  vi.  482. 

\  Heckeweldef'*  lliit.  lad.  NalioM.  ^  v^V  >.        i.  - 


CRAr.  m.] 


JUSTICE^HUNTINO. 


Ju$tice. — A  white  tnulsr  aold  a  quantity  of  powder  to  an  Indian,  and  im- 
poaed  upon  him  by  making  him  believe  it  was  a  grain  which  grew  like 
wheat,  by  sowing  it  upon  the  ground.  He  woa  greatly  cinted  by  the 
proflpect,  not  only  of  raising  h'n  own  powder,  but  of  i)eing  able  to  ■uppHr 
others,  und  thereby  becoming  immensely  rich.  Having  prepared  nis 
^und  with  great  cure,  he  sowed  his  powder  with  the  utmost  exactnea 
in  the  Bjiriug.  Month  aAer  mouth  passed  away,  but  his  powder  did  not 
even  spiout,  and  winter  came  l^iefore  he  was  satisfied  that  he  had  bewi 
deceived.  He  said  nothing ;  but  some  time  after,  when  the  trader  had 
forgotten  the  trick,  the  same  Indian  succeeded  in  getting  credit  of  him  to 
a  large  amount.  The  time  set  for  payment  liaving  expired,  he  sought 
out  the  Indian  at  his  residence,  and  demanded  payment  for  his  gomlii. 
The  Indian  heard  his  demand  with  great  complaisance  ;  then,  looking  him 
shrewdly  in  the  eye,  said,  "  Me  puy  you  when  my  powder  grow."  Thk 
was  enough.  The  guilty  white  man  quickly  retraced  his  steps,  satisfied, 
we  apprehend,  to  balance  his  account  with  the  chagrin  he  had  received. 

Hunting, — The  Indians  had  methods  to  catch  game  which  served  them 
extremely  well.  We  will  give  here  an  anecdote  of  one  of  their  snares 
etUching  a  pilgrim,  and  then  explain,  by  an  engraving,  their  fence  traps. 

The  same  month  in  which  the  Mayflower  brought  over  the  fatuenL 
November,  1620,  to  the  shores  of  Plimouth,  several  of  them  ran^^ 
about  the  woods  near  by  to  learn  what  the  country  contained.  Havug 
wandered  larther  than  they  were  apprised,  in  their  endeavor  to  return, 
they  say,  "  We  were  shrewdly  puzzled,  and  lost  our  way.  As  we  wan- 
dered,  we  came  to  a  tree,  where  a  young  sprit  was  bowed  down  over  a 
bow,  and  some  acorns  strewed  underneath.  Stephen  Hopkins  said,  it 
had  been  to  catch  some  deer.  So,  as  we  were  looking  at  it,  William 
Bradford  being  in  the  rear,  when  be  came  looking  also  upon  it,  and  as 
he  went  about,  it  gave  a  sudden  jerk  up,  and  he  was  immediately  caught 
up  by  tlie  legs.  It  was  (they  continue)  a  very  pretty  device,  made  with 
a  rope  of  their  own  making,  [of  bark  or  some  kind  of  roots  probably,] 
and  having  a  noose  as  artificially  made  as  any  roper  in  England  can 
make,  and  as  like  ours  as  can  be;  which  we  brought  away  witti  ua."* 


^-Mourt's  Relation. 


# 


« 


PREACHITVO  AOAINST  f>RACTICG. 


tBooil. 


OrratRM*  «/■  Mind,  a  .Yarrative. — Silimee  vtms  n  Cherokee  chief,  and 
vrns  intr<Mtu>-<>(l  by  Mr.  Jrjhnon,  to  jlliirtrntp  tlic  <  l:.-<erv«tion  in  lii«  Notes 
«j»  Vhrginin,  tl»nt  llie  Indian  "  h  ufFirptronaK!  to  iiis  children,  caraful  of 
thmht  mi.i  iniliilf!cnt  iti  the  extn^mc ;  timt  h\a  atFcctions  compreltcnd  his 
other  eonueetiona,  weakening,  as  with  us,  from  circle  to  circle,  as  they 
raeede  from  the  centre ;  that  his  iViendtiliips  are  strong  and  faithful  to  the 
uMnnnost  extromitv."  "  \  remarkable  instance  of  this  appeared  in  the 
ewe  of  the  kte  Col.  Byrd,*  who  was  sent  to  the  Cherokee  nation  to 
transact  some  burrness  with  them.  It  happened  that  some  of  our  disor- 
derly people  had  just  killed  one  or  two  of  that  nation.  It  was  therefore 
proposed  in  the  eouncil  of  the  Cherokces,  that  Col.  Byrd  should  \ie  put  to 
deiMh,  in  revenge  fbr  the  loss  of  their  countrymen.  Among  them  wati  a 
chief  called  SuiMue,  who,  on  some  former  occasion,  had  contracted  an  ac- 
q«Mintan<^  and  friendship  with  Col.  Bj/rd.  He  came  to  him  every  nl^ht 
in  his  tent,  and  told  him  not  to  be  afraid,  they  should  not  kill  him.  incr 
many  days'  deliberation,  however,  the  determination  was  contrdry  to 
SHimee't  ex|)ectation,  that  Byrd  should  be  put  to  death,  and  some  warriors 
Were  despatched  as  executioners.  SUiniee  attended  them  ;  and  when  they 
entered  the  tent,  he  threw  himself  between  them  and  Byrd,  and  said  to 
the  warriors,  <  This  man  it  my  friend:  btfore  you  get  at  him,  you  trnut  kill 
nte  .'*  On  which  thev  returned,  and  the  council  respected  the  i>rinciple  so 
mneh,  as  to  recede  from  their  determination." 

A  more  impolitic  and  barbarous  measure,  perhaps,  never  entered  the 
heart  of  man,  than  that  of  offering  a  reward  for  human  scalps.  This 
Was  done  by  Virginia.  It  is  true  the  government  of  Virginia  was  not 
alone  in  this  criminal  business,  but  that  betters  not  her  cose.  The 
door  of  enormity  being  thus  opened,  it  was  easy  to  have  foreseen,  that 
many  men  upon  the  frontiers,  "of  bad  lives  and  worse  principles," 
aayi  an  intelligent  writer.f  stood  ready  to  step  in.  As  the  event  proved, 
onany  fViendly  Indians  were  murdered,  and  the  government  defrauded. 
It  was  at  the  news  of  a  murder  of  this  description  that  Col.  Myrd  was 
seized. 

Preaehinr  against  Practiee. — John  Simon  was  a  Sogkonate,  who,  about 
the  year  17^,  was  a  settled  minister  to  that  tribe.  He  was  a  man  of  strong 
mind,  generally  temperate,  but  sometimes  remise  in  the  latter  particular. 
The  fbllowlng  aneooote  is  told  as  characteristic  of  his  notions  of  justice. 
Simon,  on  account  of  his  deportment,  was  created  justice  of  the  peace,  and 


I  othe^^  boa  commiiiea  some  onence.  4  usuce  •ovi'mv  anu  mmon, 
in  makinc  up  'heir  minds,  estimated  the  amount  of  the  o&nce  differ- 
ently ;  wfwiy  thought  each  shoukl  receive  eight  or  (en  stripes,  but  Simon 
■aid,  "  JVb,ybwr  orJh>e  are  enough — ^Poor  huStma  are  ^pu)rant,  and  iti*  not 
Chrtitian-ltke  to  puniak  n  hardly,  tho$e  who  are  ignorant,  a»  thp»e  who 
have  knowledge.^  SimonU  judgment  prevailed.  When  Mr.  Mmy  asked 
John  how  many  his  wife  should  receive,  he  said,  "DouNe,  because 
she  had  knowledge  to  have  done  better ;"  but  Cnl.  Mmy,  out  of  regard  to 
John*s  feeliugs,  wholly  remitted  liis  wife's  punishment.  *  Jof-n  looked 
very  serious,  and  made  no  reply  while  in  presence  of  the  court,  but,  on 
the  first  fit  opportunity,  remonstrated  very  ssvcrelv  against  his  judgment ; 
and  said  to  him,  *'  7b  what  purpose  do  we  preach  a  religion  of  justice,  ^ 
we  do  unrighteousness  in  judgments 

*  Perhaps  the  same  mcntioiMHl  by  Oldntixon,  (i.  283.)  in  speaking  of  the  Indian  pow- 
wows; one  or  whom  he  says,  "very  lately  conjured  a  shower  of  rain  for  Col.  Byrd  * 
plantation  in  a  time  of  drouth,  for  two  botiles  of  rum,"  and  of  which  Mr.  Oldmixon 
says,  "  bad  we  not  found  tliis  in  an  author  who  was  on  the  spot,  we  sliould  have  rejected 
it  as  a  fable."  i  Dr.  Buntaby. 


Chap.  Ill] 


OF  MANNERS,  CUSTOMS,  iu. 


O 


Sam  Hlle. — There  am  few,  we  imaf  ine,  who  hare  not  heard  of  this 
persunngu ;  hut,  nutwitlistandiug  hia  great  notoriety,  we  might  not  be 
thoii^lit  Bcrioua  in  the  rest  of  our  work,  were  we  to  enter  aenously  into 
h'w  hioffrnphy ;  for  the  reason,  that  finm  hia  day  to  thia,  hia  name  has 
been  u  liy-woni  in  ail  Now  England,  and  ineana  aa  much  aa  to  an  ibe 
gnalzd  qf  liars.    It  is  on  account  of  the  following  anecdote  that  be  ia 

QOtici'J. 

San  Hile  was  a  notorious  cider-drinker  as  well  aa  liar,  and  uaed  to 
travi'I  the  country  to  and  fVo  begging  it  (Vom  door  to  door.    At  one  time 
he  liti|>|)euc(l  in  u  region  of  country  where  cider  waa  very  hard  to  be  pro- 
cured ;  eitlicr  from  its  scarcity,  or  from  iSiMt'«  fi«quenf  visita.    However, 
cider  hu  wus  dctrrinincd  to  have,  if  lyins,  in  any  ahape  or  color,  would 
gain  It.     liuing  not  fur  from  the  house  of  an  acquaintance,  who  he  knew 
hod  ciilcr,  but  lie  knew,  or  was  well  satisfied,  that,  in  the  ordinary  wray  of 
begging,  he  could  not  get  it,  he  set  his  wits  at  work  to  lay  a  plan  to  enaiure 
it.    Tills  did  not  occupy  him  long.    On  arriving  at  the  house  of  the  gen- 
tleman, instead  of  askuig  ibr  cider,  he  inquired  for  the  man  of  the  houae^ 
whom,  on  a|>(>!;aring,  Sam  requested  to  go  aside  with  hint,  as  he  had  some- 
thing of  iM)|)()rtnncu  to  communicate  to  tiim.    When  they  were  by  tbem- 
selvea,  •Sctm  told  him  he  had  that  morning  shot  a  fine  deer,  and  tliat,  if  he 
would  <;lvc  him  a  crown,  he  would  tell  hun  where  it  was.    The  gentle- 
man did  not  incline  to  do  this,  but  offered  half  a  crown.    Finally,  iSail, 
said,  ns  he  hud  walked  a  great  distance  that  morning,  and  was  veiy  diy, ' 
for  a  half  a  crowu  and  a  mug  of  cider  he  would  tell  him.    Thia  was 
agreed  upon,  and  the  price  paid.    Now  >Siim  waa  required  to  point  out 
the  spot  where  the  deer  was  to  he  found,  which  he  did  in  this  manner. 
He  raid  to  his  friend.  You  know  qf  such  a  meadow,  describing  it — Yes — 
You  know  a  big  cuh  ti-ee  urilh  ai^Uq>bytke  liitU  brwdt — ^Yes —  fFcfi,  taukr 
that  tree  lies  the  deer.    This  was  satisfactory,  and  Sam  departed.     It  is  un- 
necessary to  mention  that  the  meadow  was  found,  and  the  tree  by  tha 
brook,  hut  no  deer.    The  duped  man  could  hardly  contain  himself  on 
considering  what  he  hod  been  doing.    To  look  afhir  Sam  for  satis&ntlon 
would  be  worse  than  looking  after  the  deer ;  so  the  farmer  concluded  to 
go  home  contented.    Some  years  after,  he  happened  to  fiill  in  with  the 
Indian ;  and  he  imn  '^lintely  began  to  rally  him  for  deceiving  him  so,  and 
demanded  Iwck  his  money  and  pay  for  his  cider  and  trouble,     ffhf,  said 
Sam,  would  you  find  fauU  }f  Irmtian  kid  truth  haif  the  time  ? — No — Wdt, 
says  Sam,  you  pud  him  meadow  ? — ^Yes —  You  &m  him  tive  ? — Yes — What 
for  then  you  find  fault  Sam  Hide,  toA«n  fye  tola  you  two  truth  to  one  lie  f 
The  affair  ended  here.     iSoni  heard  no  more  from  the  farmer. 

This  is  but  one  of  the  numerous  anecdotes  of  iSKiiin  Hide,  which,  could 
they  be  collected,  would  fill  many  pages.  He  died  in  Dedham,  5  Jan. 
17X2,  at  the  great  age  of  105  years.  He  waa  a  great  jestpr,  an<l  pasaed  for 
an  uncommon  wit.  In  all  the  ware  against  the  Indians  during  hia  life- 
time, he  served  the  English  fiiithfullv,  and  had  the  name  of  a  breve  sol- 
dier. He  had  himself  killed  19  of  the  enemy,  and  tried  hard  to  make  up 
the  20th,  but  was  unable. 

Charactera  eontraaled. — "  An  Indian  of  the  Kennebeck  tribe,  remarkable 
for  his  good  conduct,  receivetl  a  grant  of  land  from  the  state,  and  fize4 
himself^  in  a  new  township  where  a  number  of  families  were  settled. 
Though  not  ill  treated,  yet  the  common  prejudice  against  Indians  prevent- 
ed any  sympathy  with  him.  This  was  shown  at  the  death  of  hia  oo^ 
child,'when  none  of  the  people  came  near  him.  iShortly  uflerwarda  he 
went  to  some  of  the  inhabitants  and  said  to  them,  Whm  white  man**  cftaM 
die,  Indian  man  he  sorry — he  help  bury  him. — Whm  my  child  ttit,  no  oiia> 
tpeak  to  me — I  make  hit  grant  ahne.    /  can  no  /we  ktrt.    He  gave  up  Ma. 


-M 


*"*. 


^ 


9i 


ANE(;!X)TKS,  Stc,  ILLUSTRATIVE 


[Rook  t. 


fiimi,  fluff  up  llio  im<Iy  of  his  i-l.ll:!,  and  curried  it  witli  liiin  200  inileH 
through  tliu  fbri-stfl,  to  join  the  Canada  Indiana!"* 

Aludieroua  Error. — There  waa  publiahed  in  London,  in  ITGEIi^Thc 
Amkrican  Qazettkee,"  &c.f  in  which  w  the  following  account  of  Biiia- 
TOL,  R.  I.  "  A  county  and  town  in  N.  England.  The  capital  it*  remark- 
able for  the  Kinff  of  SpaM$  hamng  a  palace  in  il,  and  htinr  kUled  (Acre ; 
and  also  (br  Crown  the  poet'a  beffginc  it  of  Charkt  11."  The  blunder  did 
not  runt  hero,  but  ia  found  in  **  Thk  N.  American  nnd  the  West  Inoiah 
Gaxettber,"!  ^c.  Thua  PhUip  of  Sjwin  aeetna  to  have  had  the  mit- 
fortwu  of  being  mistaken  for  PhiUp  of  the  Wanipanoags,  aliaa  Pomdaeom 
of  Pokanoket 

Origin  or  Meaning  of  the  Abme  Canada. — It  ia  aaid,  that  Canada  was 
discovered  by  the  Spaniards,  before  the  time  of  Curtier,  and  that  the  Bay 
of  Chnleura  wos  discovered  by  them,  and  is  the  same  as  the  Baye  dta  E»- 
paptaltM  ;  nnd  that  the  Spaniards,  not  meetiisg  with  any  op|)earances  of 
iniiMSB  of  the  precious  metals,  said  to  one  another,  oca  nada,  which  in  their 
language  signified,  nothing  here,  and  forthwith  deported  from  the  country. 
The  Indians,  having  heard  these  words,  retained  them  in  their  memories, 
and,  when  the  French  came  among  them,  made  use  of  them,  probably  by 
way  of  salutation,  not  understanding  their  import ;  and  they  were  supposed 
by  the  voyagers  to  be  the  name  of  the  country.  It  wos  only  necesau'y  to 
drop  the  first  letter,  and  use  the  two  words  as  two  syllables,  and  the  word 
Canada  was  complete.^ 

But  08  long  ago  as  when  Father  Chartevoix  wrote  his  admiroble  Histoet 
or  Mw  F)ranee,  he  added  a  note  upon  the  derivation  of  the  name  Canada, 
in  which  he  said  some  derived  it  from  an  Iroquois  wonl  meaning  on  as- 
semblage of  houses.!  Dr.  /.  R.  For$ter  has  a  leanied  note  upon  it  also, 
in  bis  valuable  account  of  Voyages  and  Discoveries  in  the  JVbWA.  He 
objects  to  the  Aca  JVatia  origin,  because,  in  Spanish,  the  word  for  here  is 
lio*  aea,  but  ao*(s  and  that  to  fonii  Cemada  from  Jiquinada  wor'^d  be  forced 
and  unnotural.  Yet  he  soys,  "  In  ancient  maps  we  oAen  find  Ca :  da 
Muia,^  that  is,  Cape  Nothing.  "  But  from  o  Canadian  [Indian]  vocabu- 
lary, annexed  to  the  original  edition  of  the  second  voyage  of  Jaques  Car- 
Her,  Paris,  1545,  it  appeats,  that  an  assemblage  of  houses,  or  habitations, 
i.  e.  a  toton,  was  by  the  notives  colled  Canada.  Cartier  soys,  Ilz  appel- 
k$U  wu  Vilie — Canada."  Mr.  Htckewelder  is  of  much  the  same  opinion 
as  Charlevoix  and  Forster.  He  says,  thot  in  o  prayer-book  in  the  Mohawk 
language,  he  read  "Ae  KANADA-^onfA  Konwayatsk  JVazareth"  which 
was  a  translation  of  "in  a  city  called  Nazaretli." 

Origin  of  the  Niune  Yankee. — Anbury,  an  author  who  <!id  not  rcsjicct 
the  Americons,  any  more  than  many  others  who  have  lieeii  led  cnptive 
bv  them,  has  the  following  paragroph  upon  this  wordU — "The  lower 
class  of  these  Yankees — o-projws,  it  may  not  be  amiss  here  just  to  observe 
to  you  the  etymology  of  this  term :  it  is  derived  from  a  Cherokee  word, 


,*' 


t  3  vols.  12mo.  without  name. 


•  Tiidor'n  Letters  on  the  Eastern  States,  294. 
t  Sd  edition,  ISmo.  London,  1778,  alio  anonymous. 

^  The  authors  who  have  adopted  this  opinion,  are  Dr.  Mathtr,  [Magnalia^B.  viii.  71  ;1 
■ "         ""        '  >*>] 


It  [Voyages,  ii.  349  :]  tfoU  [Geor*  ii.  194;]  J.  Z.c»ur,  [Voyages  and  Travels 
Botmanj  [Mainland,  35 ;]  Mouiton,  [N.  York,  i.  131 ;]  Ufartin,  [Louisianp,  i.7.] 


Jotulytt  vaaJtffryi  seem  to  be  without  company  as  well  as  authorities  for  thoir  der- 
ivaiions.  The  former  [N.  Eng.  Rarities,  6,]  says,  Canada  was  "  so  called  from  Moa- 
■ieur  Cant."  The  latter  [Hist.  America,  1,]  says,  "  Canada,  in  the  Indian  language, 
rimiflet  the  Mouth  of  the  Countrtj,  Trom  can,  mouth,  and  ada,  the  country." 

I  Quelques-unes  d^rivent  ce  nom  du  mot  Iroouois  Kannata,  qui  se  prononce  Canada, 
•I  iignilie  un  amas  de  eabonnes.    Hitt.  Nouv.  France,  i.  9. 

f  TrvveU  through  the  hUtrUtr  Parts  ofN.  America,  1776,  ttc.  vol.  ii.  46, 47.  Anr- 
was  an  officer  in  Gen.  Burgoyn^t  army,  and  wan  among  the  captives  surrendered 


C'HAF.  ni] 


OF  MANNERS  AND  CU8TOII8. 


without  name. 


•nonce  Canada, 


ttmkke,  which  siniiflM  coward  and  slave.  Thw  epithet  of  ymikte  WM 
bestowetl  u\wn  tlio  iiiiiabitnnti*  of  N.  Kngland  hy  the  Virginiana,  for  not 
aaaisting  ihem  in  a  war  with  the  Cherolceca,  and  they  have  alwaya  been 
held  in  derision  by  it.  But  the  name  lias  been  more  prevalent  ainee 
[1775]  the  commencement  ofhostilitieM;  the  soldiery  at  Boston  used  it  m 
a  term  of  reproach ;  but  after  the  nHair  at  Bunker's  Hill,  the  AmerknM 
gloried  in  it.  Yankee-doodle  is  now  their  pcean,  a  favorite  of  fkvoriiea, 
played  in  their  army,  esteemeci  as  warlike  as  the  grenadier's  march — it  ii 
the  lover's  spell,  the  nurse's  lullaby.  After  our  rapid  successes,  we  held 
the  yankees  in  great  contempt;  but  it  was  not  a  little  mortifying  to  hear 
them  play  this  tune,  when  their  army  marched  down  to  our  surrender."* 

But  Mr.  Hecketpelder  thinks  that  the  Indians,  in  endeavoring  to  pro- 
nounce the  name  Engluh,  could  get  that  sound  no  nearer  than  these 
letters  give  'n,yengeea.    This  was  perha|)s  the  true  origin  of  Yankte. 

A  aingular  Stratagem  to  eacape  Torture. — **  Some  years  ago  the  Shawano 
Indians,  Iteiug  obliged  to  remove  from  their  habitations,  in  their  way  t<iok 
a  Muskohge  warrior,  known  by  the  name  of  old  Serany,  prisoner;  they 
bastinadoed  him  severely,  and  condemned  him  to  the  ncry  torture.  He 
underwent  a  great  deal  without  showing  any  con;:em  ;  his  countenance 
and  behavior  were  as  if  he  suffered  not  the  least  pain.  He  told  his  per- 
secutors with  a  bold  voice,  that  he  was  a  warrior ;  that  he  had  gained 
most  of  liis  manirl  reputation  at  the  expense  of  their  nation,  ar.a  was 
desirous  of  BhowM>g  them,  in  the  act  of  dying,  that  he  was  still  aa  much 
their  sufierior,  as  when  he  headed  his  f^nllnnt  countrymen  :  that  although 
he  had  fallen  into  their  hands,  and  forf«;ited  the  protection  of  the  divine 
power  by  some  impurity  or  other,  >vhen  carrying  the  holy  ark  of  war 
against  his  devoted  enemies,  yet  he  Imd  so  much  remaining  virtue  as 
would  enable  him  to  punish  himself  more  exquisitely  than  all  their  den- 
picable  ignorant  crowd  possibly  could  ;  and  that  he  would  do  so,  if  they 
gave  him  liberty  hy  untying  him,  and  handing  him  one  of  the  red  hot 
gun-barrels  out  of  the  fire.  The  proposol,  and  his  method  of  address, 
appeared  so  exceedingly  l)old  and  uncommon,  that  his  request  was  grant- 
ed. Then  suddenly  seizing  one  end  of  the  red-hot  barrel,  and  brandish- 
ing it  from  side  to  side,  leaped  down  a  prodigious  steep  and  high  bank 
into  a  branch  of  the  river,  dived  through  it,  ran  over  a  small  island,  and 
passed  the  other  branch,  amidst  a  shower  of  bullets ;  and  though  numbers 
of  his  enemies  were  in  close  pursuit  of  him,hvgot  into  a  bramble  swamp 
through  which,  though  nakea  and  in  a  mangled  condition,  he  reached  hia 
own  country." 

An  unparalleled  Case  of  Suffering. — "  The  Shawano  Indians  captured 
a  warrior  of  the  Anantooeah  nation,  and  put  him  to  the  stake,  according 
to  their  usual  cruel  solemnities :  having  unconcernedly  suffered  much  tor- 
tare,  he  told  them,  with  scorn,  they  did  n)t  know  bow  to  punish  a  noted 
enemy  ;  therefore  he  wns  willing  to  teach  them,  and  would  confirm  tfac 
truth  of  his  assertion  if  they  allowed  him  the  opportunity.  Accordingly  he 
requested  of  them  a  pipe  and  some  tobacco,  which  was  given  him ;  as  soon 
as  tie  had  lighted  it,  lie  sat  down,  naked  as  he  was,  on  the  women's  burn- 
ing torches,  that  were  within  his  circle,  and  continued  smoking  his  pipe 
without  the  least  discomposure :  On  this  a  head  warrior  leaped  up,  and 
said,  they  saw  plain  enough  that  he  was  a  warrior,  and  not  afraid  of  dy- 
ing, nor  should  he  have  died,  only  that  he  was  both  spoiled  by  the  fire, 
and  devoted  to  it  by  their  laws ;  however,  though  he  was  a  very  dangor- 
OUB  enemy,  and  his  nation  a  treacherous  people,  it  should  be  seen  that  they 
paid  a  regard  to  bravery,  even  in  one  who  was  niaiked  with  war  streaks 
at  the  cost  of  many  of  the  lives  of  their  beloved  kindred ;  end  then  by 


This  derivation  is  almost  as  ludicrous  as  that  given  by  Iroing  in  his  Knickerbocker. 
3 


ANECDOTES,  tec.  ILLUSTRATIVE 


IBooc  I 


yny  of  Avnr,  >ie  with  Iim  Oii^ndly  toinaliawk  iimtantly  put  in  end  to  all 
iiw  psins."* 

ivnoronre  the  Offiiprinp  nfnhsurd  Opimotu. — Tho  reflohition  ami  rniiragr 
of  ttie  Iiiiliaiis,  nnyn  Col.  Hogem,  "  iiiitlcr  Hickiit'tw  and  |Miin,  ia  truly  aur- 
priaing.  A  yoiiiij^  woman  will  In!  in  labor  a  whole  day  without  utirring 
oae  iroan  or  cry;  uhould  hIh!  Iiclray  such  h  wcakni^M,  they  would  im- 
mediately any,  thnt  alio  wiu  iiiiworthy  to  be  a  niotlicr,  and  that  her  ofl*- 
iprinff  could  not  fail  of  Iwinj?  cowanw."f 

^  \ortktm  Custom. — When  Mr.  Htame  waa  on  tlie  Coppennine  River, 
in  1771,  Home  of  tho  Cop|ier  Indians  in  his  company  kiml  a  number 
of  Esquimaux,  by  which  act  they  considered  themselveH  unclean ;  and 
•II  concerned  in  tho  rnurdcr  were  not  allowed  to  cook  any  provisiona, 
either  for  thcmselveH  or  others.  They  were,  however,  allowed  to  cat 
of  others*  cooking,  but  not  until  they  had  painted,  with  a  kind  of  red  earth, 
•11  the  space  l)etwcen  their  nose  and  chin,  as  well  oa  a  (greater  part  of 
their  cheeks,  almost  to  their  ears.  Neither  would  they  use  any  other  dish, 
or  pipe,  than  their  own.^ 

Another  Pocahontaa. — While  Letois  and  Clarke  were  on  the  shore  of 
die  Pacific  Ocean,  in  180.5,  one  of  their  men  went  one  evening  into  n 
Tillage  of  tho  Killamuk  Indians,  alone,  a  small  distance  from  his  party, 
and  on  the  opposite  side  of  a  creek  from  that  of  the  encampment.  A 
iHrange  Indian  happened  to  he  there  also,  who  expressed  great  respect 
luid  love  for  tho  white  man ;  hut  in  reality  he  meant  to  murder  him  for 
the  articles  he  had  aliout  him.  This  happened  lo  come  to  the  knowledge 
)>f  a  Chinnook  woman, and  she  determined  at  once  to  save  his  life:  there- 
fore, when  the  white  man  was  about  to  return  to  his  companions,  the  In 
lUan  was  going  to  accompany  him,  and  kill  him  in  the  way.  As  they  were 
about  to  set  out,  the  woman  caught  the  white  man  by  the  clothes,  to  pre- 
vent his  going  with  the  mdian.  He,  not  understanding  her  intention, 
pulled  away  rrom  her ;  but  as  a  last  resort,  she  ran  out  and  shrieked, 
which  raised  the  men  in  every  direction  ;  and  the  Indian  became  alarmed 
for  bis  own  safety,  and  made  his  escape  before  the  white  man  knew  he 
liad  been  in  dan^r. 

Sey-eommand  tn  Tiine  of  Danger. — There  was  in  Carolina  a  noted  chief 
of  the  Yamoisees,  who,  in  the  year  1702,  with  about  600  of  his  country- 
men, went  with  Col.  Daniet  and  Col.  Moore  against  the  Spaniards  in  Flor- 
rda.  His  name  was  ^rratomnutkaw.  ^'h«>n  the  English  were  obliged 
10  abandon  their  undertaking,  and  as  the;  t»ere  retreatmg  to  their  boats, 
i hey  became  alarmed,  supposing  the  Sptniards  were  upon  them.  Jlrra- 
lommakaw,  having  arrived  at  the  boats,  was  reposing  himself  upon  his 
:iara,  and  was  fast  asleep.  The  soldiers  rallied  him  for  being  so  slow  in 
Ilia  retreat,  and  ordered  him  to  make  more  haste :  *'  But  he  replied, '  No — 

■fHOUGH  TOUR  GOVERNOR    LEAVES    YOU,  I    WILT.    NOT    STIR    TILL    I    HAVE 
ikEN  ALL  MT  MEN  BEFORE  ME.'" 

Indifference. — Archihau  was  a  sachem  of  Miiryiand,  whase  resideiicf 
•▼as  upon  the  Potomack,  when  that  country  was  settled  by  the  I'^nglisli 
.•a  1633-4.  The  place  of  his  residence  was  named,  like  the  river,  Poto- 
inack.  As  usual  with  the  Indians,  he  received  .he  English  under  Gov. 
*7alvert  with  great  attention.  It  should  be  noted,  that  Archihau  was  not 
tioad  sachem  of  the  Potomacks,  but  governed  instead  of  his  nephew,  who 
tfaa  a  child,  and  who,  like  the  head  men  of  Virginia,  was  called  werowance. 
lf!rom  this  place  the  colonists  sailed  20  leagues  farther  up  the  river,  to  a 
{ilaoe  called  Piscattaway.    Here  a  werowance  went  on  board  the  govcm- 

•  The  two  preceding  reialions  are  from  Lon^i  Voyages  and  Travels,  7S  and  73,  a  book 
ti  imall  pretensions,  but  one  of  ihe  best  on  ^dian  history.  Its  author  fived  among  Ike 
Jndiaui  of  the  N.  West,  as  an  Indian  trader,  about  19  years. 

t  Concise  Accotmt  qfN.  America,  S12.         X  Journey  to  Ihe  Norther*  Ocean,  206. 


MM 


CRAr.  Ill  ] 


OP  MANNEBS  AND  OUflTOMS. 


I  the  shorp  of 


or's  piniuM90,  to  treat  with  him.  On  heing  Mkad  whother  he  ww  wiH- 
ing  the  Biifiish  bIiouM  wttie  in  his  country,  in  caae  they  found  »  |>Im« 
oooveuieot  for  tlieiu,  he  inade  uiawer,  "  /  wiU  twt  bid  jfim  go,  neHkn  imU 
I  Ud  you  «<ay,  but  you  may  uie  your  own  diterdion."* 

Tktir  Abhotu  itfUu  Ltarning  ofUu  IVhiUa.—Al  tlie  congren  at  Lanraa- 
ter,  in  1744,  between  the  goveniinent  of  Virginia  and  tlie  Five  Natioaa, 
the  Indiana  were  luld  that,  if  ihv^  would  wsnd  ooine  of  their  young  man 
to  Virginia,  the  Engliah  would  give  them  an  education  at  their  colleM. 
An  orator  replied  to  tliia  otler  an  fullowi : — "  We  know  that  you  higbty 
eateem  the  kind  of  learning  taught  in  thoae  colHceo,  and  that  the  n>ain- 
tenance  of  our  young  men,  while  with  you,  wouul  be  very  expenaive  la 
you.  We  are  convinced,  thert'fore,  tliat  you  mean  to  do  ua  good  by  your 
proponal,  and  we  thank  you  heartily.  But  you  who  are  wiae  muat  knoiw, 
that  <iiiferent  nationa  have  different  concepliona  of  tbinga ;  and  you  will 
therefore  not  uke  it  amiv,  if  our  ideaa  of  thia  kind  of  education  hanpan 
not  to  be  the  oame  with  youra.  We  have  had  aome  experience  M  k : 
several  of  our  young  people  were  formerly  brought  up  at  the  collegea  of 
the  northern  provincea ;  they  were  instructed  in  all  your  sciencea ;  but 
when  they  came  back  to  ua,  they  were  bad  runners ;  ignorant  of  eveiy 
means  of  living  in  the  woods ;  unable  to  bear  aither  cold  or  hunger ; 
know  neither  how  to  build  a  cabin,  take  a  deer,  or  kill  an  enemy ;  apak« 
our  language  imperfectly  ;  were  therefore  neither  fit  for  hunters,  warriora, 
or  coiinaelTors ;  they  were  totally  good  for  nothing.  We  are,  howevet, 
not  the  less  obliged  by  ^our  kind  offer,  though  we  decline  accepting  it: 
and  to  show  our  grateful  senae  of  it,  if  the  gentlcLien  of  Virginia  will 
send  ua  a  dozen  of  their  so^is,  we  will  take  great  care  of  their  education, 
instruct  them  in  all  we  know,  and  make  mm  of  them."! 

Saccesa  of  a  MUtiomay. — ^Those  who  have  attempted  to  Christianize  the 
Indians  complain  that  they  are  too  silent,  that  their  obseqiiiousnoas  is  the 
greatest  difficulty  with  which  they  have  to  contend.  Their  notions  of 
propriety  upon  matters  of  conversation  are  so  nice,  that  they  deem  it  im- 
proper, in  the  highest  degree,  even  to  deny  or  contradict  &ny  tiling  tliat  is 
said,  at  the  time ;  and  hence  the  difficulty  of  knowing  what  enect  any 
thing  baa  upon  their  minda  at  the  time  of  delivery.  In  this  they  have  a 
proper  advantage ;  for  how  often  does  it  happen  that  people  would  anawor 
very  differently  upon  a  matter,  were  tliey  to  consider  upon  it  but  a  abort 
time!  The  luv  lans  never  answer  a  matter  of  importance  the  same  <iay, 
lest,  in  so  doing,  they  should  be  thought  to  have  treated  it  as  though  it  waH 
of  small  consequence.  fVe  oftencr  rejieiit  of  a  hoHty  decision,  than  that 
we  have  lost' time  in  maturing  onr  Judgments.  Now  for  the  anecdote  ; 
and  us  it  is  from  the  Essays  of  Dr.  I^atudin,  wu  wish  to  hsai  it  told  in  hin 
own  way. 

"A  Swedish  minister,  having  assembled  the  chiefs  of  the  Siisquehannnh 
Indians,  made  a  sermon  to  them,  acquainting  them  with  the  i>niici|ml 
historical  facts  on  which  our  religion  is  founded;  such  as  the  fall  of  w>\ 
firat  liarcnts  by  eating  an  apple;  the  coming  of  Christ  to  repoir  the  mis- 
chief; his  miracles  and  sufferings,  &c. — When  he  hud  fiiuHhui,  »u  In- 
dian orator  stood  up  to  thank  him.  '  IVhal  you  have  told  U4,'  sitid  ho, '  t* 
tdl  very  good.  It  ia  indeed  bad  to  eat  apples.  It  is  belter  to  make  them  al'. 
into  cider.  Ife  are  mucA  obliged  by  your  kindness  in  coming  so  far  lo  tell  ?w 
thoae  things,  which  you  have  heard  from  your  mothers.^ 

"When  the  Indian  had  told  the  missionary  one  of  the  legends  of  his  na- 
tion, how  they  had  been  supplied  with  inuize  or  corn,  beans  and  tobacro, 
he  treated  it  with  contempt,  nnd  said, '  What  I  delivered  to  you  wcni 
sacred  truths ;  but  what  you  toll  me  is  mere  fable,  fiction  and  fiilsehood.' 


OUmixon,  [Hist.  Maryland 


t  Franklin's  Essay*. 


28 


ANECDOTES,  ttc.,  ILLUSTRATIVE 


[Book  I. 


The  Indian  Mt  indignant,  and  replied,  *  My  brother,  it  seenu  vowJriend» 
have  not  done  you  justice  in  j/our  Mucation ;  they  have  not  well  instructed 
you  in  the  rules  '/common  ctvility.  You  say  that  u>e,  who  undtrttand  and 
practise  those  rules,  believe  all  your  stories :  why  do  you  re/use  to  believe  ours  V  " 

Curiosity. — "  When  any  of  the  Indians  come  into  our  towns,  our  peo- 
ple are  apt  to  crowd  round  them,  gaze  upon  them,  and  incommode  thenv 
where  they  desire  to  be  private ;  this  they  esteem  great  rudeness,  and  the 
effect  of  the  want  of  instruction  in  the  rules  of  civility  and  good  manners. 
'  fFe  have^  say  they,  <  as  much  curiosity  as  you,  and  when  you  come  into 
our  towns,  we  wish  for  opportunities  qflooking  at  you ;  but  Jor  this  pwrpou 
we  hide  ourselves  behind  bushes  where  you  are  to  pass,  and  never  intrude 
ourselves  ivto  your  company!  " 

Rules  of  Conversation. — "  The  business  of  the  women  is  to  toko  exact 
notice  of  what  passes,  imprint  it  in  their  memories,  (for  they  have  no  writ- 
ing,) and  communicate  it  to  their  children.  They  are  the  records  of  the 
council,  and  they  preserve  tradition  of  the  stipulations  in  treaties  a  hun- 
dred years  back ;  which,  when  we  compare  with  our  writings,  we  always 
find  exact.  !^^  that  would  speak  rises.  The  rest  observe  a  profound 
silence.  Wneu  he  has  finished,  and  sits  down,  they  leave  him  five  or  six 
minutes  to  recollect,  that,  if  he  has  omitted  any  thing  he  intended  to  say, 
or  has  any  thin^  to  add,  lie  may  rise  again,  and  deliver  it.  To  interrupt 
another,  even  m  common  conversation,  is  reckoned  highly  indecent. 
flow  different  this  is  from  the  conduct  of  a  polite  British  House  of  Com- 
mons, where  scarce  a  day  passes  without  some  confusion,  that  makes 
the  speaker  hoarse  in  calling  to  order;  and  how  different  from  the  mode 
of  conversation  in  many  polite  companies  of  Europe,  where,  if  you  do  not 
deliver  your  sentence  with  great  rapidity,  you  are  cut  off  in  the  middle  of 
it  by  the  impatient  loquacity  of  those  you  converse  with,  and  never  suf- 
fered to  finish  it !" — Instead  of  being  better  since  the  days  of  fVanklin, 
we  apprehend  it  has  grown  worse.  The  modest  and  unassuming  of\en 
find  It  exceeding  difficult  to  gain  a  hearing  at  all.  Ladies,  and  many  who 
consider  themselves  examples  of  good  manners,  transgress  to  an  insuper- 
able degree,  in  breaking  in  upon  the  conversations  of  others.  Some  of 
these,  like  a  ship  driven  by  a  north-wester,  bearing  down  the  small  craft 
in  her  course,  come  upon  us  by  surprise,  and  if  we  attempt  to  proceed  b^ 
raising  our  voices  a  little,  we  are  sure  to  be  drowned  by  a  much  greater 
elevation  on  their  part  It  is  a  want  of  good  breeding,  which,  it  is  hoped, 
every  young  person  whose  eye  this  may  meet,  will  not  be  guilty  of  through 
life.    There  is  great  opportunity  for  many  of  mature  years  to  profit  by  it. 

Singular  Fraud. — The  following  story,  M.  Bayard  says,*  was  told  him 
by  Corn-planter.  We  have  often  heard  a  similar  one,  and  ns  often  a 
new  origin  ;  but  never  before  that  it  originated  witli  William  Penn. 
However,  as  our  author  observes,  as  we  have  more  respect  for  truth  than 
great  names,  we  will  relate  it.  Penn  proposed  to  the  Indians  to  sell  hin^ 
as  much  land  as  he  could  encompass  with  the  hide  of  a  bullock.  They, 
supposing  he  meant  only  what  groi  id  would  he  covered  by  it,  when  it 
was  spread  out,  and  looking  upon  what  was  offered  as  a  goo()  price,  con- 
sented to  the  proposition.  Penn,  like  Didon,  cut  the  skin  into  a  lino  of 
immense  length,  to  the  astonishment  of  the  venders,  who,  in  silent  indig- 
nation, religiously  observed  their  contract.  The  quantity  of  land  encom- 
passed by  the  line  is,  not  mentioned  ;  but,  more  or  less,  iho  Indians  had 
passed  their  word,  and  they  scorned  to  break  it,  even  though  they  would 
have  been  justified  by  the  discovery  of  the  fraud.  We  do  not  vouch  fbp 
the  truth  ot  this  matter,  and  indeed  we  do  not  believe  WiUiam  Penn  ever 
practised  a  trick  of  the  kind.  No  doubt  some  person  did;  and  pcrhapn 
Corn-planter  had  Iteen  told  that  it  was  Penn. 

*  Vi^ij^i^c  (has  PlntMeur  des  Efats-Unis,  ci  cct.  p».  20C,  207. 


r 


BOOK   II. 

BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY  OF  THE  NORTHERN 
OR  NEW  ENGLAND  INDIANS. 


.1 

M 

r    ;   ■, 

,  •    , .  ►■■■;  :  .' .;,,-  •   . 

V       . 

•m 

L»' ' '  ■ 

t-:/' 

1 

r  4 

1^' 

t     ■■ 

■M 

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^ 

;_,„£(? 

-3?^—  4:^v. :  '■ 

-r;-i 

~=^^^P' 

^g^^^~  ~  .  ^- ,- , .. 

|l= 

^^I 

"  Tii  good  to  muae  on  nationi  puied  aw*;, 
Forever  ftom  tho  land  we  call  our  own." 


CHAPTER  1 

Jtn  occounl  of  nuh  as  have  been  carried  away  by  the  early  voyagen. — 
Donacona—y^ona — Taaquantum,  or  Squanto — Dehamda — Skettivarrou   ^ 
— Asaacumet—Manida — Pechmo—Monopet — Pekenimne — SakawerionF—  - 
Epanow — Matutwet — fVanape — Coneconam. 

The  fint  voyagers  to  a  country  were  anxious  to  confirm  the  truth,  of 
their  accounts,  and  therefore  took  from  thair  newly-discovered  lands 
whatever  seemed  best  suited  to  the  objects  in  view.  The  inhabitants 
of  America  carried  ofl'  by  Europeans  were  not,  perhaps,  in  any  instance, 
taken  away  merely  for  this  object,  but  that  they  migh;,  m  time,  learn  from 
them  the  value  of  the  country  from  whence  they  canie.  Besides  thaw 
forcibly  carried  awny,  there  were  many  who  went  through  overpermis- 
sion,  and  ignorance  liotli  of  the  distance  and  usage  they  should  meet  in  a 
land  of  strangers ;  which  was  not  always  as  it  should  have  Iteen,  aad 
hence  such  as  were  ill  used,  if  they  ever  returned  to  Iheir  own  country, 
were  prepared  to  be  revenged  on  any  strangeni  ff'tibe  same  color,  that 
chanced  to  come  among  them. 

1  "  ^1 


DONACONA.— AGONA.— TASQUANTUM. 


[Book  II. 


There  were  three  natives  presented  to  Henry  VII.  by  Sebastian  Cabot, 
ID  1502,  which  ho  had  taiten  from  New-foundland.  What  were  their 
names,  or  what  became  of  them,  wo  are  not  informed ;  but  from  the 
notice  of  historians,  we  learn  that,  when  found,  "  they  were  clothed  with 
tlie  skins  of  lieasts,  and  lived  on  raw  flesh ;  but  aAer  two  years,  [residence 
in  England,]  wei-e  seen  in  the  king's  court  clothed  like  Englishmen,  and 
could  not  be  discerned  from  Englishmen."*  These  were  the  first  Indians 
ever  seen  in  En^land.f  They  were  brought  to  the  English  court  "  in 
tjUeir  country  habit,"  and  "  spoke  a  language  never  heard  before  out  of 
their  own  country  ."J 

The  French  discovered  the  River  St.  Lawrence  in  1508,  and  the  captain 
of  the  ship  who  made  the  discoveiy,  carried  several  natives  to  Paris^ 
which  were  the  first  ever  seen  in  France.  What  were  their  names,  or 
even  how  many  they  were  in  number,  is  not  set  down  in  the  accounts  of 
this  voyage.    The  name  of  this  captain  was  Thomas  ^uhert.§ 

John  Veraxzini,  in  the  service  of  France,  in  1^4,  sailed  along  the 
American  coast,  and  landed  in  several  places.  At  one  place,  which  we 
judge  to  be  some  part  of  the  coast  of  Connecticut,  "20  of  his  men  land- 
ed, and  went  about  two  leagues  up  into  the  country.  The  inhabitants 
fled  before  them,  but  they  caught  an  old  woman  who  had  bid  herself  in 
the  high  grass,  with  a  young  woman  about  18  years  of  age.  The  old 
woman  carried  a  child  on  her  back,  and  had,  besides,  two  little  boys  with 
her.  The  yoiiug  woman,  too,  carried  three  children  of  her  own  sex. 
Seeidg  tbemseiv^s  discovered,  they  began  to  shriek,  and  the  old  one  gave 
them  to  understand,  by  signs,  that  the  men  were  fled  to  the  woods. 
They  oflere4  her  sometning  to  eat,  which  she  accepted,  but  the  maiden 
refUaed  it.  This  girl,  who  was  tall  and  well  shaped,  they  were  desirous 
of  takiqg  along  with  them,  but  as  she  made  a  violent  outcry,  they  con- 
tented themselves  with  taking  a  boy  away  with  them."||  The  name  of 
New  Framce  was  given  to  North  America  in  this  voyage.  In  another 
Torage  here,  Verazzini  was  killed  and  eaten  by  the  Indians. 

DonaeotM,  a  chief  upon  the  River  St.  Croix,  was  met  with,  in  1535, 
by  the  voyager  James  Cartier,  who  was  well  received  and  kindly  treated 
by  him  and  his  people ;  to  repay  which,  Cartier,  "partly  by  stratagem  and 
putly  by  force,"  carried  him  to  France,  where  be  soon  afler  died.lT  Not- 
withstanding, Cartier  was  in  the  country  five  years  afler,  where  he  found 
w^otio,  the  successor  of  Donacona,  and  exchanged  presents  with  him, 
probably  reconciling  him  by  some  plausible  account  ( f  the  absence  of 
IhnaeotM. 

Tasmumtum,  or  TKsmtantum,  was  one  of  the  five  native"  carried  from  the 
eoutof  New  England,  in  1605,  by  Capt.  George  fVai/motUh,  who  had  been 
MDt  out  to  discover  a  north-west  passage.  This  Indian  was  known 
afterwards  to  the  settlers  of  Plimouth,  by  whom  he  was  generally  called 


*  Rapin't  Hut.  England,  i.  685.  ed.  fol. 

t  Hiis  is  upon  the  authority  of  Berkely.    Instead  of  England,  however,  he  snvs  £«■ 
Topt ;  bul_,  by  sayinr  the  rix,  which  Columbta  had  before  taken  from  St.  Salvador, 
Ibeir  escape,  ne  ihows  hit  superfieial  knowledge  of  those  aflairs.    Hear  HtT' 


"  Eh  mdtU  de  ceta.  [that  U,  afitr  Columbus  had  rtplied  to  Hie  king's  Utter  abo^  » 
second  voyage,^]  il  [Columbus]  partit  pour  alter  h  Barcelone  auec  sept  Indiens,  pares  fM 
Ih  mdrts  tstoient  marts  en  ehemin.  B  Jit  porter  aueque  luy  des  perroquels  rerds,  tt  is 
tmigtl,  et  d'autres  choses  dignes  d'admiration  qui  n'aiioietU  iamais  est4  veufs  en  St- 
MfM  "  Hist,  des  Indes  Occident,  i.  102.  Ed.  16G0,  3  tomes,  4to.  See  also  Harris, 
vSfagf,  ii.  16.  ed.  1764,  S  v.  fol. ;  Robertson,  Amtrica,  i.  94.  ed.  1T78,  4lo. 

I  Krkely's  NomI  Hist.  Brit.  368.  ed.  1756,  M.  and  Harris,  Vovagts,  ii.  191. 


i  Fonler,  433. 


|II)id.434,438. 


1 1bid.  440— 44S. 


CHAP.  I.] 


TASQUANTUM. 


'Sguonto  or  *Sqttarduvi,  by  ahbreviation.    The  names  of  the  other  four 
were  MattiJa,  Skettwarrota,  Dehamda*  and  ^taeumd. 

Sir  FeriHnando  Gorges  snys,  fVaynumik,  "■  falling  short  of  his  course, 
[in  seviung  the  N.  W.  (Nissoge,]  happened  into  a  river  on  the  coast  of 
America,  culhid  Pemmaquid,  from  whence  he  brought  five  of  the  natives." 
"And  it  so  pleased  otir  great  G<m1,  tbut"  fVaymouth,  on  his  return  to  Eng- 
land, "cumc  uito  the  harbor  of  Plymouth,  where  I  then  commanded." 
Tlireof  of  whose  natives,  namelv,  Manida,  Sketttearroei  and  Tatq'iantum. 
**I  sui'/od  u|Ktn.  They  were  all  of  one  nation,  but  of  several  parts,  and 
several  families.  This  accident  must  be  acknowledged  the  means,  luider 
God,  of  putting  on  foot  and  giving  lite  to  ali  our  plantations." 

Payiifg  great  aitention  to  these  natives,  he  soon  understood  enough  by 
them  ulHiiit  the  country  from  whence  they  came  to  establish  a  belief  that 
it  was  of  great  value ;  not  perha|)8  making  due  allowance  for  its  being 
their  home.  And  Sir  Ferdinando  adds,  "After  I  had  those  i)eople  some- 
times iu  my  custody,  I  observed  in  them  an  inclination  to  follow  the 
example  of  the  better  soit ;  and  in  all  their  carriages,  manifest  shows 
of  great  civility,  far  from  the  rudeness  of  our  common  people.  And  the 
longer  I  couverseii  with  the  n,  the  better  hope  they  gave  me  of  those 
ports  where  they  did  inhabit,  as  proper  for  our  uses;  especially  when  I 
found  what  goodly  rivers,  stately  islands,  and  safe  harbors,  those  parts 
abounded  with,  bemg  the  spt^ciul  marks  I  leveled  at  as  the  onlv  want  our 
nat'on  met  with  iu  all  their  navigations  along  that  coast.  And  having 
kept  them  full  three  years,  I  made  them  able  to  set  me  down  what  great 
rivers  run  up  into  the  land,  what  men  of  note  were  seated  on  them,  what 
power  they  were  of,  how  allied,  what  enemies)  they  had,"  &c. 

Tlius  having  gained  a  knowledge  of  the  country,  Sir  Ferdinando  got 
ready  "a  ship  furnished  with  men  and  all  necessaries"  for  a  voyage  to 
America,  ami  !«ent  as  her  captain  Mr.  Henry  CkaUoung,\  with  whom  he 
also  sent  t\Mi  of  his  Indians.  The  names  of  these  were  Jisaacumet  and 
Manida,  Chalons,  having  been  taken  sick  in  the  beginning  of  the  voyage, 
altered  \m  <»ursc,  and  lost  some  time  in  the  West  Indies.  Afler  being 
able  to  proceed  northward,  he  departed  from  Porto  Rico,  and  was  soon 
after  taken  by  a  Simnish  fleet,  and  carried  into  Spain,  "where  their  ship 
and  goods  were  confiscate,  themselves  made  prisoners,  the  voyage  over- 
thrown and  both  my  natives  lost."  One,  however,  ^ssacumtt,  was 
afterwards  recovered,  if  not  the  other.  This  voyage  of  Chalons  wos 
inl60G. 

It  appears  that  the  Lord  Chief  Justice  Popham^  had  agreed  to  send  a 
vessel  to  the  aid  of  Chalons,  which  was  accordingly  done  before  the 
news  of  his  being  taken  was  known  in  England.  For  Sir  Ferdinanda 
Gorges  .snys,  "It  pleased  tlie  lord  chief  justice,  according  to  his  promise, 
to  despaich  Capt.  [JIfarfo'n]  Prin  from  Bristol,  with  hope  to  have  found 

*  .4llliougli  Gorges  docs  not  say  Dehaiitda  was  one  brought  at  this  time,  it  is  evident 
that  he  was,  because,  so  far  as  we  can  discover,  (hero  were  no  other  natives,  at  this 
time  in  Knglnnd,  but  these  Hvc. 

t  It  seems,  I'nim  this  part  of  his  narrative,  that  he  had  but  three  of  Ihem,  but,  Trom 
subsequent  passages,  it  appc?!'8  lie  had  ihein  all.  See  also  America  painted-  to  the 
Life. 

I  Challons,  by  some.     Gorges  has  him,  sometimes.  Chalouns,  Chalon,  Ste. 

\  The  same  who  presided  at  the  trial  of  Sir  W.  Ralegh  and  his  associates,  in  1G03. 
See  Prinef's  Worthies  of  Deron,  672,  673.  Fuller,  in  nis  Worthies  of  England,  ii. 
884,  says,  "  Travelers  owed  their  safety  to  this  judge's  severity  many  years  aAer  hit 
death,  which  happened  Anno  Domini  16**,"  thinking,  no  doubt,  he  had  much  enlighteued 
hii  reader  by  duhniicly  stating  that  Sir  John  Popham  die<l  some  time  within  a  huniirei 
yean.  The  severity  referred  to  has  reference  lo  his  importuning  King  jam^f  not  lo 
pardon  so  many  robbers  and  thieves,  which,  he  said,  (ended  to  render  t&e  judges  coo- 
iewpliblc,  and  "  which  made  him  more  sparing  afterward." 


DEIIAMDA.-^KETTWARROES. 


[Book  II. 


Capt  Chaiiovngt ;"  "  but  not  lieuring  by  any  means  wlmt  became  of  him, 
after  he  bad  made  a  perfect  discovery  of  all  those  rivets  and  harlrars," 
"brings  with  him  the  most  exact  discovery  of  that  coast  that  ever  came  to 
my  bauds  miu-c,  nml,  indeed,  be  was  the  best  abl?  to  perform  it  of  any  I 
met  withal  to  tl.is  present,  [ti:ne,]  which,  with  his  relation  of  the  country, 
wivuffht  Htich  im  iinprcision  in  the  lord  chief  justice,  and  us  all  that 
were  nis  associates,  tliut  (notwithstanding  our  first  disaster)  we  set  up  our 
resohitions  to  follow  it  with  effect." 

Dehamda  and  Skettwarroes  were  with  Prin*  in  this  voyage,  and  were, 
without  doubt,  bis  most  efficient  aids  in  surveying  the  coast.  It  appears 
from  Gorges,  that  Dehamda  was  sent  by  the  chief  justice,  who  we  sup- 
pose had  considered  him  his  property,!  and  Skellwarroea  by  himself.  They 
returned  again  to  England  with  Prin. 

The  next  year,  l(i07,  theso  two  natives  piloted  the  first  New  England 
colony  to  the  mouth  of  Sagudaho.?k  River,  since  the  Kennebeck.  They 
left  England  30  Alay,  and  did  not  arrive  here  until  8  August  following. 
"  Ar  soon  as  the  president  had  taken  notice  of  the  place,  and  ^iven  order 
for  landing  the  |irovisions,  ho  «lcs})atched  away  Captain  GUbert,  with 
S^tUwarres  his  guide,  for  the  thorough  disi'overy  of  the  rivers  and  habita- 
tions of  the  natives,  by  whom  he  was  brought  to  several  of  them,  where 
he  found  civil  eutertainmetit,  and  kind  rerpects,  far  from  brutish  or  sav- 
age natures,  so  as  they  suddenly  became  familiar  friends,  especially  by 
the  means  of  Deliamda  and  Skitwarrers.'"  *'So  as  the  president  was 
earnestly  intreated  by  Saaaetww,  Aheremet,  and  others,  the  principal  Saga- 
mores, (as  they  call  their  great  lords,)  to  go  to  the  Boshabas,  who  it  seems 
was  their  king,"  They  were  prevented,  however,  by  adverse  weather, 
from  tl:ct  journey,  and  thus  the  promise  to  do  so  was  unintentionally 
broken,  "much  to  the  grief  of  those  Sagamores  that  were  to  attend  him. 
The  Basbebos,  notwithstanding,  hearing  of  his  misfortune,  sent  his  own 
son  to  visit  him,  and  to  beat  a  trade  wim  him  for  furs." 

Several  sad  and  melnricholy  accidents  conspirv'^d  to  put  an  end  to  this 
fit8t  colony  of  New  England.  The  first  was  the  loss  of  their  store- 
house, containing  most  of  their  supplies,  by  fire,  iu  the  winter  following, 
and"another  was  the  death  of  Lord  Popham.  It  consisted  of  100  men, 
and  its  beginning  ^vas  auspicious ;  but  these  calamities,  tpgether  with  the 
death  of  their  r-  .^dent,  broke  down  their  resolutions.  So  many  dis- 
couragements, .' .<°  .  ithstanding  a  ship  with  supplies  had  arrived,  deter- 
mined them  to  abandon  the  country,  which  they  did  in  the  spring.^ 
What  became  of  Dehamda  and  SkeUioarroes  there  is  no  mention,  but  they 
probabh'  remained  in  the  country  with  their  friends,  unless  the  passage 
which  we  shall  hereafter  extract,  be  construed  to  mean  differently .§ 

To  return  to  Tiaqiuintum.  There  is  some  disagreement  in  the  narra- 
tives of  the  cotemporary  writers  in  respect  to  this  chief,  which  shows, 
either  that  some  of  them  are  in  error,  or  that  there  were  two  of  the  same 
name — one  carried  away  by  JFmf mouth,  and  the  other  by  Hunt.  From  a 
critical  examination  of  the  accounts,  it  is  believed  there  was  but  one,  and 

*  Oorres,  one  of  the  main  springs  of  tiiese  transarlions.  who  wrote  the  arrount  wp 

S've,  makes  no  mention  of  an^  other  captain  nccompanyinfr  him  ;  vet  Ur.  Holmes's  aii- 
orities,  Annals,  i.  125,  led  hnn  to  record  Thomas  htannm  as  the  performer  of  this 
voyage.  And  n  writer  of  1022  savs,  Hanam,  or,  as  he  calls  him,  Haman,  wonl  commander, 
and  Prinne  master.  Sco  2  Col.  Mass.  Hist.  Soe.  ix.  3.  This  a^rrecs  with  the  arcouot 
of  Gorges  the  youn^r. 

f  He  had  probaltly  been  pven  to  him  by  Sir  Ftrdinando. 

X  They  had  "  scaled  themselves  in  a  peninsula,  which  ii  at  the  mouth  of  this  river, 
[Skgadoiiock,]  where  they  built  a  fortress  to  defend  themselves  from  their  enemies, 
which  they  named  St.  Oeorgt."  America  paiiUed  to  the  Life,  by  Fei-d.  Gorges,  E$q. 
p.  19. 

(  See  life  MiuAUoif.  j, .,    ,  _.- ,„,,,  , 


9HHH»lHWfii., 


Cbaf.  I.]      PECHMO.— MONOPET.— PEKENIMNE— EPENOW.  5 

ih,  08  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorge*  relatM^ 


that  he  was  carried  away  by  7*7ra 

whoso  account  we  have  given  above.*  It  is  irnpoaaible  that  Sir  FenS- 
Tuindo  should  have  been  inisto,  en  in  the  names  of  those  he  received  from 
iVaymouth.  The  names  of  ilinse  carried  off  l)y  Hunt  are  not  given,  or  but 
few  of  them,  nor  were  they  kidnapped  until  nine  years  after  ff'tymoMt 
voyage.  It  is,  therefore,  possible  tnat  Squantum,  having  retimied  home 
from  tlic  service  of  Gorges,  went  again  to  England  with  some  other 
person,  or  perhaps  even  with  Hunt.  But  we  are  inclined  to  think  that 
there  v\  us  but  one  of  the  name,  and  his  being  carried  eway  an  error  of 
inadvertence. 

Patuxet,  afterward  called  Plimouth,  was  the  place  of  residence  of 
Squantum,  wlio,  it  is  said,  was  the  only  person  that  escaped  the  great 
plague  of  which  we  shall  particularly  speak  in  the  life  of  Mniaaaoit; 
where,  .it  the  same  time,  we  shtill  take  up  again  the  life  of  Squantum,  whose 
history  is  so  intimately  connected  with  it. 

It  was  in  1611  that  Captain  Edward  Harloto\  was  sent  "to  disc  'cr  an 
He  suptosed  aboiK  Cupe  Cod,"  who  "fulling  with  Monngigan, they  found 
onely  Cnpc  Cod  no  He  but  the  mainc;  there  [at  Monhigon  Island]  they 
detained  three  Saluagcs  ahoord  them,  called  Pechmo,  Monopet  and  P«- 
kenimnc,  but  Pechmo  leapt  ouerboard,  and  got  away  ;  and  not  long  after, 
with  his  consorts,  cut  their  Boat  from  their  sterne,  got  her  on  shore, 
and  so  filled  her  with  sand,  and  guarded  her  with  bowes  and  arrowee, 
the  English  lost  her."| 

This  exploit  of  Pechmo  is  as  truly  brave  as  it  was  daring.  To  have 
got  under  the  stern  of  a  ship,  in  the  face  of  armed  men,  and  at  the  same 
time  to  have  succeeded  in  his  design  of  cutting  away  and  carrying  off 
their  boat,  was  en  act  as  bold  and  daring,  to  say  the  least,  as  that  per- 
formed in  the  harbor  of  Tripoli  by  our  countryman  Decatur. 

From  Monhigon  f/arJou;,  proceeding  southward,  fell  in  with  an  island 
called  then  by  the  Indians  Jvohono.  From  this  place  "  they  tonke  Sakatee*- 
ton,  that  after  he  ha>i  lived  many  years  in  England,  went  a  soldier  to  the  wan 
of  Boheuiia."§  Whether  he  ever  returned,  we  are  not  told.  From  this 
island  thev  proceeded  to  Capawick,  since  called  Capnge,  [Martha's  Vine- 
yard.] riere  "  they  tooke  Coneconam  and  Epenoto,"  and  "  so,  with  fiue 
Saliiages,  they  returned  for  Englan:' ." 

Epenoto,  or,  as  some  wrote,  Epanow,  seems  to  have  been  much  such  a 
character  as  Pechmo — artful,  cunning,  bold  and  daring.  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges  is  evidently  erroneous  in  part  of  his  statement  about  this  native, 
in  as  far  as  it  relates  to  his  having  been  brought  away  by  Hunt.  For 
Harloto'a  voyage  was  in  1611.  and  Eparwto  was  sent  over  to  Cape  Co<i 
with  Ca|)iain  Hobson,  in  1614,  some  motiths  before  Hunt  leit. 

As  it  in  peculiarly  gratifving  to  the  writer  to  hear  such  old  venerable 
writers  as  Smith,  Gorges,  xc.  speak,  the  reader  perhaps  would  not  par- 
don him  were  he  to  withhold  whut  the  intimate  acquaintance  of  the  in- 
teresting Epanow  says  of  him.     Hear,  then,  Sir  Ferdinando: — 

"While  I  was)  lalxiring  by  what  means  I  might  liest  continue  life  in 
my  languishing  hopes,  there  comes  one  Henry  Hnrley\\  unto  me,  bringing 
with  him  a  native  of  the  Island  of  Capawick,  a  place  seated  to  the  south- 
ward of  Cape  Cod,  whose  name  was  Epenewe,  a  person  of  goodly  stuture, 
strong  and  well  proportioned.    This  man  was  taken  upon  the  main,  [bj 


*  ll  is  pinin,  from  Pnnce,  Chron.  134,  that  his  aulhore  had  confounded  ihc  names  of 
theie  III' 'inns  one  with  anuiher. 

f  Sir  Ftid.  Gorgra  is  nroltobly  wrong  in  calling  him  7/enry  Harlty. 

i  Capi.  Smith's  Oen.  Hist.  IV.  Eng. 

ft  Ibid.  , 

K  Perlinps  not  the  Capl.  Harlow  before  ment'ioncd,  though  Prince  thinkfl  Getfrn 
means  him. 


!• 


G 


HUNT'S  VOYAGE. 


(Book  II. 


force,]  with  some  29*  otheni  by  n  ship  of  L«ndon  that  ondeavorod  to  sell 
them  for  slaves  in  Spaiiic,  hut  l)ciii<;  uiiderstuod  that  they  were  Aiiiericatiu, 
and  lieiiiff  found  to  bo  unapt  for  their  uhch,  thoy  would  not  meddlu  with 
them,  this  being  onu  of  tliein  they  refused,  wherein  they  exprest  more 
worth  than  thoso  that  brought  them  to  the  uiiirkett  who  could  not  but 
known  that  our  nation  was  nt  that  time  in  travel  for  setling  of  Ciiristiau 
colonies  iijion  that  contineut,  it  being  nu  act  in.ich  tending  to  our  preju- 
dice, when  wo  came  into  that  part  of  the  rx)uutrie8,  as  it  shall  further 
appear.  How  Capt.  Harley  caiiio  to  be  possessed  of  this  savage,  I  know 
not,  but  I  understood  by  others  how  he  had  boen  shown  in  London  for  a 
wonder.  It  is  true  (as  I  have  said)  he  was  a  goodly  man,  of  a  brave 
aspect,  stout  and  sober  in  his  demeanor,  and  liad  learned  so  much  English 
as  to  bid  those  that  wondered  at  him,  Welcome,  welcome;  this  being 
the  last  and  best  use  they  could  make  of  him,  that  was  now  grown  out  of 
the  people's  wondi;r.  The  captain,  falling  further  into  his  familiarity, 
found  him  to  be  of  acquaintance  and  friendship  witii  those  subject  to  the 
Bashabo,  whom  the  captain  well  knew,  being  himself  one  of  the  planta- 
tion, sent  over  by  the  lord  chief  jiistice,  [Pophnm,]  and  by  that  means 
understood  much  of  his  language,  found  out  the  place  of  his  birth,"  &c. 

Before  proceeding  with  the  history  of  Epanow,  the  account  of  Capt. 
Thomas  Hunt's  voyage  should  be  related  ;  because  it  is  said  that  it  was 
chiefly  owing  to  his  perfidy  that  the  Indians  of  New  England  wcro 
become  so  hostile  to  the  voyagers.  Nevertheless,  it  is  plain,  that  (as  we 
have  already  saitl)  Hunt  did  not  commit  his  depredations  until  afler 
Epanow  had  escaped  <-  of  the  hands  of  the  English.  Capt.  John  Smith 
was  in  company  wi  Hunt,  and  we  will  hear  him  relate  the  whole 
transaction.  Aflnr  stating  that  they  arrived  at  Monhigoa  in  April,  I6I4  ;f 
■pent  a  long  time  in  trying  to  catch  whales  without  success ;  and  as  "  for 

Slid,  it  was  rather  the  master's  device  to  get  a  voyage,  that  projected  it  f 
at  for  trifles  they  got  "near  IIOOO  beaver  skins,  100  martin,  and  as 
many  otters,  the  most  of  them  within  the  distance  of  20  leagues,"  and 
bis  own  departure  for  Euro,;e,  Capt.  Smtih  proceeds : — 

'*The  other  sliip  staid  to  fit  herself  for  Spain  with  the  dry  fish,  which 
was  sold  at  Malaga  at  4  rials  the  quintal,  each  hundred  weight  two  quin- 
tals and  a  half. — But  one  Thomas  Hunt,  the  master  of  this  ship,  (when  I 
was  gone,)  thinking  to  prevent  that  intent  I  had  to  make  there  a  planta- 
tion, thereby  to  keep  this  abounding  country  still  in  obscurity,  that  only 
he  and  some  few  merchants  more  might  enjoy  wholly  the  benefit  of  the 
trade,  and  profit  of  this  country,  betra^ci  four-«t>  ,1-tvventy  of  those  poor 
salvages  aboard  his  ship,  and  most  dishoiiestly  and  inhumanly,  for  their 
kind  usage  of  me  and  all  onr  men,  carried  them  with  him  to  Malaga ;  and 
there,  for  a  little  private  gain,  sold  these  silly  salvages  for  rials  of  eight ; 
but  this  vile  act  kept  him  over  after  fi-om  any  more  employment  to  those 
parts." 

F.  Gorffts  the  younger  is  rather  co.ifused  'v\  his  account  of  Hwnfs 
voyage,  as  well  as  the  elder.  But  the  former  intimates  that  it  was  on 
account  of  Hunt's  selling  the  Indip.ns  he  took  as  slaves,  the  news  of 
which  having  got  into  England  before  Epanoto  was  sent  out,  cauf;ed  this 
Indian  to  make  his  esr^ipe,  and  consequently  the  overthrow  of  the  voy-. 
age;  whereas  the  latter.  Sir  Ferdina:,'h,  does  not  attribute  it  to  that.. 
We  will  now  bear  him  again  upon  this  interesting  subject : — 


*  If  in  this  ho  rerera  to  those  taken  by  Hunt,  as  I  suppose,  he  sets  lite  number  higher 
than  others.  His  grnndsoD,  F.  Oorgtt,  in  America  Pamltd,  6u.,  my»  X4  was  the  nnm- 
ber  seized  hy  llimt. 

i  Smith  had  on  luilian  mmed  TVmtom  with  him  in  this  voyage,  whom  hi  set  on  skon 
•t  Cape  Cod. 


1 


Cbat.  1.1 


EPANOW, 


«  77i«  nasotui  of  my  underlaking  tha  employment  for  the  island  qf  Capawiek. 

"  At  the  time  tiiis  new  Hnvagc  [Epanoie]  ranie  unto  me,  I  had  rcrovered 
Asacumel,  one  of  tho  nutivea  1  sent  witli  Capt.  Chaloumes  in  hio  unhappy 
employment,  with  wliotn  1  lodged  Epcnatr,  who  at  the  first  hardier  under- 
stood  one  the  other's  8|)ccch,  till  aAcr  a  while ;  I  perceived  the  diflTircnce 
was  no  more  than  that  as  ours  is  between  ttie  norlheni  and  soutliem 
people,  so  t!.at  I  was  a  little  eased  in  the  use  I  made  of  my  old  servant, 
whom  I  engaged  to  give  account  of  what  he  learned  by  conferebce 
between  themselves,  and  he  as  faithfully  performed  it." 

There  seems  but  little  doubt  that  Evanow  and  Jlasacvrntt  had  con- 
trived a  plan  of  escape  Ix^fore  they  left  Ln^land,  anti  also,  by  finding  out 
what  the  English  most  valued,  and  avsiirmg  them  that  it  was  in  abun- 
dance to  be  liad  at  a  certain  place  in  their  own  country,  prevailed  upon 
them,  or  by  this  pretended  discovery  were  the  meant)  of  the  voyage 
being  undertaken,  of  which  we  are  now  to  spt^ak.  Still,  as  will  be  seen, 
Sir  FerJinando  does  not  speak  as  though  he  had  been  quite  so  liand- 
Bomely  duped  by  his  cunning  man  of  the  woods.  Gold,  it  has  been  said, 
was  the  valuable  conunodity  to  which  Eparuno  was  to  pilot  the  Euglisb. 
Gorges  proceeds: — 

"They  [Capt.  Hobaon  and  those  who  accompanied  him]  set  sail  in 
June,  in  Anno  1614,  being  fully  instructed  how  to  demean  themselves  in 
every  kind,  carrying  with  them  Epenow,  ^ssacomet  and  fTanape,*  another 
native  of  those  parts  sent  me  out  of  the  Isle  of  Wighr,f  for  my  better 
'information  in  the  parts  of  the  country  of  his  knowledge :  when  ns  it 
pleased  God  that  they  were  arrived  upon  the  coast,  they  were  piloted 
from  pla  e  to  place,  by  the  natives  themselves,  as  well  as  their  hearts 
could  desire.  And  coming  to  the  harbor  where  Epenow  was  to  make 
good  his  undertaking,  [to  point  out  the  gold  mine,  no  doubt,]  the  princi- 
pal inhabitants  of  the  place  came  aboard ;  some  of  theui  being  his  bro- 
thers, others  his  near  cousins,  [or  relatives,!  who,  after  ^thcy  had  com- 
muned together,  and  were  kindly  entertained  hy  the  captain,  departed  in 
their  canoes,  promising  the  next  morning  to  come  aboard  again,  and 
bring  some  trade  with  them.  But  Epenow  privately  (as  it  appeared)  had 
contracted  with  his  friends,  how  he  might  *  make  his  esrape  without 
peiforming  what  he  had  undertaken,  being  in  truth  no  more  than  he  had 
told  me  he  was  to  do  though  with  loss  of  his  life.  For  otherwise,  if  it 
were  found  that  he  hud  discovered  the  secrets  of  his  conntry,J  he  was 
sure  to  have  his  brains  knockt  out  as  soon  ns  ho  came  ashore  ;§  for  that 
cause  I  gave  the  captain  strict  charge  to  endeavor  by  all  means  to  pre- 
vent his  escaping  from  them.  And  for  the  more  surety,  I  gave  order  to 
have  three  gentlemen  of  my  own  kindred  to  be  ever  ut  hand  with  hitn ; 
clothing  him  with  long  garments,  fitly  to  be  laid  hold  on,  if  occasion 
should  require.  Notwithstanding  nil  this,  his  friends  being  all  come  at 
the  time  appointed  with  20  canoes,  and  lying  at  a  certain  diat...ice  with 
their  bows  ready,  the  captain  calls  to  tl.cm  to  come  aboard ;  but  they  not 

*  Doubtless  the  same  i  jieil  by  others  Afanawct,  who,  it  would  seem  from  Mr.  Hubbard, 
{Hist.  N.  Eng.  39.)  died  before  Epanow  cscafied,  "soon  allcr  the  ship's  arriviil." 

f  How  he  came  there,  we  are  hi  a  loss  lo  determine,  unless  natives  wore  carried  ofT, 
ot'whom  no  mention  is  made.  This  was  unquestionably  the  c'a«e,  for  whon  it  came  to 
be  a  common  thine[  for  vessels  to  bring  home  Indians,  no  mention,  of  c<iurse,  would  be 
made,  especially  if  they  went  voluntarily,  as,  no  doubt,  many  did. 

X  The  secrets  of  the  sandy  island  Canoce,  or  the  ncifrhl>oriii^  shores  of  Cape  Co<), 
whatever  they  are  now,  existed  only  in  faith  of  sach  sanguine  minds  m  Sir  Feidinando 
and  his  adherents. 

^  We  need  no  belter  diaplay  of  tlie  craft  of  Epanow,  or  proof  of  his  cunning  in  derp 
pk>u. 


EPAMOW. 


(Book  V. 


Cui 


oaoyiiig,  ho  speakn  to  Epenow  to  como  unto  him,  where  he  was  in  the 
forecastle  of  the  ship,  ho  being  then  in  the  waste  o(  the  sliip,  between  the 
two  gentlemen  that  hod  him  in  gnard ;  starts  suddenly  from  them,  and 
coming  to  the  captain,  calls  to  his  friends  in  English  to  come  alioard,  in 
the  interim  slips  himself  orerboard :  And  although  he  were  taken  hold 
of  b}'  one  of  the  company,  yet,  being  a  strong  and  heavy  man,  could  not 
be  stayed,  and  was  no  sooner  in  the  water,  but  the  natives,  [his  friends  in 
the  boats,]  sent  such  a  shower  of  arrows,  and  came  withal  desperiitely  so 
near  the  snip,  that  they  carried  him  away  in  despight  of  all  the  nmsquet- 
teers  aboard,  who  were,  for  the  number,  as  good  as  our  nation  did  afford. 
And  thus  were  my  hopes  of  that  particumr  [voyage]  made  void,  and 
frustrate." 

From  the  whole  of  this  narration  it  is  evident  that  Epatiow  was  forci- 
bly retained,  if  not  f(-rcihly  carried  off,  b}^  the  English.  And  some 
relate*  that  lie  attacked  Capt.  Dermer  and  his  men,  supposing  they  had 
come  to  seize  and  carry  Iiim  b:ick  to  England.  It  is  more  probable,  we 
think,  that  he  meant  to  be  revenged  for  his  late  captivity,  and,  according 
to  real  Indian  custom,  resolved  that  the  first  whites  .should  atone  for  it, 
either  with  their  life  or  liberty.  Gorges  does  not  tell  us  what  bis  brave 
"musquetteers"  did  when  Epanmo  escaped,  but  from  other  sources  we 
iearn  that  they  fired  upon  his  libL>rators,  killing  and  wounding  some,  but 
how  many,  they  could  only  conjecture.  But  there  is  no  room  for  con- 
jecture about  the  damage  sustained  on  the  part  of  the  ship's  crew,  for  it 
18  distinctly  stated  that  when  they  received  the  "  shower  of  aiTows,"  Capt 
Hobaon  and  many  of  his  men  were  wounded.f  And  Smithl  siiys,  "  So 
well  he  had  contrived  liis  bu8ine88e,a8  many  reported  he  intended  to  have 
surprised  the  ship ;  but  seeing  it  could  not  be  effected  to  his  liking,  before 
them  all  he  leaped  ouer  boord." 

We  next  meet  with  Epanow  in  1619.  Capt.  Thomas  Dormer,  or  Der- 
mer, in  the  employ  of  Sir  F.  Gorges,  met  with  him  at  Capoge,  the  place 
where,  five  years  before,  he  made  his  escape  from  Capt.  Hobson.  Gorges 
writes,  "This  savage,  speaking  some  English,  laughed  at  his  owne  escape, 
and  reported  the  story  of  it.  Mr.  Dormer  told  him  he  came  from  me, 
and  was  one  of  my  servants,  and  that  I  was  much  grieved  he  had  been 
so  ill  used  as  to  be  forced  to  Pteal  away.  This  savage  was  so  cunning, 
that,  after  he  had  questioned  him  about  me,  and  all  he  knew  belonged 
unto  me,  conceived  he  was  come  on  purpose  to  betray  him ;  and  [so] 
conspired  with  some  of  his  fellows  to  take  the  captain ;  thereupon  they 
laid  hands  upon  him.  But  he  being  a  brave,  stout  gentleman,  drew  his 
sword  an<l  freed  hims3lf,  but  not  without  14  wounds.  This  disaster 
forced  him  to  make  all  possible  haste  to  Virginia,  to  be  cured  of  his 
wounds.  At  the  second  return  [he  having  just  come  from  thei-e]  he  had 
the  misfortune  to  fall  sick  and  dip,  of  the  infirmity  many  of  our  nation 
are  suSject  unto  at  their  firat  coming  into  those  parts." 

The  ship's  crew  being  at  the  »ime  time  on  shore,  a  fight  ensued,  in 
which  some  of  Epanowi's  company  were  slain.  "This  is  the  last  time," 
says  a  writer  in  the  Historical  Collections,  "  that  the  soil  of  Martha's 
Vineyard  was  stained  with  human  blood  ;  for  from  that  day  to  the  pres- 
ent [lR07]  no  Indian  has  been  killed  by  a  white  man,  nor  white  man  by 
an  Indian." 

In  relation  to  the  fight  which  Dermer  and  his  men  had  with  the  Indians 
at  the  Vineyard,  Morion^  relates  that  the  English  went  on  shore  to  trade 
with  tluMu,  when  they  were  assaulted  and  all  the  men  sinin  but  one  that 
kept  the  boat.    "But  the  [captain]  himself  got  on  board  \e.y  sore 


tevi 


*  Rnlkn^p,  Amer.  Bio£.  i.  3G2. 
flbid. 


f  Smilh's  New  Ens. 
(  N.  Eng.  Memorial,  58,  59. 


B^pi»wmii!- 


Chap.  II.] 


SAMOSET.— A  CONJURATION. 


wounded,  nnd  they  had  cut  oflT  hi«  head  upon  the  cuddy  of  the  boat. 
had  not  hia  inan  reticued  hint  with  a  sword,  and  so  they  gut  him  away. 

3\\Mnlo  was  with  Capt.  Demur  at  this  tinne,  as  will  be  seen  in  the  life  of 
(utaaoit, 

Wc  inuy  hnvn  occasion,  in  another  chapter,  to  extend  our  notieca  upon 
several  niatters  related  in  thisi 


CHAPTER  II. 


C^tke  nalivfJi  known  to  thefinl  settlers  ofPlimmiih. — Samotd — Squtmh — 
Massasoit — Iifanouf^hr— ^spinel — Cauneconam — Cadnbitast  —  Wir- 
TDWAMET  —  Peksuot  —  HoBOMOK  —  Tokamohanum —  Obhatinewat — 
Namepahhamet — iS^^iMiw-iSacAemof  Maaeachusetta — WebcoutL 

Welcome  Englishmen !  'elcome  Englishmen !  are  words  so  insopam- 
biy  associated  with  the  name  of  Samoset,  that  we  can  never  hear  the  ona 
without  the  ])leasing  recollection  of  the  other.  These  were  the  fiiat 
accents  our  pilgriin  fathers  heard  on  the  American  strand,  from  any 
native.  We  mean  intelligible  accents,  for  when  tliey  were  attacked  at 
Namskcket,  on  their  first  arrival,  they  heard  only  the  frightful  war- 
whoop. 

The  firet  time  Indians  were  seen  by  the  pilgrims,  yrc  Mj»on  15th  Not. 
1630.  "  They  espied  5  or  6  people,  with  a  dog,  coming  towards  thenu 
who  were  savages ;  who,  when  they  saw  them,  ran  into  the  woods,  ana 
whistled  the  dog  after  thein."*  And  though  the  English  ran  towards 
them,  when  the  Indians  perceived  it  **  they  ran  away  might  and  main," 
and  the  English  "  could  not  come  near  them."  Soon  after  this,  Marian 
says  the  Indians  "got  all  the  powaws  in  the  country,  who,  for  three  daya 
together,  in  a  horid  and  <fovilish  maner  did  curse  and  execrate  them  with 
their  conjurations,  which  issembly  and  service  tliey  held  in  a  dark  and 
dismal  swamp.  Behold  how  Satan  labored  to  hinder  the  gospel  firom 
coming  into  New  England !" 

It  was  on  Friday,  16th  March,  1621,  that  Sanutset  suddenly  appeared  at 
Plimouth,  and,  says  Mourt,  "  He  very  boldly  came  all  alone,  and  alonjr 
the  houses,  strait  to  the  rendezvous,  where  Ave  intercepted  him,  not  au^ 
ferin^  him  to  go  in,  as  undoubtedly  he  would,  out  of  his  boldness."  He 
was  naked,  "  only  a  leather  about  his  waist,  with  a  fringo  about  a  span 
long."  The  weather  was  very  cold,  and  this  author  Mds,  "  We  cast  a 
horsman's  coat  about  him."    To  rewaid  them  for  their  hospitality,  Samo$et 

Eve  them  whatever  information  they  desired.  "  He  had,  say  they, 
imed  some  broken  English  amongst  the  Englishmen  that  came  to  fiah 
at  Monhiggon,  and  knew  by  name  the  most  of  the  captains,  commanden 
and  masters,  that  usually  come  [there.]  He  was  a  man  free  in  Pjtcecfa, 
so  far  as  he  could  express  his  mind,  and  of  seemly  carriage.  We  quea- 
tioned  him  of  many  things :  ho  was  the  first  savage  we  could  meet 
withal.  He  said  he  was  not  of  those  parts,  but  of  Moratigson,  and  one 
of  the  sagamores  or  lords  thereof:  had  been  8  months  in  these  parte,  h 

*  Relation  or  Journal  of  a  Plantation  settled  at  Plymouth,  m  N.  E.,  u£<ially  c>ted 
Mourt'a  Relation.  It  was,  no  doubt,  written  by  several  of  the  company,  or  the  writer 
was  assisted  by  several.  Mourt  seents  to  have  been  the  publisher.  I  have  no  scruple 
but  that  the  suggestion  of  Judge  Daris  is  correct,  viz.  that  Ricliard  Gardner  was  tlw 
principal  author.  About  tlie  early  settlement  of  any  country,  there  never  was  a  more 
important  document.    It  was  printed  in  1622,  and  is  now  re|prinli)d  in  the  Mdu.  IE$L , 


10  THE  PLAGUE^WEW  WTERVIEW.-CAPT.  HUNT.       IBaoK  n 

lying  hrticc  [to  Uik  eastward]  a  day'H  'uil  with  a  frrcut  wind,  and  5  dayi 
by  liiml.  111!  diHcout-Hcd  of  tlio  wliolc  i;ouiitn,  imd  of  every  pruvince, 
uii.l  ot'lli'ir  Nu^iiiiorcH,  uikI  tiifir  iiiiihImt  ut  int  ii,  iiiid  Htrciigth."  "He 
iiad  0  liow  aiiil  two  urrovvH,  tliu  uiit;  licmlcil,  uiid  tho  otlicr  iinlioadnd. 
He  wan  u  tall,  atriut  inaii ;  liie  hair  of  Itis  head  black,  long  behind,  only 
short  befuM ;  none  on  hiit  fure  at  ail.  Hu  ankcd  some  beer,  but  we 
gave  hihi  Htrong  water  and  biscuit,  and  butter,  and  cheese,  and  ixidding, 
and  a  piece  of  a  mallard ;  all  which  he  liked  well."  "  He  told  us  the 
pUice  where  we  now  live  is  called  Patuxet,  and  that  about  4  years  ago  all 
the  inhabitants  died  of  an  extraordinary  pluvue,  and  there  is  neither  man, 
woman,  nor  child  remaining,  as  indeed  we  nave  found  none :  so  as  there 
is  none  to  hinder  our  imssession,  or  lay  claim  unto  it.  All  the  aAernoon 
we  spent  in  communication  with  him.  We  would  gladly  been  rid  of 
him  at  night,  but  he  was  not  willing  to  go  this  night.  Then  we  thought 
to  carry  him  on  ship-lioard,  wherewith  he  was  well  content,  and  went 
into  the  Hhullup ;  but  the  wind  was  high  and  water  scant,  that  it  could 
not  return  back.  We  lodged  [witli  him]  that  night  at  Stephtn  Hopkins' 
house,  and  watched  him.'^ 

Thus,  through  the  means  of  this  innocent  Indian,  was  a  correspondence 
happily  begun.  He  left  Plimouth  the  next  morning,  to  return  to  Masaa- 
«oU,  who,  he  said,  was  a  sachem  having  under  him  (iO  men.  The  Eng- 
lish having  left  some  tools  exposed  in  the  wootis,  on  finding  that  they 
were  missmg,  rightly  judged  tho  Indians  had  taken  them.    They  com- 

!>lained  of  this  to  Samosel  in  rather  n  threatening  uir.  "  We  willed  him 
say  they)  that  they  should  be  brought  again,  otherwise  wo  would  right 
ourselves."  When  he  left  them  " he  promised  within  a  night  or  two  to 
come  again,"  and  bring  some  of  MaasaaoU^a  men  to  trade  with  them  in 
beaver  skins.  As  good  as  his  word,  Samoaet  came  the  next  Sunday,  "  and 
brought  with  him  5  other  tall,  proper  men.  They  had  every  man  a 
deer's  skin  on  him ;  and  the  principal  of  them  had  a  wild  cat's  Hkin,  or 
such  like,  on  one  arm.  They  had  most  of  them  long  hosen  up  to  their 
groins,  close  made ;  and  aboue  their  groins, to  their  waist,  another  leather: 
they  were  altogether  like  the  Irish  trousers.  They  are  of  complexion 
like  our  Englisn  gipsies;  no  hair,  or  very  little  on  their  faces;  on  their 
beads  longnair  to  tlieir  shoulders,  only  cut  before;  some  trussed  up 
before  with  a  feather,  broadwise  like  a  &a ;  another  a  fox  tail  hanging 
out"  The  EIngiish  had  charged  Samoaet  not  to  let  any  who  came  with 
him  bring  their  arms ;  these,  therefore,  left  *'  their  bows  and  aiTows  a 

Juarter  of  a  mile  from  our  town.  We  gave  them  entertainment  as  we 
lought  was  fitting  them.  They  did  eat  liberally  of  our  English 
victuals;"  and  appeared  very  friendly;  "sang  and  danced  after  their 
noanner,  like  anticks."  "  Some  of  them  had  their  faces  painted  black, 
from  the  forehead  to  the  chin,  four  or  five  fingers  broad:  others  after 
•ther  fashions,  as  they  liked.  "They  brougKc  three  or  four  skins,  but  we 
would  not  truck  with  them  all  that  day,  but  wished  them  to  bring  more, 
and  we  would  truck  for  all ;  which  they  promised  within  a  night  or  two, 
and  would  leave  these  behind  them,  though  wu  were  not  willing  they 
should ;  and  they  brought  all  our  tools  again,  which  wen;  taken  in  tho 
woods,  in  our  absence.  So,  because  of  the  day,  [Sunday,]  we  dismissed 
them  f^}  soon  as  we  could.  But  Satnoset,  our  first  acquaintance,  either 
was  sick,  or  feigned  himself  so,  and  would  not  go  with  them,  and  stayed 
with  us  till  Wednesday  morning.  Then  we  sent  him  to  them,  to  know 
tbe  reason  they  came  not  according  to  their  words ;  and  we  gave  him  a 
hat,  a  pair  of  stockings  and  shoes,  a  shirt,  and  a  piece  of  cloth  to  tie  about 
his  waist." 

Samoaet  returned  again,  the  next  day,  bringing  with  him  Sqttanto,  men- 
tioned in  the  last  chapter.    He  was  "  the  only  native  (says  Mourt's  Rm 


Cbap.  11]        THK  LOST  DOY.— lYANOUGII  OF  CUMMAQUID. 


II 


lUTioN)  ofPatuxnt,  where  we  now  inhabit,  who  waa  one  of  the  90  [m 
34]  caittivefl,  tliut  by  Hwit  were  carriitl  away,  and  had  been  in  KngiawL 
•nd  dwelt  ill  Coriihill  witli  inaater  John  iSauu,  a  merchant,  and  could 
§amk  A  liille  Eugiiah,  with  three  others. "  They  brought  a  Tew  articlM 
wr  trutk,  but  the  inoro  iin|)onant  news  "  that  their  great  aagamore,  Ma»- 
SASovT,  woa  hard  Ity,"  wiiosu  introduction  tu  them  accordingly  ibUowod. 

In  Jiini',  W2\,  a  Iniy,  John  Billinglon,  having  been  lost  in  the  wooda, 
Mvenil  KiigiiHli,  with  Squanto  and  Tokamahamon,  undertook  a  voyage  to 
NouHtt  in  aearch  for  hitn.  Sauaiito  v/tm  their  inteqireter;  "the  other, 
Tokamahamon,  u  sjK'ciul  liriend."  Tlie  weather  was  fair  when  they  set 
out,  "  but  vre  tliey  had  benn  long  at  st-a,  there  arose  a  storm  of  wind  and 
nin,  with  much  lightning  uiid  thunder,  insomuch  that  a  [water]  spout 
•rose  not  fur  iruin  tlii-in."  However,  they  escaped  danger,  and  arrived  at 
night  at  Cumniaqiiid.  Here  they  met  with  suine  Indians,  who  informed 
them  that  th*:  l)oy  woii  at  Nuuset.  Tiieso  Indians  treated  them  with  great 
kiodn(;s8,  inviting  tlicm  on  HJioro  to  cat  wilh  them. 

Ij/anough  was  Huciieui  of  tiiia  place,  and  tlicse  were  his  men.  '*TImv 
brought  us  to  their  sochim,  ^says  Mourt,)  or  governor,  whom  they  call 

aanovgh"  who  then  ap[)eoreu  about  3(1  years  of  age,  "  but  very  person- 
ile,  gentle,  courteous,  and  fair  conditioned,  indeed,  not  like  a  savage, 
save  fur  his  attire.  His  entertainment  was  answerable  to  his  parts,  and 
his  cho(ir  plentiful  and  various."  Thus  is  portraved  the  amiable  character, 
lyanough,  by  those  who  knew  him.  We  can  add  but  little  of  him  exc«iit 
bis  wretched  fiite.  The  severity  executed  upon  WUtuwoanei  and  Ptknutt 
caused  such  consternaiion  and  dread  of  the  English  among  many,  that 
tliey  forsook  their  wonted  habitations,  fled  into  swamps,  iind  lived  in 
unheahhy  places,  in  a  state  of  starvation,  until  many  died  with  diseases 
which  tiiey  had  thus  contracted.  Among  such  victims  were  lyanoughf 
Aipinet,  Coruconam,  and  many  more.  Hence  the  English  supnosed  tiiey 
were  in  Pekauot^s  conspiracy,  as  will  be  more  particularly  related  here- 
after. 

While  the  English  were  with  fytnovgh  at  Cummaauid,  they  relate 
that  th'?re  was  an  old  woman,  whom  they  judged  to  be  no  less  than 
100  yeiuB  old,  who  came  to  see  them,  because  she  had  never  seen 
English,  "yet  (say  they)  [she]  could  not  behold  us  without  breaking 
forth  into  great  passion,  weeping  and  crying  excessively."  They  inquiroo 
the  reason  of  it,  and  were  told  that  she  had  thnse  sons,  "who,  wfaeD 
mato.<^r  Hunt  waa  in  these  parts,  went  aboard  his  ship  to  trade  with  him, 
and  he  carried  them  captives  into  Spain."  Sqtianto  being  present,  who 
was  carried  away  at  the  same  time,  was  acquainted  with  the  circum- 
stances, and  thus  the  English  became  knowing  to  her  distress,  and  told 
her  they  were  sorry,  that  Hunt  was  a  bad  man^  but  that  aH  the  other 
English  were  well  disposed,  and  would  never  injure  her.  They  then 
gave  her  a  few  trinkets,  which  considerably  appeased  her. 

Our  voyagers  now  proceed  to  Nanset,  accompanied  by  luanoturh  and 
two  of  his  men.  ^spinet  was  the  sachem  of  this  place,  to  whom  Squanto 
was  sent,  Iwmough  and  his  men  having  gone  before.*  Squanto  haviiig 
informed  Aspinet  that  his  English  frieris  had  come  for  tlie  boy.  he 
"came  (they  relate^  with  a  great  train,  a;  d  brought  the  boy  with  bimt" 
one  carrying  him  tnrough  the  water. 

At  this  time,  Aapinet  had  in  his  company  "not  less  thon  an  hundred]" 
half  of  whom  attended  the  boy  to  the  boat,  and  the  rest  "  stood  alooC" 
with  their  bows  and  arrows,  looking  on.  .^spinet  delivered  up  the  boy m 
a  formal  manner, "  behung  with  beads,  and  made  peace  witli  us ;  we 


..  *  Thit  wa$  the  place  where  an  aUa/ck  waa  inatlc  (,.i  the  Eogllch  jn  their  fint^aniyal, 
which  cauMd  them  to  be  much  on  Uicir  guant  Hi  this  time.  j 


lYANOJtfill— AS.';\;,T.-l)i:ATn  of  RQUANTO.        fB«0K  I!. 


bellowing  a  knifi!  on  Iiini,  itiul  liN'wiw;  hii  Another,  timt  first  entertainsd 
Ibe  boy,  and  Itroiiglit  hiiti  tliitlKtr." 

fymough  liid  not  accoiii|«iiy  tli«  expedition  in  their  return  fVcin 
N«uwt,  but  wont  home  hy  luiid,  and  was  ready  to  entertain  the  company 
on  their  return.  From  eontmry  winds  anrl  a  want  of  fresh  water,  tho 
▼oyagers  were  obliged  to  touch  again  at  Cuinmaquid.  "There  (say  they) 
W0  met  again  with  lijanough,  and  the  most  of  his  town."  "  He,  being 
■till  willing  to  gratify  us,  took  ■  rundlet,  and  led  our  men  in  tho  dark  • 
grtMt  way  for  water,  but  could  find  none  good,  yet  brought  such  as  than 
was  on  his  neck  with  them.  In  the  meantime  the  women  joined  hand 
in  band,  singing  and  dancing  before  the  shnllop  ;*  the  men  also  showing 
all  the  kinnncsB  they  could,  luanough  hiiiiHelf  taking  a  bracelet  flrom 
about  his  neck,  and  hanging  it  about  one  of  us." 

They  were  not  able  to  get  out  of  tho  harbor  of  Cummaquid  firom 
baffling  winds  and  tides,  which  h/anough  seeing,  the  next  morning  he 
ran  along  the  shore  after  them,  and  they  took  him  into  their  shallop  and 
retunied  with  liim  to  his  town,  where  he  entertained  them  in  a  manner 
not  inferior  to  what  he  had  done  liefore.  They  now  succeeded  in  getting 
water,  and  shortly  after  returned  home  in  safety. 

While  at  Naiiset,  the  English  heard  that  Maaatuoit  had  been  attacked 
and  carried  off  by  the  Narmgansets,  which  led  to  the  expedition  of 
Slandiah  ^nd  JUkrton  against  CaunbUant,  as  will  be  found  related  in  hit 
life. 

About  this  tirpe,  six  sachems  of  the  neighboring  country  had  their 
fidelity  tested,  by  being  called  upon  to  sign  a  treaty  subjecting  thcmselvea 
to  King  JamM,  as  will  be  foui  d,  also,  in  that  life.  But  to  return  again  to 
Amnd,  and  other  sachems  of  Cape  Cod. 

By  the  improvidence  of  a  company  settled  at  Wessogusciis,  under  the 
direction  of  Mr.  Thomas  Weaton,  in  1G22,  they  had  Iteen  brought  to  the 
▼ery  brink  of  starvation  in  the  winter  of  that  year.  In  fact,  the  Plimouth 
people  were  but  very  little  better  off;  and  but  for  the  kindness  of  the 
Indians,  the  worst  of  con8e<]uenceB  might  have  ensued  to  both  these 
infant  colonies. 

As  the  winter  progressed,  the  two  colonies  entered  into  articles  of 
agreement  to  go  on  a  trading  voyage  among  the  Indians  of  Cape  Cod  to 
buy  com,  and  whatever  else  might  conduce  to  their  livelihood.  Squanto 
waa  pilot  in  this  expedition,  but  he  died  before  it  was  accomplished,  and 
the  record  of  his  death  stands  thus  in  Winslow's  Relation  : — 

''But  here,  [at  Manamoyk,  since  Chathnin,]  though  they  had  deter- 
mined to  m«die  a  second  essay,  [to  pnss  witliiii  tlin  slioals  oi'  Cnpc*  Coil,] 
yet  God  had  otherwise  disposed,  who  atrnck  Tiaqnnntum  with  sickness,! 
insomuch  as  he  there  died  ;  which  crossed  thoir  southward  trading,  and 
the  more,  because  tho  master's  sufficiency  was  much  doubted,  and  the 
•eaaon  very  tempestuous,  and  not  fit  to  go  upon  discover}',  having  no 
guide  to  direct  them." 

Thus  died  the  famous  Squanto,  or  rasquantum,  in  December,  1633. 
To  him  the  pilgrims  were  greatly  indebted,  although  he  often,  through 
extreme  folly  and  shortsightedness,  gave  them,  as  well  as  himself  and 
others,  a  great  deal  of  trouble,  as  in  the  life  of  Maaaaaoit  and  Hobomok 
will  appear. 

*  It  was  a  custom  with  mo«t  Indian  nations  to  danre  when  slransers  came  among 
tbam.  Baron  Lahontan  says  it  was  the  manner  of  the  Iroquois  to  dance  "  lorsque  let 
Grangers  passcnt  dans  leur  paTS,  ou  que  Icurs  ennemis  envoicnt  de&  ambassadeurs  poor 
Aire  aet  propositions  de  paix.*'    Mtmoirts  de  L'Ameriqtte,  ii.  110. 

t  His  disorder  was  a  fever,  "  bleeding  mucli  at  thn  nose,  which  the  Indians  reckon  a 
fatal  svmptom."  He  desired  the  covernur  would  pray  for  him,  that  he  might  go  to  llM 
Eaglinimen's  Qod,  "  bequeathing  nis  things  to  sundry' of  his  English  friends,  as  i 
brwees  of  bii  love }  of  whom  we  have  a  great  loss."    Prince  out  of  Brad/Ml. 


Cbap.  Ill 


8QUANTO 


13 


ThuB,  at  the  commencenMsnt  of  th«  voys^e,  tlio  pilot  wm  taken  away 
by  (ieuth,  and  the  ux|>«dilion  ciuiio  near  Imng  al>an«ion«)(i.  lluwovur, 
before  S<]uanto  tli«>(l,  he  HUfcctidt-d  in  inirodurinK  hia  friends  to  the 
■achein  of  Manainoirk  and  hia  iiouple,  where  they  wera  received  and 
entertained  in  u  manner  (hat  wuuld  do  honor  to  any  people  in  any  age. 
It  ia  the  morn  worthy  of  nminrk,  an  none  of  the  Kngliah  hail  ever  been 
there  liefore,  and  were  utter  HtranKt^m  to  them.  AArr  they  had  refreahed 
them  "with  store  of  veniwiu  uiid  otlutr  vietualH,  which  thev  brought 
them  in  great  abundance,"  they  sold  them  "  8  hogiheaclt  qf  com  tmd 
btaru,  ihimgh  the  people  were  but  ftwP 

From  Mana'uoicK  they  proceeded  to  MHaaachuBCtta,  but  could  do 
nothing  there,  as  Mr.  fVetlorCt  men  had  ruined  the  market  by  giving  "aK 
much  tor  a  quart  of  (:orn,  as  we  used  to  do  for  a  beaver's  skin.'"*  There- 
fore they  returned  again  to  Cape  Cod,  to  Nauael,  "  where  the  sachem 
Asfinei  used  the  governor  very  kindly,  and  where  they  bought  8  or  10 
hogsheads  of  corn  an(!  lieans :  also  at  a  place  called  Mattachiett,  where 
they  had  like  kind  entertainment  and  corn  also."  While  here,  a  violent 
storm  drove  on  shore,  and  so  damuged  their  pinnace,  that  they  could  not 
get  their  corn  on  liourd  the  ship ;  so  they  made  a  stack  of  it,  and  secured 
It  from  the  weather,  by  covering  it  with  mats  and  sedge.  Aspinet  v/tm 
desired  to  watch  and  keep  wild  animals  from  destroymg  it,  until  they 
could  send  for  it.  Also,  not  to  suffer  their  boat  to  lie  concerned  with ; 
all  this  he  faithfully  did,  and  the  governor  returned  home  by  land,  "  re- 
ceiving  great  kindness  from  the  Indians  by  the  way." 

Some  time  after,  Standish  vvont  to  bring  the  com  left  at  Nauset,  and, 
as  usual,  gets  himself  into  mlKculty  with  the  Indians.  One  of  AtpituPt 
men  happening  to  come  to  one  of  StandiaK's  boats,  which  being  left 
entirely  without  guard,  he  took  out  a  few  trinkets,  such  as  "  beads,  scis- 
sors, and  other  trifles,"  which  when  the  English  captain  founu  ou^  "  he 
took  certain  of  his  cotnpany  with  him,  and  went  to  the  sachem,  telling 
him  what  had  happened,  and  requiring  the  same  again,  or  the  ptuty  that 
stole  them,"  "  or  else  he  toould  revenge  it  on  them  before  hia  dtjmrture^  and 
so  departed  for  the  night,  "rtfunng  whatsoever  kindneaa  they  offend^ 
However,  the  next  morning,  Aapintt,  attended  by  many  of  his  men,  went 
to  the  English,  "  in  a  stately  manner,"  and  restored  all  the  "  trifles ;"  for 
the  exposing  of  which  the  English  deserved  ten  times  as  much  reprehen- 
sion as  the  man  for  taking  them. 

Squmdo  being  the  only  person  that  escaped  the  great  sickness  at  Pa- 
tuxet,  inquirers  for  an  account  of  that  calamity  will  very  reasonably 
expect  to  find  it  in  a  history  of  his  life.  We  therefore  will  relate  all  that 
is  known  of  it,  not  elsewhere  to  be  noticed  in  our  progress.  The  extent 
of  its  ravages,  as  near  as  we  can  judge,  was  from  Narraganset  Bay,  to 
Kennebeck,  or  perhaps  Penobscot,  and  was  supposed  to  have  commenced 
about  1617,  and  the  length  of  its  duration  seems  to  have  been  between 
two  and  three  years,  as  it  was  nearly  abated  in  1619.  The  Indians  gave 
a  frightful  account  of  it ;  saying  that  they  died  so  fast  "■  that  the  living 
were  not  able  to  bury  the  dead."  When  the  English  arrived  in  the 
country,  their  bones  were  thick  upon  the  ground  in  many  places.  Tliis 
they  looked  upon  as  a  great  providence,  inasmuch  as  it  had  destroyed 
"  multitudes  of  the  barbarous  heathen  to  make  way  for  the  chosen  people 
ofGod." 

"  Some  had  expired  in  fight,— the  brand* 
Still  rusted  in  their  bony  hands,— 
Id  plague  and  famine- some!" 

Campbkll 

*  At  this  lime,  there  was  a  great  sickness  amonr  the  Massaehusett  Indians,  "  not 
unlike  the  plague,  if  not  the  same."    No  particulars  of  it  are  racordod. 


14 


8QUANTO. 


[Book  U. 


All  wars  and  disasters  in  those  days  were  thought  to  be  preceded  by 
some  strange  natural  appearance ;  or,  as  appeared  to  them,  unnatural 
appearance  or  phenomenon ;  hence  the  appearance  of  a  comet,  In  1618, 
was  considered  by  some  the  precursor  of  this  pestilence.* 

We  will  give  here,  from  a  curious  work,t  in  the  language  of  the 
authoi.  in  interesting  passage,  relating  to  this  melancholy  period,  of  the 
history  of  the  people  of  Mcuaasoit ;  in  which  he  refers  to  Squanto.  After 
relating  the  fate  of  a  F'ench  ship's  crew  among  the  Wampanoags,  as 
extracted  in  the  life  of  MMttumt,  in  continuation  of  the  account,  he 
proceeds  thus:  "But  contrary  wise,  [the  Indians  having  said  "  they  were 
so  many  that  God  could  not  kill  them,"  when  one  of  the  Frenchmen  re- 
buked them  for  their  "wickedness,"  telling  them  God  would  destrov 
them,]  in  short  time  afler,  the  hand  of  Crod  fell  heavily  upon  them,  witn 
such  a  mortall  stroake,  that  they  died  on  heaps,  as  they  lay  in  their 
houses,  and  the  living  that  were  able  to  shift  for  themselves,  would  runne 
away  and  let  them  dy,  and  let  their  carkases  ly  above  the  ground  without 
buri^;*'-  For  in  a  place,  where  many  inhabited,  there  hath  been  but  one 
left  ti've,  to  tell  what  became  of  the  rest ;  the  living  being  (as  it  seems) 
not  able  to  bury  the  dead.  They  were  left  fpr  crowes,  kites,  and  vermine 
to  prav  upon.  And  the  bones  and  skulls  upon  the  severall  places  of 
sheir  habitations,  made  such  a  spectacle  after  my  comining  into  those 
parts,!  that  as  I  travailed  in  that  forrest  nere  the  Massachussets,  it 
seemed  to  me  a  new*found  Golgotha." 

Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  as  we  have  seen,  was  well  acquainted  with  the 
coast  of  New  England.  After  his  design  failed  at  Sa^dahock,  he  tells  us 
that  he  sent  over  a  ship  upon  his  own  account,  which  was  to  leave  a 
«;ompany  under  one  Vmea,\  to  remain  and  trade  in  the  country.  These 
were  his  ovirn  servants,  and  he  ordered  "  them  to  leave  the  ship  and  ship's 
compauy,  f-  to  follow  their  business  in  the  usual  place,  (for  I  knew  they 
WO",  id  not  be  drawn  to  seek  by  any  means,)  by  these,  and  the  help  of 
thoe..  ti.:tivee  forr-erly  sent  over,  I  come  to  be  truly  informed  of  so  much 
■s  gave  'ne  assu  Mce  that  in  time  I  should  want  no  undertnkei's,  though 
as  yet  I  ^•vs  forced  to  hire  men  to  stay  there  the  winter  quarter  at  ex- 
treme rate.),  and  not  without  danger,  for  that  the  war||  had  consumed  the 
Basbaba,  aud  the  most  ;>f  the  great  sagamores,  with  such  men  of  action 
as  fbllowed  them,  and  those  that  remained  were  sore  afflicted  with  'the 
plague ;  for  that  the  country  was  in  a  manner  left  void  of  inhabitants. 
Notwithstanduig,  Vines,  and  the  rest  with  him  that  la^  in  the  cabins  with 
those  people  that  died,  some  more,  some  less,  mightily,  (blessed  be  God 
fbr  it)  not  one  of  them  ever  felt  their  heads  to  ache  while  they  stayed 
there."  Here,  although  we  are  put  in  possession  of  several  of  the  most 
important  fhcts,  yet  our  venerable  author  is  deficient  in  one  of  the  main 
particulars — I  mean  that  of  dates.    Therefore  we  gain  no  flirther  data 


*  The  year  I61R  seems  to  have  been  very  fruitful  in  comets, ''  as  therein  no  less  than 
four  were  observed."  /.  Matlier't  Diicourte  toneeminr  Comett,  108.  Boston,  ISmo. 
1683.  There  may  be-  seen  a  curious  passage  concerning  the  comot  of  1618  in  Ruth»orih!* 
Kit,  Col.  of  tha't  year. 

t  New  English  Canaan,  23,  by  Thomat  Morton,  4to.  Amsterdam,  1637. 

X  Mr.  Morton  first  came  over  in  16S2.  He  settled  near  Weymouth.  After  great 
trouble  and  losses  from  those  of  a  different  religion,  he  was  banismd  out  of  the  country, 
and  had  his  property  sequestered,  but  soon  aAer  returned.  Ho  died  in  York,  Me.,  1646. 
If  it  be  pretended  that  Morton  f'od  no  religion,  we  say,  "Judge  not."  He  professed  to 
Iwve. 

&Mr.  Richard  Vinet.  Amtriw  painttd  to  the  Life,  by  Ftrd.  Gorget,  Esq.  4to.  Load. 

)  A  great  war  among  the  Indians  at  this  time  is  mentioned  by  mcst  of  die  first  writen, 
bat  the  particulars  of  it  cannot  be  known.  It  teoms  to  have  been  between  the  Tarralines 
and  tribes  to  the  west  of  Paseataqua. 


cbap.  n.] 


MASSASOIT. 


15 


tt,  Esq.  4(0.  Lond. 


as  to  the  time  or  continuance  of  this  plague  araons  the  Indians ;  for  Sir 
J^Vrduunwb  adds  to  the  above,  "and  this  course  I  held  some  years  to> 
gether,  but  nothing  to  my  private  profit,"  &c. 

In  Capt  SnuiK$  account  of  New  England,  published  in  1631,  he  has  a 
passage  about  the  plague,  which  is  much  like  that  we  have  given  above 
from  Morton.  The  ship  cast  away,  he  says,  was  a  fishing  vessel,  and 
the  man  that  they  kept  a  i^risoner,  on  telling  them  he  feared  his  God 
would  destroy  them,  ineir  king  made  him  suind  on  the  top  of  a  hill,  and 
collected  his  people  about  it  that  the  man  might  see  how  numerous  they 
were.  When  he  bad  done  this,  he  demanded  of  the  Frenchman  whether 
his  God,  that  he  told  so  much  about,  had  so  many  men,  and  whether  they 
could  kill  all  those.  On  his  assuring  the  kine  that  he  could,  they  derided 
him  as  before.  Soon  aAer,  the  plague  carried  off  all  of  the  Massachusetts, 
5  or  600,  leaving  only  30,  of  whom  28  were  killed  bv  their  neighlM)r8,  the 
otlier  two  escaping  until  tlie  Dngiish  came,  to  whom  they  gave  their 
country.  The  English  told  the  Indians  that  the  disease  was  (he  plague. 
Cant  Smith  says  this  account  is  second  bund  to  him,  and  therefore  liegs 
to  be  excused  if  it  be  not  true  in  all  its  particulars. 

We  have  now  come  to  one  of  the  most  interesting  characters  in  In- 
dian history. 

Massasoit,  chief  of  the  Wampanoags,  resided  at  a  place  called  Poka- 
uoket  or  Pawkunnawkut,  by  the  Indians,  which  is  now  included  in  the 
town  of  Bristol,  Rhode  Island.  He  was  a  chief  renwned  more  in  peace 
than  war,  and  was,  as  lung  as  ho  lived,  a  friend  to  the  English,  notwith- 
standing they  committed  repeated  usurpations  upon  his  lauds  and 
liberties. 

This  chiePs  name  has  been  written  witli  great  \'ariation,  as  Woosamt- 
out'n,  Aauhmtquin,  Oosamequen,  Oaamekin,  Owaamequitif  Ousamequinef 
Utsameqiien,  ff^aaamegin,  &c. ;  but  the  name  by  which  he  is  generally 
known  in  history,  is  that  with  which  we  commence  his  life.*  Mr.  Prince. 
in  his  Annals,  says  of  that  name,  "  the  printed  accounts  generally  spell 
him  Maataaoii ;  Gov.  Bradford  writes  him  Maxaaaout,  and  Maaaaaoytt ; 
but  I  find  the  ancient  people,  from  their  fathers  in  Plimouth  colony,  pro- 
nounced his  name  Ma-aaa-$o-it.^  Still  we  find  no  inclination  to  change 
a  letter  in  the  name  of  an  old  friend,  which  has  been  so  long  established ; 
for  if  a  writer  suffer  the  spirit  of  innovation  in  himself,  he  knows  not 
where  to  stop,  and  we  pronounce  him  no  antimutry. 

It  has  often  been  thought  strange,  that  so  mild  a  sachem  as  Maaaaaoit 
should  have  possessed  so  great  a  country,  and  our  wonder  has  been  in- 
creased when  we  consider,  that  Indian  possessions  are  generally  obtained 
by  prowess  and  great  personal  courage.  We  know  of  none  ho  could 
boast  of  such  extensive  dominions,  where  all  were  contented  to  consider 
themselves  his  friends  and  children.  Poniiac,  LUUe-turtle,  Tecumaeh,  and 
many  more  that  we  could  name,  have  swayed  many  tribes,  but  theirs 
was  "  temporary  union,  in  an  emergency  of  war.  That  Maaaaaoit  should 
be  able  to  nold  so  many  tribes  together,  without  constant  war,  required 
qualities  belonging  only  to  few.  That  he  was  not  a  warrior  no  one  will 
allow,  when  the  testimony  of  .Snnawon  is  so  distinct.  For  that  great 
chief  gave  Capt.  Church  "an  account  of  what  mighty  success  he  had  had 
formerly,  in  the  wars  against  many  nations  of  Indians,  when  he  served 
Jlauhmequin^  Philip^a  father." 

The  limits  of  his  couiitry  towards  the  Nipmuks,  or  inlond  Indians,  are 

•  Some  have  derived  the  name  of  Massachusetts  from  this  chief,  but  that  roqjertnm 
is  not  to  bo  heeded.  If  any  man  knew,  we  may  be  allowed  to  suppose  iliui  Ro;rei' 
Willinms  did.  He  lenrncd  from  the  Indians  themselves,  "that  the  jVassachiixetlt  weit 
railed  so  from  the  Itlur  Hilts."  In  the  vocabulary  of  Indian  words,  bv  Rev.  John  Cot- 
ton,  the  definitiou  of  Massachusett  is,  "  an  hUl  in  the  form  of  an  arrow  *  head." 


16 


MA3SAS0IT. 


[Book  fl 


rather  uncertuiti,  but  upon  the  cast  and  west  wc  are  sure.  It  is  evident, 
however,  from  the  following  cxtra(%  thnt,  in  1647,  the  Nipmuks  were 
rather  uncoruiiii  about  thoir  sachem,  and  probably  belonged  at  one  lime 
to  Maasaaoit  imd  at  another  to  the  Narrai^ansnts,  &c.,  as  circumstances 
favored.  "  The  Nonnat  [Nipnet,  or  Nipmuk]  Indians  having  noe  sachem 
of  their  own  are  at  liberty  ;  part  of  them,  l)y  their  own  choice,  doe  apper- 
taine  to  the  Narragauset  sucliem,  and  parte  to  tlie  Mohegens."*  And  ^ 
certainly,  in  1660,tho!^e  of  Quabao;^  beloiige'd  to  Massasnitf  or  fVasaamtgm, 
as  he  was  then  called,  as  will  be  evident  from  facts,  to  be  found  in  the 
life  of  Uncos.  He  owned  Cape  Cod,  and  all  that  part  of  Massachusetts 
and  Rhode  Island  between  Nairaganset  and  Massachusetts  bays;  extend- 
ing inland  between  Puwtucket  and  Charles  rivei-s,  a  distance  not  satis- 
factorily ascertained,  as  was  said  before,  together  with  all  the  contiguous  . 
islands.  It  was  filled  with  many  tribes  or  nations,  and  all  lookinr  up  to.V 
him,  to  sanction  all  tlieir  expeditions,  and  settle  all  their' dimcMltieB*^ 
And  we  may  remark,  further,  with  rej^rd  to  the  Nipmuks,  that  at  ooe 
time  they  were  his  tributaries.  And  this  seems  the  more  probable,  fof^ 
PkUip^a  war  there  was  a  constant  intercourse  between  them,  and  when 
any  of  his  men  made  an  escape,  their  course  was  directly  into  the  country 
of  the  Nipmuks,  No  such  intercourse  subsisted  between  the  Narragansets 
and  either  of  these.  But,  on  the  contrary,  when  a  messenger  from  the 
Narragansets  arrived  in  the  country  of  the  Nipmuks,  with  me  heads  of 
some  of  the  English,  to  show  that  they  had  joined  in  the  war,  he  wab  at 
first  fired  upon,  though  afterwards,  when  two  additional  heads  were 
brought,  they  were  received.  * 

MoBsasoit  had  several  places  of  residence,  hut  the  principal  was  Mount 
Mop?,  or  Pokanoket.  The  English  early  gave  it  the  name  of  Mount 
Hope,  but  from  what  circumstance  we  have  not  learned.  Some  suppose 
the  words  Mount  Hope  corrupted  from  the  Indian  words  Mon-top,^  but 
will)  what  reason  we  are  not  informed.  Since  we  have  thus  early 
noticed  the  seat  of  the  ancient  chiefs,  b-fore  proceeding  with  the  life  of 
the  first  of  the  Wampanoags,  we  will  give  a  description  of  it.  It  a|)peai's 
to  the  best  advantage  from  the  village  of  Fall  River,  in  the  town  of  Troy, 
Massachusetts,  from  which  it  is  distant  about  four  miles.  From  this  place, 
its  top  very  much  resembles  the  dome  of  the  state-house  in  Boston,  as 
seen  from  many  places  in  the  vicinity,  at  four  or  five  miles'  distance.  Its 
height  b^  admeasurement  is  said  to  be  about  200  feet.^  It  is  very  steep 
on  the  side  towards  Pocasset,  and  its  appearance  is  very  regular.  To  its 
natural  appearance  a  gendeman  of  Bristol  has  contributed  to  add  materi- 
ally, by  placing  upon  its  summit  a  circular  summer-house,  and  this  is  a* 
pnncipai  reason  why  it  so  much  resembles  the  Massachusetts  state-houser ' 
Tills  mount,  therefore,  since  some  time  previous  to  1824,  does  not  appear 
as  in  the  days  of  McusasoU,  and  as  it  did  to  his  early  friends  and  visitors, 
ffirulow  and  Hamden.  It  was  sufficiently  picturesque  without  such  ad- 
dition, as  an  immense  stone§  originally  for  ned  its  summit,  and  completed 
its  domelike  appearance.  The  octagonal  summer-house  being  placed  • 
upon  this,  completes  the  cupola  or  turret.    From  this  the  view  of  Provi-  ' 

*  Records  of  the  U.  Col.  in  Hazard,  ii.  92. 

t  Alden'a  Collection  of  Epitaphs,  iv.  685.  President  Stiles,  in  his  notes  to  tho  second 
edition  of  Church's  Hist.  Philip's  War,  p.  7,  spells  it  Mont-haup,  but  it  is  not  so 
in  the  text  of  either  edition.  Moreover,  we  have  not  been  able  to  discover  that  Mon-tap 
is  derived  from  Indian  words,  and  do  not  hesitate  to  pronounce  it  a  corruption  of  <btr 
two  English  words  commonly  used  in  naming  it. 

i  Yamoyden.  259. 

^  By  some,  this  has  been  called  Philip's  chair,  and  some  modem  book-makers  haxo  .,, 
\'enlured  to  say  it  resembles  that  piece  of  furniture.    We  should  be  dad  to  know  in 
whnt  respect ;  having  personally  examined  it,  we  can  assure  the  reader  that  no  such 
resemblance  appeared  to  us. 


■"T',--W-;*?«-— -T-"- 


Chap.  II.] 


MASSASOIT. 


17 


donee,  Warren,  Bristol,  and,  indeed,  the  whole  surrounding'  country,  i* 
very  t)eantiiul. 

This  eminence  was  known  among  the  Narraganscta  hy  the  name 
Pokanokzt,  which  signified  in  thrir  language  the  toood  or  land  on  the 
other  side  of  the  teater,  and  to  the  Wampnuoags  by  the  nnme  Sounottmt, 
And  it '  is  worthy  romnrk  here,  that  Kitequenuku  was  tlic  name  of  the 
place  where  Philadelphia  now  btonds.  Mr.  Hecketodder  says,  it  signified 
the  grove  of  the  long  pine  trees.  There  was  a  place  in  Muldleborough, 
and  aiiothbT  in  Rnynhani,  whci%  he  spent  some  part  of  particular  seaaona, 
perha|)s  tlin  summer.  The  place  in  Raynham  was  near  FowUng  Pond, 
and  he  no  donht  hnd  many  others. 

Sir  Francis  Drake  is  tiie  first,  of  whom  we  have  any  account,  that  set 
foot  upon  the  sliores  of  Now  Engluml.  This  was  in  1586,  about  seven  years 
after  he  had  taken  possession,  and  named  the  same  country  New  Eng- 
land, or  New  Albion,  upon  the  western  side  of  the  continent.  It  is  an 
error  of  long  standing,  that  Prince  Charles  named  the  country  New 
England,  and  it  even  now  so  stands  upon  the  pages  of  history.  But  it  is 
^  very  clear  that  Sir  Francis  is  justly  entitled  to  the  credit  of  it.  American 
historians  seem  to  have  looked  no  further  tlian  Prince  and  Robertson^  ami 
hence  assert  that  Cupt.  Smith  named  the  country  New  England.  We  will 
now  hear  Smith*  on  this  matter.  "New  England  is  that  paA  of  Anierico, 
in  the  Ocean  sea,  opposite  to  ^oua  Albion,  in  the  South  Sea,  discovered 
by  the  most  memorable  Sir  Francis  Drake,  in  his  voyage  about  the 
world,  in  regard  whereof,  this  is  siUed  JVew  England.^ 

Capt.  Smith,  in  1614,  made  a  survey  of  the  coast  of  what  is  now  New 
England,  and  because  the  country  was  already  named  New  England,  or, 
which  is  the  same,  New  Albion,  upon  its  western  coast,  he  thought  it 
most  proper  to  stamp  it  anew  upon  the  eastern.  Therefore  Capt.  SmUh 
neither  takes  to  himself  the  honor  of  naming  New  England,  as  some 
writers  of  authority  assert,  nor  does  he  give  it  to  King  Charles,  as  Dr. 
Robertson  and  many  others,  copying  him,  have  done.  > 

The  noble  and  generous  nnnded  Smith,  unlike  Jimericus,  would  not 
permit  or  suflfer  his  respected  friend  and  cotemporary  to  be  deprived  of 
any  honor  duo  to  him  in  his  day  ;  and  to  which  we  may  attribute  the 
revival  of  the  name  New  England  in  1614. 

It  was  upon  some  part  of  Cape  Cod  that  the  great  circumnavigator 
Iand(  '  He  was  visited  by  the  "  king  of  the  country,"  who  submitted  his 
territd  les  to  him,  ns  Hioh  had  done  on  the  westeni  coast.  After  several 
days  of  mutual  imdo,  and  exchange  of  kindnesses,  during  which  time 
the  natives  became  greatly  attached  to  Sir  Francis,  ho  departed  for 
England.  Whether  the  "  king  of  the  comitry"  here  mentionrd  were 
Massasoit,  we  have  not  the  means  of  knowing,  as  our  accoimis  do  not  give 
any  name ;  but  it  was  upon  his  dominions  that  this  first  landing  was 
made,  and  we  have  therefore  thought  it  proper  to  be  thus  particular,  and 
which,  we  venture  to  predict,  will  not  be  imacceptable  to  our  readers. 

Smith  landtHi  in  many  places  n|>oii  the  shores  of  Massasoit,  one  of 
which  places  he  named  Plimouth,  which  happened  to  be  the  suiiie  which 
now  bears  that  name. 

Our  accotmts  miikc  Capt.  Bartholomew  Gosnold  the  next  visitor  to  thti 
shores  of  Massasoit,  after  Sir  Francis  Drake.  His  voyage  was  in  1602, 
aivd  he  was  the  first  who  came  in  a  direct  course  from  Old  to  New  Eng- 
i&nd.f  He  landed  in  the  same  place  where  Sir  Francis  did  16  years 
btifore. 

*  *  Seo  Ills  "  Description  of  N.  England,"  and  the  error  may  hcncofbrlh  be  dispensed 

•  with. 

f  Thp  roulo  ho'!  h'lherto  l)ccn  by  the  Canariefi  nnd  Wrst  India  Iilandii,  and  a  voyage 
to  and  from  Nnw  England  took  up  nearly  a  year's  time. 

it  *■ 


is 


MASSASOIT. 


[Book  1L 


^ 


Wo  can  know  noUiin^'  of  the  onrly  times  of  Massaaoit.  Our  next 
visitor  to  iiia  couiitry,  thut  w«j  «hnll  here  notice,  was  dipt.  Thomas  Der' 
mer.  This  was  in  Mny,  1G19.  He  sailud  for  Monliigon ;  thence,  in  that 
month,  for  Virginia,  in  an  open  pinnace ;  consequently  was  obliged  to 
keep  close  in  sliorc.  He  found  places  wiii(h  hud  been  iidiabite<l,  hut  nt 
that  time  contained  none ;  luid  Itirther  onward  nearly  all  were  dead,  of  u 
great  sickness,  which  was  then  prevailing,  but  nearly  abated.  When  hs 
came  to  Pliniouth,  all  were  dead.  From  thence  he  traveled  a  day's 
journey  into  the  country  westward,  to  Naniasket,  now  Middleborough. 
From  this  place  he  ser*  a  messenger  to  visit  Massasoit.  In  this  expedi- 
tion, he  redeemed  two  K 'enchuien  from  MaaaaaoWs  \  iple,  who  had  been 
cast  away  three  years  before. 

But  to  be  more  particular  with  Capt.  Dermer,  .«e  will  hear  him  in  his 
oMm  manner,  which  is  by  a  letter  he  wrote  to  Samuel  Purcluiae,  the  com- 
piler of  the  Pilgrimage,  dated  27th  Dec.  1619. 

"  When  I  arrived  at  my  savaj^e's  [Squanto^a]  native  countiy,  (finding  all 
dead,)  I  travelled  alongst  a  day's  journey,  to  a  place  called  JVummaalaqiiyl, 
where  finding  inhabitants,  I  despatched  a  messenger,  a  day's  journe 
farther  west,  to  Pocanokit,  which  bordereth  on  the  sea ;  whence  came 
see  me  two  kings,  attended  with  a  guard  of  50  armed  men,  who  being 
well  satisiied  with  that  n>y  savage  and  I  discoursed  unto  them,  (being  de- 
sirous of  novelty,)  gave  me  content  in  whatsoever  I  demanded  ;  where  I 
found  that  former  relations  were  true.  Here  I  redeemed  a  Frenchman, 
end  ai^crwardu  another  at  Masstacbusit,  who  three  yeara  since  escaped 
shipwreck  at  the  north-east  of  Capo  Cod."* 

We  have  mentioned  his  interview  with  Maaaaaoit,  which  we  supposed 
was  one  of  the  kings  mentioned  in  the  letter.  ^uaJdequina  was  no  doubt 
the  other. 

In  another  letter,  Mr.  Dermer  says  the  Indians  would  have  killed  him 
at  Namasket,  had  not  Squanlo  entreated  hard  for  him.  "  Their  desire  of 
revenge  (he  adds)  was  occasioned  by  an  Englishman,  who,  having  many 
of  them  on  board,  made  great  slaughter  of  them  with  their  murderers 
and  small  shot,  when  (as  they  say)  they  offered  no  injury  on  their  parts," 

Mr.  Thomaa  Morton,^  the  author  who  made  himself  so  merry  at  the 
expense  of  the  pilgrims  of  Plimoinh,  has  the  following  i)assage  concern- 
ing these  Frenchmen  : — "It  fortuned  some  few  veares  before  the  English 
came  to  inhabit  at  new  Plimmouth  in  New  ll^ngland,  that,  upon  some 
distast  given  in  the  Massachussets  Buy,  by  Frenchmen,  then  trtiding  there 
with  the  natives  for  beaver,  they  set  upon  the  men,  at  such  advantage,  that 
the^  killed  manie  of  them,  burned  their  shipp,  then  riding  at  anchor  bv 
an  island  there,  now  called  PeddocKa  laland,  in  memory  of  Leonard  Pea- 
dock  that  landed  there,  (where  manv  wilde  anckies|  haunted  that  time, 
which  hee  thought  had  Isin  tame,)  distributing  them  unto  five  sachems 
which  were  lords  of  the  severall  territories  adjoyning,  they  did  keep  them 
so  long  as  they  lived,  only  to  sport  themselves  nt  tliem,  and  made  these 
five  Frenchmen  fetch  them  wood  and  water,  which  is  the  gencrall  worke 
they  require  of  a  servant.  One  of  these  five  men  outliving  the  rest,  had 
learned  so  much  of  their  language,  as  to  rebuke  them  for  their  bloiidy 
deede :  saying  that  God  would  be  angry  with  them  for  it ;  and  that  he 
would  in  his  displeasure  destroy  them ;  but  the  salvages  (it  seems,  boast- 
ing of  their  strength)  teplyed,  and  said,  that  they  were  so  many  that  God 
could  not  kill  them."  This  seems  to  be  the  same  story,  only  differently 
told  from  that  related  above  from  Smith. 


*  This  cxtraot  is  in  Dai-ia's  notes  to  Morton. 

t  In  his  "  NetB  Canaan,"  22,  23. 

i  Modern  naturalists  do  not  se«m  to  have  been  acquainted  with  this  animal ! 


»WTw«>V 


[Book  IL 


aur.U.) 


MABSABOtT. 


19 


Dec.  11,  O.  S.  1620.  The  pilgrims  arrived  at  Plimouth,  and  pooessed 
themselves  of  a  portion  of  Massaaoifa  country.  With  the  nature  of  their 
proceedings,  he  was  at  first  unacquainted,  and  sent  ociasionaliy  t  >me 
of  his  men  to  observe  their  stranee  motiono.  Very  few  of  these,  however, 
were  seen  hy  the  pilgrims.  At  length  he  sent  one  of  his  men,  who  bad 
been  some  time  with  the  English  fishing  vessels  about  the  country  of  the 
Kennebeck,  and  had  learned  a  little  of  their  language,  to  observe  more 
strictly  what  was  progressijig  among  the  intruder^  at  his  place  of  Patuxet, 
which  was  now  called  Plimouth.  This  was  in  March,  1621,  as  before 
related. 

We  have,  in  speaking  of  Samoset  and  Sqiianio,  obt'erved  that  it  was 
through  the  agency  of  the  former  that  a  knowledge  was  ghiined  o{  Mauaaoit. 
It  was  upon  vl  March,  1621,  that  they  brought  the  welcome  news  to  Pli- 
mouth, that  their  chief  was  near  at  hand  f  "and  they  brought  with  them 
(say  the  pilgrims)  some  few  skins  to  truck,  and  some  red  herrings,  newly 
taken  and  dried,  out  not  salted ;  and  signified  unto  us,  that  thcirgreat  saga- 
more, Maaaaaoii,  was  hard  by,  with  Qiuu/egutna,  his  brother.  They  could 
not  well  express  in  English  what  they  would  ;  but  after  an  hour  the  king 
came  to  the  top  of  an  hill  [supposed  to  be  that  now  called  fVataon^a,  on 
the  south  side  of  Town-brook]  over  against  us,  and  had'in  his  train  60 
men,  that  we  could  well  behold  them,  and  they  us.  We  were  not  will- 
ing to  send  our  governor  to  them,  and  they  unwilling  to  come  to  us:  so 
Squanto  went  a^in  unto  him,  who  brought  word  that  we  should  send 
one  to  parley  with  him,  which  we  did,  which  was  Edward  fVinalmo,  to 
know  his  mind,  and  to  signify  the  mind  and  will  of  our  governor,  which 
was  to  have  trading  and  peace  with  him.  Wo  sent  to  the  king  a  pair  of 
knives,  and  a  copper  chain,  with  a  jewel  in  it.  To  Quadequina  we  sent 
likewise  a  knife,  and  a  jewel  to  hang  in  his  ear,  and  witliul  a  pot  of 
strong  water,  a  good  quantity  of  biscuit,  and  some  butter,  which  were 
all  willingly  accepted." 

The  Englishman  then  made  a  speech  to  him,  about  his  kind's  Icve  and 
goodness  to  him  and  his  people,  and  that  he  occe^ted  of  him  as  his  friend 
and  ally.  "He  liked  well  of  the  speech,  (say  the  Engiit'li,')  and  heard  it 
attentively,  though  the  interpreters  did  not  well  express  it.  Aftur  he  had 
eaten  and  drunk  himself  and  given  the  rest  to  his  conipnny,  he  looked 

*  Monti's  narrative  is  here  coiitiimed  from  the  last  extrnct  in  p.  10,  without  any 
omitsion. 


mmtmiiT. 


(RookU. 


upon  our  QieSSeogRr's  Bwoni  and  armor  which  ho  had  on,  with  intimation 
of  his  df abw  M  biiy  it ;  but,  on  the  other  aide,  our  meuuiifer  ithnwcd  his 
unwiliinj^rneag  to  port  with  it.  In  tiie  end  he  left  him  in  the  cuMmly  of 
Quadeqi^mn,  bu*  brother,  niid  cume  over  the  brook,  and  soiiiu  20  tnen 
followii.f  li^     We  kept  six  or  seven  as  liostages  for  oor  wmmint^'r" 

As  Maatgmii  proceeded  t»  lueet  the  English,  they  met  b«n  with  six 
soldiers,  who  wnlted  each  other.  Several  ot'  liis  nieu  wew  ^ith  him, 
but  all  left  tb*ir  bi»ws  and  arrows  behind.  They  were  a(Miidi|ct<-d  to  a 
now  housa  wbifdi  we*  jwrtiy  fiui«hed,and  a  green  nig  wiMa^fe««l  upon  the 
floor,  and  wvenl  ciwhtoBH  tor  Mu$atoit  and  his  chiefs  to  ai|  down  upon. 
Then  came  the  English  goveruor,  followed  by  a  driimtner  «oid  Irninpeter 
and  a  fow  soldiera,  aud  after  kissing  one  another,  all  sut  dowil.  Some 
strong  w^'«r  being  brought,  the  governor  drank  to  MaaaaaoU,  who  in  his 
turn  "dni»<ik  a  great  draught,  that  mode  him  sweat  all  the  wUiki  alhu-." 

They  iv.w  proceeded  to  make  a  treaty,  which  stiiMdaied,  tbitf  iK.ither 
Masaasok  nor  any  of  his  people  should  do  hurt  to  the  Eugliajiit,  and  that 
if  they  d|id  tliey  snonld  be  given  up  to  oe  punished  by  t>iem ;  a^iil  ilint  if 
the  EngKsb  did  any  harm  to  him  or  any  of  his  peo|ile,  the/  the  Engliah, 
would  do  the  like  to  them.  That  if  aiiy  did  unjustly  war  ugtuiisi  him, 
the  EugliHli  were  to  aid  him,  and  he  was  to  do  the  same  in  his  tun),  and 
by  so  doing  King  Jamea  would  esteem  him  his  friend  and  ally. 

"All  which  (tliny  say)  the  king  seemed  to  like  well,  and  it  was  applaud- 
ed of  his  followers."  And  they  add,  "All  the  whilo  he  sat  by  thu  gov- 
ernor, he  trembled  for  fear." 

At  this  time  he  is  descrilxid  as  "a  very  lusty  man,  in  his  host  y^iirs,  an 
able  liody,  gmve  of  countenance,  and  spare  of  speech  ;  in  his  atVin-  little 
or  nothing  diifering  from  the  rest  of  his  followers,  only  in  a  great  cliain  of 
white  bone  beads  about  his  neck  ;  and  at  ir,  behind  his  neck,  hangs  a  little 
bas;  of  tobacco,  which  he  drank,  and  gave  us  to  drink.*     His  i'm-M  was 

1>ainted  with  a  sad  red  like  murrey,  and  oiled  both  head  and  faco,  timt  he 
ooked  greasily.  All  his  followers  likewise  were,  in  their  faces,  in  part  or 
in  whole,  painted,  some  black,  some  red,  some  yellow,  and  sonn  white; 
some  with  crosses  and  other  antic  works;  some  had  skins  on  tlxwii,  and 
some  naked;  all  strong,  tall  men  in  appearance.  The  king  hail  in  his 
bosom,  hanging  in  a  string,  a  great  long  knifi). '  He  marvelled  iniieh  at 
our  triimjiet,  and  some  of  his  men  would  sound  it  as  well  as  tiicy  could. 
Samoazt  and  SqiuttUo  stayed  bli  night  with  us."  MaaaaaoU  reiir  ■<!  into 
the  w^ls,  alraut  half  a  mile  f/om  the  English,  and  there  enr!);ii))ed  at 
night  with  his  men,  wome:.  ai;d  children.  Thus  ended  March  22d, 
1621. 

During  his  first  visit  to  the  English,  he  expressed  great  signs  «f  fear, 
and  during  the  treaty  could  not  refrain  from  trembling.f  Tims  it  i.s  easy 
to  see  how  much  hand  he  had  in  making  it,  but  would  that  there  had 
never  been  worse  onea  male. 

It  was  agreed  that  soine  of  his  people  should  come  and  plant  near  by, 
in  a  few  days,  and  Hve  there  all  summer.  "That  night  wo  k(^|p!  good 
watch,  but  there  wius  no  appearance  of  danger.  The  next  morning 
divers  of  their  people  came  over  to  us,  hoping  to  get  some  victuals,  as 


Chai 


we  imagined. 


Sonn  of  them  told  us  the  king  would  have  sonn!  of  us 


*  We  have  been  a^keJ  what  this  drinking  of  tobacco  means.  We  arc  roii.'ident  U 
means  smokinff. 

In  the  voar  Tfi  Ifi,  we  find  this  entry  in  the  Pliinoulh  records :— "  AiUhony  Thnrhfr  and 
Oeorsre  iPoh  were  chosen  a  comllleo  to  draw  vp  an  order  concorneine;  disordcrl\-  ilrinke- 
ing  of  tobacco."  Rev.  Rarer  WilliivM  says,  in  his  Key, "  Oeiicrallv  all  the  mm  ihrough* 
out  the  country  have  a  to!>acpo-l>at>'.  with  a  pipe,  in  it,  hang^in^  ni  tlieir  liark." 

f  And,  wilh'lhis  fact  before  him  the  author  of"  Tales  oft'u.  Indians"  »nys,  the  treaty 
was  made  with  delibtriition  and  cheerfulness  on  Iho  port  of  Mastatoit ! 


CnAP.  II.] 


MASSASOIT. 


9t 


iK'jir  by, 
i'|ii  good 
inoming 
ctTitils,  as 
lino  of  U8 


(lie  treaty 


eome  to  see  him.  Capt  Standiah  and  Isaac  Mdtrton  went  venterously, 
who  were  welcomed  of  him  afler  their  manner.  He  gave  them  three  or 
four  gnmiid  nuts  and  some  tobacco.  We  cannot  yet  conceive,  (they  con- 
tinue,) but  tliat  he  is  willing  to  have  peace  with  us ;  for  they  have  seen 
our  people  sometimes  alone  two  or  three  in  the  woods  at  work  and 
fowling,  when  as  they  offered  them  no  harm,  as  they  might  easily  have 
done ;  and  especially  because  he  hath  a  potent  adversary,  the  Narrohi- 
gansets,*  that  me  at  war  with  him,  against  whom  he  thinks  we  may  be 
some  strength  to  him;  for  our  pieces  are  terrible  unto  them.  This 
morning  they  stayed  till  10  or  11  of  the  clock ;  and  our  governor  bid 
them  send  tne  king's  kettle,  and  filled  it  with  peas,  which  pleased  them 
well ;  and  so  they  went  their  way."  Thus  ended  the  first  visit  of  Maa- 
satoit  to  the  pilgrims.  We  should  here  note  that  he  ever  afler  treated 
the  English  with  kindness,  and  the  peace  now  concluded  was  undisturbed 
fur  nearly  40  years.  Not  that  any  writing  or  articles  of  a  treaty,  of 
which  he  never  had  any  adequate  idea,  was  the  cause  of  his  friendly 
behavior,  but  it  was  the  natural  goodness  of  his  heart. 

The  pilgrims  report,  that  at  this  time  he  was  at  war  with  the  Narragan- 
nets.  But  if  this  were  the  case,  it  could  have  been  nothing  more  than 
some  small  skinnishing. 

Meanwhile  S^vanio  and  Samoaet  remained  with  the  English,  instructing 
them  how  to  live  in  their  country;  equal  in  all  respects  to  Robinson 
Crusoe's  man  Friday,  and  had  Dt  Foe  lived  in  that  age  he  might  have 
made  as  good  a  story  from  their  history  as  he  did  from  that  of  Mexandxr 
Selkirk, — "  Squanto  went  to  fish  [a  day  or  two  afler  Massasoit  left]  for 
eels.  At  night  he  came  home  with  as  many  as  he  could  lifl  in  one  hand, 
which  our  people  were  glad  of  They  were  fat  and  sweet.  He  trod 
tli(>m  out  with  his  fdet,  and  so  caught  them  with  his  bands,  without  any 
other  instrument." 

This  Squanto  became  aflerwards  an  important  personage  in  Indian 
politics,  and  some  of  his  manoeuvres  remind  us  of  some  managing 
politicians  of  oiir  own  times.  In  1629,  he  forfeited  his  life  by  plotting 
to  destroy  that  of  Massasoit,  as  will  be  found  related  in  the  life  of  Hobo- 
mok.  On  that  occasion,  JMa««a«oi(  went  himself  to  Plimouth,  "being 
much  offended  and  enraged  against  T^squantum  i**  but  the  governor 
succeeded  in  allaying  his  wrath  for  that  time.  Soon  afler,  he  sent  a 
messenger  to  entreat  the  governor  to  consent  to  his  death ;  the  governor 
said  he  deserved  death,  but  as  he  knew  not  how  to  get  along  without 
him  in  his  intercourse  with  the  Indians,  he  would  spare  him. 

Determined  in  his  purpose,  Massasoit  soon  sent  the  same  messenger 
again,  accompanied  by  many  others,  who  offered  many  beaver  skins  if 
Tisquantum  might  be  given  up  to  them.  They  demanded  him  in  the 
name  of  Massasoit,  as  being  one  of  his  subjects,  whom,  (says  Winslow,)  by 
our  first  articles  of  peace,  we  could  not  retain.  But  out  of  respect  to  the 
English,  they  would  not  seize  him  without  their  consent.    Massasoit  had 

*  Few  Indian  names  have  been  spelt  more  ways  than  this.  From  the  nature  of  the 
Indian  langua^,  it  is  evident  ihat  no  r  should  be  used  in  it.— Nahironsik  and  Nantig^. 
sick,  R.  Irt//iuiiu,— Ncchegangitt.  ^oo^tn.— Nantvg'^nsiks,  CalUnder. — Nanohirffan* 
set,  Winslow's  Good  News  from  A.  £ng'."— Nanhyganset,  Judge  Johnson's  Ltje  of 
Cfen.  Greene. —These  are  but  few  of  the  permutations  without  the  r,  and  those  with  it 
are  still  more  numerous. 

The  meaning  of  the  name  is  still  uncertain.  Madam  Knight,  in  her  Journal,  22  and  2S, 
says,  at  a  place  where  she  happened  to  put  up  for  a  right  in  that  country,  she  heard 
some  of  the  "  town  topers"  disputing  about  the  origin  of  the  word  Narragahset.  "  One 
said  it  was  so  named  by  Indians,  because  there  grew  a  brier  there  of  a  prodigious  height 
and  bigness,  who  quoted  an  Indian  of  so  barbarous  a  name  fur  his  author  Ihat  she  could 
not  write  it."  Another  said  it  meant  a  celebrated  spring,  which  was  very  cold  in  sum> 
mer,  and  "  as  hot  as  could  be  imagined  in  the  winter." 


MAS9ASOIT. 


IBm»I1. 


mnt  hk  own  IcDifo  to  bo  tmod  in  cutting  cff  his  liend  and  hands,  which 
w«r()  to  Im!  lirougiit  to^liln. 

MeantiiiiH  Squanta  cairR  and  tloljvcred  himMill'  up  to  the  governor, 
charging  Hohomok  with  his  overthrow,  and  telling  him  to  deliver  him  or 
not  to  the  meaaengera  of  Jlf<u«(wotl,  aa  he  thought  fit.  It  seenra  from  the 
narrative  that,  aa  the  governor  was  about  to  do  it,  they  grew  impatient  at 
the  delay,  and  went  off*  in  a  rage.  The  deby  was  occasioned  by  the 
appearance  of  «  boat  in  the  harbor,  which  the  governor  pretended 
might  be  that  of  an  enemy,  as  there  had  been  a  rumor  that  the  French 
hat)  meditatetl  breaking  up  the  setUement  of  the  English  in  this  region. 
This,  however,  waa  doubtless  only  a  pretence,  and  employed  to  wear  out 
the  patience  of  his  unwelcome  visitors.  Hence  that  Maua$oU  should  for 
some  time  after  "  seem  to  frown"  on  the  English,  as  they  complain,  is 
certainly  no  wonder. 

The  next  summer,  in  June  or  July,  Maaaasoit  was  visited  by  several 
of  the  English,  among  whom  was  Mr.  Edward  fVitulow,  Mr.  Stephen 
Hawkins,  and  Squcmto  as  their  interpreter.  Their  object  was  to  ftna  out 
hia  place  of  residence,  in  case  they  ahould  have  to  call  upon  him  for 
aasistance-,  to  keep  good  the  friendly  correspondence  commenced  at 
Plimouth ;  and  especially  to  cause  him  to  prevent  his  men  from  hanging 
about  them,  and  living  upon  them,  which  was  then  considered  very  bur- 
densome, as  they  hadf  begun  to  grow  short  of  provisions.  That  their 
visit  might  be  acceptable,  they  took  along,  for  a  present,  a  trooper's  red 
coat,  with  some  lace  u|)on  it,  and  a  copper  chain  ;  with  these  MaasasoU 
v/aa  exceedingly  well  pleased.  The  chain,  they  told  hun,  he  must  send 
as  a  sig^nal,  when  any  of  his  men  wished  to  visit  them,  so  that  they  might 
not  be  imposed  upon  by  strangers. 

IVhen  the  EngUsh  arrived  at  Pokanoket.  ,^iu«ai.  ;tt  was  absent,  but 
was  immediately  sent  for. "  Being  informed  that  ht>  was  coming,  the 
English  began  to  prepare  to  shoot  oft*  their  gims ;  this  so  frightened  the 
women  and  children,  that  they  ran  awny,  and  would  not  return  until  the 
interpreter  assured  them  that  they  need  not  fear ;  and  when  MauaaoU 
arrived,  they  saluted  him  b^  a  discharge,  at  which  he  was  very  much 
elated ;  and  **  who,  after  their  manner,  (says  one  of  the  company,}  kindly 
welcomed  us,  and  took  us  into  his  house,  and  set  us  down  by  him,  where, 
having  delivered  our  message  and  presents,  and  having  put  the  coat  on 
hia  back,  and  the  chun  about  his  neck,  he  was  not  a  little  proud  to  behold 
himaeKj  and  his  men  also,  to  see  their  king  so  bravely  attired."*  A  new 
treat;  was  now  held  with  him,  and  he  very  good-naturedly  assented  to 
a*l  that  was  deauwd.  He  then  made  a  speech  to  his  men,  many  of  them 
being  assembled  to  see  the  Eng[lish,  which,  as  near  as  thev  could  learn 
its  meaning,  acquainted  them  with  what  course  they  might  pursue  in 
regard  to  the  English.  Among  other  thing's,  he  said, "  ^m  I  not  Maaaoioit, 
eommander  of  " 
tkti 


f)eo|!..  _^^ ,  ^ 

which  he  had  control.  "This  being  ended,  he  lighted  tobacco  for  us, 
and  fell  to  discoursing  of  England  and  of  the  king's  majesty,  marvelling 
that  he  should  live  without  a  wife."  He  seems  to  have  beon  embittered 
against  the  French,  and  wished  " us  not  to  suffer  them  to  come  to  Narra- 

S inset,  for  it  was  King  Jamea*a  country,  and  he  was  King  Jamea^a  man.^ 
e  had  no  victuals  at  this  time  to  nve  to  the  English,  and  ni^ht  coming 
on,  they  retired  to  rest  supperleas.  He  bad  but  one  bed,  if  so  it  might  be 
called,  "being  otdy  planks  laid  a  fbot  fiom  the  ground,  and  a  thin  mat 


•  Mourt's  Rtlation,  in  Col.  Man.  Hut.  8oc< 


.■s^.i 


Chap.  II.] 


MAS8A80IT 


the 


upon  thtfin.*^  "  He  laid  lu  on  the  bed  whh  bimnif  and  h»  wife,  tkaf 
at  the  one  end,  and  we  at  the  other.  Two  inoi«  of  hia  men,  for  want 
of  room,  preaaed  by  and  upon  ua;  ao  that  wa  were  woiw  weaiy  of  ow 
lodging  than  of  our  journey." 

**Tiie  next  dav,  many  of  their  aachinM  or  petty  govemon  came  ta  aea 
ua,  and  many  of  their  men  alao.  There  thej  went  to  their  mamiar  of 
fwnee  for  skine  and  knivea."  It  ia  amuaing  to  leant  that  the  Fngliih 
tried  to  set  a  chance  in  thia  gambling  affiiir.  They  aay, "  There  we  ehal> 
leaged  them  to  shoct  with  them  for  skina,"  hut  they  were  too  cunning  fer 
them, "  onl V  thev  desired  to  aee  one  of  ua  shoot  at  a  mark  ;  who  i ' 
with  iiaii  snot,  they  wondered  to  aee  the  mark  so  ibU  of  holea." 

Tde  next  day,  about  one  o'clock,  Mauaaoit  brought  two  large  I 
and  iKiiled  them ;  but  the  pilgrims  still  thoueht  their  chance  for  refireah- 
ment  very  small,  os  "there  were  at  leaat  forty  looking  for  a  share  in  them  f 
but  iicancy  as  it  was,  it  came  very  timely,  aa  they  had  fasted  two  nighta 
and  n  day.    The  EngliHh  now  len  him,  at  which  he  waa  very  aorrowfuL 

*'  Very  imfrartunate  he  waa  (says  our  author)  to  have  ua  star  with  tbcon 
longer.  But  wo  des'red  to  keep  the  sabbath  at  home,  and  feared  we 
should  either  be  light-headed  for  want  of  sleep ;  for  what  with  bad  lodciiiiS, 
the  snvuges'  barbarous  singing,  (for  they  used  toeing  themaelvesasleeptTUce 
and  fleas  within  doors,  and  musketoes  without,  we  could  hardly  aleep  Ml  tlw 
time  of  our  being  there ;  we  much  fearing,  that  if  we  ahoukl  aiay  any 
kMiger,  we  should  not  be  able  to  recover  home  for  want  of  strenctb.  So 
that,  on  Friday  morning,  before  sunrising,  we  took  our  leave,  and  deputad,  . 
Maaaatoyt  being  both  grieved  and  ashamed,  that  he  could  no  better  enter- 
tain us.  And  retaining  TiaquarUum  to  aend  fiom  p}*ce  to  place  to  pro- 
cure truck  for  us,  ana  appointing  another,  called  TtAamahamtm,  in  hm 
place,  whom  we  had  found  fliithful  before  an*'.  tuLat  upon  all  OGcaaionB." 

This  faithfbl  servant,  T\AamiAanumt  war.  in  the  mmoua  "voyage  to 
the  kingdom  of  Nauset,"  and  waa  conspkuous  for  his  courage  in  the 
expedition  agunst  Caunbiiant. 

In  1G23,  Maaaaaoii  sent  to  hia  fnends  in  Flimouth  to  inform  them  that 
he  was  very  dangerously  sick.  Desiring  to  render  him  aid  if  poaaible, 
the  i^vernor  despatched  Mr.  ffmslow  again,  with  aome  medieinea  and 
''^rdials,  and  Hobbomok  as  interpreter ;  "  having  one  Master  John  Hamdm, 
a  gentleman  of  London,  who  then  wintered  with  ua,  and  desired  much 
to  see  the  countr}',  for  my  consort.'f  In  thejr  way  they  found  many  of 
his  subjects  were  gone  to  Pokanoket,  it  being  their  custom  for  all  frienda 
to  attend  on  such  occasions.  "When  we  came  thither  (saya  Mr.  fFmaloio) 
we  found  the  house  so  full  of  men,  aa  we  could  acarce  get  in,  though 
they  used  their  best  diligence  to  make  way  for  ua.    There  were  they  In 

*  La  Salle  fj.ya  (Expedition  in  America,  p.  11.)  of  the  Indians'  beds  in  gcnenl,  Ikat 
"  Ihey  are  n  A«  up  with  sonui  pieces  of  wood,  upon  which  tkejr  lay  skins  full  of  wool 
or  straw,  but,  for  their  covering,  they  tise  the  finoit  sort  of  skins,  or  ebe  mats  fiaely 
wroueht." 

t  Winslow's  Relation.  The  Mr.  Hamden  mentioned,  is  suppo:^.  by  some,  to  be  the 
celebrated  John  Hamden,  famotu  in  the  time  of  Charlu  I.,  and  vrho  died  of  a  wamd 
I'eceived  in  an  attempt  to  intercept  Prince  Rmj^rt,  near  Chiford,  while  rapponia|^  l4e 
canse  of  the  parliament.    See  Rapin's  England,  ii.  4T7,  ami  Kemtet,  iii.  137. 

It  would  bie  highly  gratifving,  could  the  certainty  of  this  matter  ko  known ;  but,  as 
yet,  we  must  aekaowlrage  that  all  is  mere  speculation.  NerwUMlaM,  we  are  plouad 
to  meet  with  the  names  of  such  valued  martyrs  of  liberty  apaa  aay  page,  and  oren 
though  they  should  sometimes  seem  rather  mat  aprope*  to  tke  case  in  hand.  We  can— t 
learn  that  any  of  Hamden'i  biognipberii  have  diieewered  that  ka  visited  AaMiiea.  fiMU 
I  is  a  strong  presumption  that  lie  was 

"  The  village  Hampdm,  that,  with  dauntlosa  bfosat, 
The  liuie  tyrant  if  his  fields  wilksteod." 

Orvy't  Elegy. 


MASSA80IT. 


(Book  II 


the  midst  of  their  charms  for  liim,  making  surh  a  hellish  noise,  as  ii 
distempered  us  that  wore  well,  uiid,  therctitrc,  unlike  to  ease  him  that 
was  sick.  Altout  him  were  six  or  eight  women,  who  chafed  his  arnvk 
legs  and  thighs,  to  keep  heat  in  him.  When  •*">*  had  made  an  end  of 
their  charming,  one  told  him  that  his  friends,  the  English,  were  come  to 
see  him.  Having  understanding  left,  but  his  sight  was  wholly  gone,  he 
asked,  who  toot  come.  They  told  him  fVirunow,  (for  they  cainiot  pro- 
nounce the  letter  /,  but  ordinarily  n  in  the  place  thereof.)*  He  desired  to 
■peak  with  me.  When  I  came  to  him,  and  they  told  him  of  it,  he  put 
rorth  his  hand  to  me,  which  I  took.  Then  he  said  twice,  though  very 
inwardly.  Keen  H%Tumou>9  which  is  to  a&\,Art  thou  fVinanow9  I  an- 
swered, Jihhe,  that  is,  Yea.  Then  he  doubled  these  words :  Matla  ne«n 
wonckanef  namen,  Winsnow!  that  is  to  say,  O  Winslow,  I  ahall  never 
see  thee  r^at'n/"  But  contrary  to  his  own  expectations,  as  well  as  ail  his 
friends,  by  the  kind  exertions  of  Mr.  fVinalow,  ho  in  a  short  time  entirely 
rocovored.  This  being  a  passage  of  great  interest  in  the  life  of  the  great 
Ma»r.asoit,  we  will  here  go  more  into  detail  concerning  it.  When  he  had 
become  able  to  sneak,  he  desired  Mr.  Winalow  to  provide  him  a  broth 
from  some  kind  of  fowl :  "  so  (says  he)  I  took  a  man  with  me,  and  made 
a  shot  at  a  couple  of  ducks,  some  sixscore  (races  off,  and  killed  one,  at 
which  he  wondered :  so  we  returned  forthwith,  and  dressed  it,  making 
more  broth  therewith,  which  he  much  desired  ;  never  did  I  see  a  man  so 
low  brought,  recover  in  that  measure  in  so  short  a  time.  The  fowl  being 
extraordinary  fat,  I  told  Hohhamock  I  must  take  off  the  top  thereof,  saying 
it  would  make  him  very  sick  again  if  he  did  eat  it ;  this  he  acquainted 
Mataassowat  therewith,  who  would  not  be  persuaded  to  it,  though  1 
pnmed  it  very  much,  showing  the  strength  thereof,  and  the  weakneas 
of  his  stomach,  which  could  not  possibly  bear  it.  Notwithstanding,  he 
made  a  gross  meal  of  it,  and  ate  as  much  as  would  well  have  satisfied  a 
man  in  health."  As  ffinalow  had  said,  it  made  him  very  sick,  and  he 
vomited  with  such  violence  that  it  made  the  blood  stream  from  his  noee. 
This  bleeding  caused  them  great  alarm,  as  it  continued  for  four  hours. 
When  his  nose  ceased  bleeding,  he  fell  asleep,  and  did  not  awake  for  6  or 
8  hours  more.  After  he  awoke,  Mr.  ffinalow  washed  his  face  "and  sup- 
plied his  beard  and  nose  with  a  linnen  cloth,"  when  taking  a  quantity 
of  water  into  his  nose,  by  fiercely  ejecting  it,  the  blood  began  again  to 
flow,  and  again  his  attendants  thought  he  could  not  recover,  but,  to  their 
great  satisfaction,  it  soon  nopped,  and  he  gained  strength  rapidly. . 

For  this  attention  of  the  English  he  was  very  grateful,  and  always 
believed  that  his  preservation  at  tliis  time  was  from  the  benefit  received 
from  Mr.  Winalow.  In  his  way  on  his  visit  to  Masaasoit,  he  broke  a 
bottle  containing  some  preparation,  and,  deeming  it  necessary  to  the 
sachem's  recovery,  wrote  a  letter  to  the  governor  of  Plimouth  for  another, 
and  some  chickens,  and  giving  hirr.  an  account  of  his  success  thus  far. 
Tlie  intention  was  no  sooner  made  known  to  Maaaaaoit,  than  one  of  his 
men  was  set  off,  at  two  o'clock  at  night,  for  Plimouth,  who  returned  again 
with  astonishing  quickness.  The  chickens  being  alive,  Maaaaaoit  was  so 
pleased  with  them,  and,  being  better,  would  not  suffer  them  to  be  killed, 

*  Every  people,  and  consequently  every  lanffua^,  have  their  peculiarities.  Baron 
LoAontan,  Memaiftt  dt  la  Amerique,  ii.  236,  237,  says,  "  Je  dirai  ie  la  langue  det  Hu- 
ron*  and  det  Iroqmi*  mm  choit  assez  ciirieuse,  qtd  est  qu'U  ne  s'y  trottve  point  de  lettre* 
labialei ;  o'eat  a  dire,  de  b,  f,  m,  p.  Cependant,  celfe  langue  des  Hurons  paroit  Hrefort 
belle  tt  de  un  son  tout  a  fait  beau;  quoi  qu'ils  ne  ferment  jamais  leurs  Uvres  en  parlant." 
And  "  J'ai  passi  quatre  jours  i  vouloirfaire  prononcer  a  des  Hurons  les  leltres  tabiaU*, 
MOM  it  n'ai  p&  y  rHlsnr,et  je  erois  qu'en  dix  ans  Us  n  •  pourrout  dire  ces  mots,  bon, 
fils,  Monsieur,  Ponlchartrain  :  ear  em  lieude  dire  bon,  Us  Uiroient  ouon,  au  lieu  de  b\»,it» 
prononceroienl  rils  ;  au  lieu  de  monsieur,  caounsieur,  au  lieude  Ponlchartrain,  Concnar 
train."    Hence  it  leema  their  languages  are  analogous. 


f 


CHir.  II.] 


MAStiASOIT. 


25 


lish  noisp,  as  h 


and  kept  them,  with  ^o  idea  of  raising  more.  While  at  Mi.':  .-nWf  rcHi< 
dence,  and  just  oa  (bey  were  about  tn  depart,  the  HnrliPiii  tnlil  Hobomok 
of  a  plot  laid  by  aome  of  tiis  nuborriinate  chicfR  for  tlie  |)iir|iotii;  at'  rutting 
off  tho  two  Engliah  plantations,  which  he  charged  hiui  to  acqtmint  the 
Engliah  with,  wnich  he  did.  MeusoMoit  stated  that  he  had  been  urged  to 
join  in  it,  or  give  his  consent  thereunto,  but  liad  always  refuRe<i,  and  used 
nis  endeavors  to  prevent  it.  The  particulars  of  the  evils  which  that  plot 
brought  upon  its  authors  will  lie  found  in  the  history  of  H^uwamet. 

At  this  time  the  Englisti  became  more  sensible  of  the  real  virtu^p  of 
Maasaaoit  than  ever  befbre.  His  great  anxiety  for  the  welfare  of  lia 
people  was  manifested  by  his  desiriii^  Mr.  JVinalow,  or,  as  WxnMme  himself 
expresses  it,  "  He  causecl  me  to  go  from  one  to  another,  [in  his  village,] 
requesting  mo  to  wash  their  mouths  also,  [muny  of  his  people  being  sick 
at  that  time,]  and  give  to  each  of  them  some  of  the  same  I  gave  hhn, 
tnvingthey  were  good  folk.**  An  account  of  his  character  as  given  by 
mbomok  will  be  uiund  in  the  life  of  that  chief  or  paniese. 

"  Many  whilst  we  were  there  fsays  Winslmo)  came  to  see  him ;  some, 
by  their  re|)ort,  from  a  place  not  less  than  100  miles  from  thence." 

In  1632,  a  short  war  was  carried  on  between  Maataaoit  and  Conotiieiu, 
the  sachem  of  the  Narrogansets,  but  the  English  interfering  with  a  fbiree 
under  the  spirited  Capt.  StandiaK,  ended  it  with  very  little  bloodished. 
MaasaaoU  expected  a  serious  contest ;  and,  as  usual  on  such  occaaionB, 
changed  his  name,  and  was  ever  after  known  bv  (he  name  of  Owaameqiiin, 
or  Ouaamequin.  Our  historical  records  furnish  no  porticulon  of  his  War 
with  tlie  Narragansets,  further  than  we  have  stated. 

We  majr  infer  from  a  letter  written  by  Rofor  ffURama,  that  some  of 
Plimouth  instigated  Maaaaaoit,  or  Ouaatnequtn,  as  ^v^  si:ouki  now  eall 
him,  to  lay  claim  to  Providence,  which  gave  that  good  man  some  troi^ble, 
because,  in  that  cose,  his  lands  were  considered  as  belonging  to  PlimoUdi, 
in  whose  jurisdiction  he  was  not  suffered  to  reside ;  and,  moi^overj  he 
had  bought  and  paid  for  all  he  possessed,  of  the  Narrsganset  ^acbenw. 
It  was  m  1635  that  Mr  fViUianu  fled  to  that  country,  to  avoid  beinc 
seized  and  sent  to  England.  He  found  that  Canonieua  and  JMiuxtitunmMiMM 
were  at  bitter  enmity  with  Ouaamequin,  but  by  his  great  exertiolis  be  re- 
stored peace,  without  which  he  could  not  have  been  secure,  in  k  bo^er 
of  the  dominion  of  either.  Ouaatneauin  was  well  acquainted  with  JUlr. 
frUliama,  whom  he  hod  oflen  seen  during  his  two  years'  rwdeqce  at 
Plimouth,  and  was  a  great  friend  to  him,  and  therefore  he  listened  ret^fily 
to  his  benevolent  instructions;  giving  up  the  land  in  dispute  betW^n 
himself  and  the  Narraganset  sachems,  which  was  the  island  now  called 
Rhode  Island,  Prudence  Island,  and  perhaps  some  others,  togetb«r  ^b 
Providence.  "  And  (says  Mr.  n^iUiama)  I  never  denied  him,  n<>r  JtStrnti- 
nomy,  whatever  they  desired  of  me."  Hence  their  love  and  attacbmtat 
for  biin,  for  this  is  their  own  mode  of  living. 

It  appears  that,  befbre  J\RantutmomoVa  reverses  of  fortune,  he  had.  by 
some  means  or  other,  got  possession  of  some  of  the  dominions  of  Omtome- 
^tn.  For  at  the  meeting  of  the  Commissioners  of  the  United  Cobi^iM, 
m  the  autumn  of  1643,  the^  order,  "That  Plymouth  labor  by  alt^ue 
means  to  restore  fFootamequm  to  his  full  liberties,  in  respert  of  any  en- 
croachments by  the  Nanohiggansetts,  or  any  other  natives;  that  so 'the 
properties  of  the  Indians  may  be  preserved  to  themselves,  and  thai  no 
one  sagamore  encroach  upon  the  rest  as  of  late:  and  that')Too«dme^n 
be  reduced  to  those  former  terms  and  agreements  betweeiji  Plynaouil^i  and 

Under  d»te.l638,  Gov.  WinOirop  says,  'VOiMomeitn,  the  SBchein.of 


t 


*  Recptdf  oC  tN  U.  Colooiei. 


>♦ 


m 


MAssAsorr. 


(Bool  II. 


Acoomemeck,  on  this  tide  Connecticut,  came  to  [him]  the  governor,  anil 
brought  a  present  of  16  HitiiiH  uf  beaver  from  liimMlf  and  the  rachi-ma  of 
Mohegan  beyond  Connecticut  and  Pakontuckett"  They  having  heard 
that  the  Englitth  were  about  to  make  war  upon  them  was  the  cause  of 
their  sending  this  present.  The  governor  accepted  it,  and  told  Ovtame- 
quin,  that  if  they  had  not  wronged  the  English,  nor  assisted  their  enemies, 
they  had  nothing  to  fear;  and,  givins  him  a  letter  to  the  governor  of  Con- 
necticut, diamimed  him  well  satiMfiea.* 

In  1649,  Oiuanuquin  sold  to  Miles  Standuh,  and  the  other  inhabitants 
of  Duxbury,  "a  tract  of  land  usuullv  called  Saufrhtuckd,^  seven  miles 
square.  Tliia  was  Uridgewatcr.  It  had  been  before  granted  to  them, 
only,  however,  in  preetiiiilion.  They  agreed  to  nay  Ousamequin  seven 
coats,  of  n  yard  and  a  half  each,  nine  hatchets,  eignt  hoes,  twenty  knives, 
four  moose  skins,  and  ten  and  a  half  yards  of  cotton  cloth. 

By  a  deed  bearine  date  9th  March,  16.53,  Ouiamequin  and  his  son  fVam- 
titto,  [  ffamaulta,]  uTlerwards  called  Jlltxander,  sold  to  the  English  of  Pli- 
mouth  "  all  those  severall  parcells  of  land  lyving  on  the  south-easterly  side 
of  Sinkunke,  alias  Reholmth,  boimded  by  a  littlo  brooke  of  water  called 
Moskituasli  westerly,  and  soo  riming  by  a  dead  swamp  eastward,  and 
■oe  by  marked  trees  as  Ovuamequin  and  fFamtHto  directed,  unto  the 
great  riuer,  and  all  the  meadow  about  the  sides  of  both,  and  about  the 
neck  called  Chachacust,  also  Papasouosh  neck,  also  the  meadow  frotn  the 
bay  to  Keecomewctt,"  &c.  For  tliis  the  consideration  was  "  £S!i  ster- 
linff." 

By  a  writing  boaringdate  "  this  twenty-one  of  September,  1657,"  Ouaatne- 
quin  says,  "  I  Vssameqxun  do  by  these  presents  ratifV  and  allow  the  sale 
of  a  certain  island  called  Chesewonockc,  or  Hogg  Island,  which  my  son 
WamsiUa  sold  to  Richard  Smith,  of  Portsmouth  inn.  I.,  with  my  consent, 
which  deed  of  sale  or  bargain  made  the  7th  of  February  in  the  year  1653, 
I  do  ratify,  own  and  confirm." 

In  1656,  Mr.  WtUiams  says  that  Ousamequin,  by  one  of  his  sachems, 
*  was  at  daily  feud  with  Pumham  about  the  title  and  lonlship  of  Warwick ;" 
and  that  hostility  was  daily  expected.  But  we  are  not  informed  that 
any  thing  serious  took  place. 

This  is  the  }rear  in  which  it  has  been  generally  supposed  that  Owame- 
ouin  died,  but  it  is  an  error  of  Hutchinson's  transplanting  from  Mr.  Hub- 
oard's  work  into  his  own.  That  an  error  should  flourish  in  so  ^ood  a 
aoil  as  that  of  the  "  Historv  of  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay,**  is  no 
wonder;  but  it  is  a  wonder  that  the  "accurate  AutcAttwon"  should  set 
down  that  date,  from  that  passage  of  the  Indian  Wars,  which  was  evi- 
dently made  without  reflection.  It  being  at  that  time  thought  a  circum- 
stance of  no  consequence. 

That  the  sachem  nf  Pokanoket  should  be  scarcely  known  to  our  records 
between  1657  and  1661,  a  space  of  only  about  three  years,  as  we  have 
showm,  is  not  very  surprising,  when  we  reflect  that  he  was  entirely  sub- 
servient to  the  English,  and  nearly  or  quite  all  of  his  lands  being  before 
disposed  o^  or  given  up  to  them.  This,  therefore,  is  a  plain  reason  why 
we  do  not  meet  with  his  name  to  deeds  and  other  instruments.  And,  be- 
sides this  consideration,  another  sachem  was  known  to  be  associated  with 
him  at  the  former  perioid,  who  seems  to  have  acted  as  Ousamequin's  rep- 
resentative. 

He  was  alive  in  1661,  and  as  late  in  that  year  aa  September.  Several 
months  previous  to  this,  Oneko,  with  about  seventy  men,  fell  upon  a  de- 
fenceless town  within  the  dominions  of  Otuamequin,  kiUing  three  persons 
and  carrying  away  six  others  captive.    He  complained  to  the  General 


*  Jmtrnal,  i.  264. 


Chap.  II.) 


CAUNDITANT. 


37 


Court  ofMnanchuMtta,  which  intprfered  in  hia  behali|uMl  the  matter  wu 
Hoon  Mitivd.* 

From  the  "  Ralation"  of  I)r.  /.  Mtdhtr,  it  b  clear  that  he  hved  until 
1663.  His  wonls  are,  "  Mtxandtr  being  dcuil,  [>iavin^  died  in  1(163,]  hii 
brothci  I  Mtp,  of  late  ciirMd  memory,  roae  up  in  his  stead,  an«i  he  Was 
no  sooner  styled  sachem,  but  immediately,  in  the  year  MWfi,  there  were 
vehement  suspicions  of  his  bloo<iy  treachery  a^inst  the  Knglish/'f 

Whether  he  had  n^ore  than  two  sons,  is  not  certain,  although  it  is  con* 
fidently  believed  thai  he  had.  It  is  |trohahle  that  hui  family  was  large. 
A  company  of  soldiers  from  Bridgewatcr,  in  a  skirmish  with  Phitip,  took 
his  sister,  and  killed  a  brother  of  Ouamnequin,  whose  name  wns  (lidtom- 

{»oen4  or  ^kkompoin.^    That  he  hatl  another  brother,  called  ^uadtiquina, 
las  been  mentioned. 

Gov.  M^nthrop  gives  the  following  anecdote  of  Ouaomtquin.  As  Mr. 
Edteard  ffinalote  was  returning  frotn  a  trading  voyage  southward,  having 
lefl  his  vesttel,  he  tmvcled  home  by  land,  and  m  the  way  stoppoJ  with  hia 
okl  friend  MatBoaoU,  who  agreed  to  accom|iany  him  the  rest  of  *ho  wav. 
In  the  inonn  time,  Ouaamequm  sent  one  of  his  men  forward  to  i  limouth, 
to  surprise  the  ^uple  with  the  news  of  Mr.  ffinalote'a  death.  By  his 
manner  of  relatmg  it,  and  the  particular  circumstances  attending,  k  o  one 
doubted  of  its  truth,  and  every  one  was  grieved  and  mourned  exceei'ingly 
at  their  great  loss.  But  presently  they  were  as  much  surprised  at  st  emg 
him  coming  in  company  with  Ouaameauin.  When  it  was  known  anr.ang 
the  |)eopie  that  the  snchem  had  sent  this  news  to  them,  they  demanded 
why  he  should  thus  deceive  them.  He  re|)lied  that  it  was  to  make  him 
the  more  welcome  when  he  did  return,  and  that  this  was  a  custom  of  his 
people. 

One  of  the  most  renowned  captains  within  the  dominions  of  Maaaaaoit 
was  CackbitanTjII  whose  residence  was  at  a  place  called  Mettapoiaet,  in 
tlie  present  town  of  Swansey.  His  character  was  much  the  same  as  that 
of  the  famous  Metacomet.  The  English  were  always  viewed  by  him  as 
intruders  and  enemies  of  his  race,  and  there  is  little  doubt  but  he  mtended 
to  wrest  the  country  out  of  their  hands  on  the  first  opportunity. 

In  August,  1631,  CaurAUant  was  supposed  to  be  in  the  interest  of  the 
Narragansets,  and  plotting  with  them  to  overthrow  Maaaaaoit ;  and^  being 
at  Nainasket  seeking  "to  draw  the  hearts  of  JUaaaaaoyPa  subjects  ftom 
him ;  speal'.ing  also  disdainfully  of  us,  storming  at  the  peace  between 
Nauset,  Cuirimaquid  and  us,  and  nT  TSaoitantum,  the  worker  of  it ;  also  at 
Tokamahamon,  and  one  Hohomok,  (two  Indians  or  Lemes,  one  of  which 
he  would  treacherously  have  murdered  a  little  before,  being  a  special  and 
trusty  man  of  MaaaaaoyVa,)  Thkamahamon  went  to  him,  but  the  other  two 
would  not ;  yet  put  their  lives  in  their  hands,  privately  went  to  see  if  they 
could  hear  of  their  king,  and,  lodging  at  Namaschet,  were  discovered  to 
Cdttbatant,  who  set  a  guard  to  beset  the  house,  and  took  Tiaqttantum,  (for 
he  had  said,  if  he  were  dead,  the  English  had  lost  their  tongue. )  Hobbamok 
seeing  that  TSa^uarUum  was  taken,  and  CoubatarU  held  [holding]  a  knife 
at  his  breast,  being  a  strong  and  stout  man,  brake  from  them,  and  came  to 
New  Plimouth,  full  of  fear  and  sorrow  for  Tiaquantum^  whom  he  thought 
to  be  slain." 

Upon  this  the  Plimouth  j)eopIe  sent  an  e?;pedition,  under  Standiah,  of 
14  men,1[  "  and  Hobbamok  for  their  guide,  to  revenge  the  supposed  death 

*  Original  matmteript  documents.  The  particulars  of  these  matters  will  l>e  given  at 
large,  >vnen  we  come  to  treat  of  the  life  of  l/ticas. 

t  Relation,  72.  1 1.  Mather,  44.  $  Church,  38,  edit.  4to. 

II  Corbilant,  Coubatant,  and  CorJrMtU,  H'ere  ways  of  writing  his  name  also,  by  hit 
eotemporaries. 

U  Ten,  says  the  Relation. 


CAUNRITANT. 


[Book  It. 


of  T\tqua)Uuin  on  (HovbatarU  our  bitter  enemy,  and  to  retain  ATepeqff 
aqotber  aachem,  or  sovemor,  who  was  of  this  confederac}*,  till  we  heanl 
what  was  become  (jt  our  friend  Masaasmt.^ 

AAer  much  tuil,  the  little  army  arrived  near  tiie  place  they  expected  to 
find  Caunbitant.  ~"Beibre  we  came  to  the  town  (says  the  narrator)  we 
sat  down  and  eat  eucli  as  our  knapracks  afforded  *,  that  being  done,  we 
threw  the m  aside,  and  all  Buch  tbin-rs  as  might  hinder  us,  and  so  went  on 
and  beset  tiie  house,  according  to  our  last  reHoiution.  Tlioae  that  entered, 
demanded  if  Covhatant  were  not  there ;  but  fear  had  bereft  ihe  savages  of 
speech.  Wc  cburged  them  not  to  stir,  for  if  CtmbcUarU  were  not  there, 
we  would  not  meddle  w^ith  them ;  if  he  were,  we  came  principally  for 
him,  to  be  avenged  on  him  for  the  supposed  death  of  Tu^uantum,  and 
other  matters :  but  howsoever,  we  would  nut  at  all  hurt  their  women  or 
children.  Notwithstanding,  some  of  them  pressed  out  at  a  private  door, 
and  escaped,  but  with  some  wounds.  At  lenj^.h  perceiving  our  principal 
ends,  they  told  us  CoubatarU  was  returned  [home]  with  all  his  train,  and 
tliat  J 'isquantum  was  yet  living,  and  in  the  town;  [then]  offering  some 
tobacco,  [uud]  other,  such  ns  they  had  to  cat." 

In  this  hurley  liurley,  (as  they  call  it,)  two  guns  were  fired  "at  rondotn," 
to  tiie  great  terror  of  all  but  Sfiuanto  and  Tokaniahamon,  **  who,  though 
they  knew  not  onr  end  in  coming,  yet  assured  them  [so  frightened]  of  our 
honesty,  [and]  that  we  would  not  huit  them."  The  Indian  boys,  seeing 
the  squaws  protected,  cried  out,  J^eensquaes  !  JVeentquaes  !  that  is,  /  am  a 
squaw!  lam  a  squaw!  and  the  women  tried  to  screen  themselves  in 
Robomolc's  presence,  reminding  him  that  he  was  their  friend. 

This  attack  upon  a  defenceless  house  was  made  at  midnight,  and 
must  have  been  terrible,  in  an  inconceivable  degree,  to  its  inmates,,  espe- 
cially the  sound  of  the  English  guns,  which  few,  if  any  of  thenij  had  ever 
heard  before.  The  relater  proceeds :  "  But  to  be  short,  we  kept  them 
we  had,  and  made  them  make  a  fire  that  we  might  see  to  search  tlie 
house ;  in  the  meantime,  Hobbamok  gat  on  the  top  of  the  house,  and  called 
Ti^quantum  and  Tokamahaman.^*  They  soon  came,  with  some  others 
witii  them,  some  armed  and  others  naked.  The  English  took  away  the 
bows  and  arrows  flrom  those  that  were  armed,  but  promised  to  return  them 
as  soon  as  it  was  day,  which  they  probably  did. 

They  kept  possession  of  the  captured  wigwam  until  daylight,  when 
they  released  their  prisoners,  and  marched  into  the  town  (as  they  oall  it) 
of  the  Namaskets.  .  Here,  it  appears,  Sqiumio  had  a  house,  to  which  they 
went,  and  took  breakfast,  and  held  a  court  afterwiurd,  from  which  they 
issued  forth  the  following  decree  against  CautAUant : — 

^  Thither  came  all  whose  hearts  were  upright  towards  us,  but  all  Cou- 
bataTWt  faction  were  fled  away.  There  in  the  midst  of  them  we  mani- 
fested again  our  intendment,  assuring  them,  that,  although  CoubUant  had 
now  escaped  us,  yet  there  was  no  i>lace  should  secure  him  and  his  from 
us,  if  he  continued  his  threatening  us,  and  provoking  others  against  u& 
who  had  kindly  entertained  him,  and  never  intended  evil  towar(M  him  till 
he  now  so  justly  deserved  it.  Moreover,  if  Massasoyt  did  not  return  in 
safety  from  Narrohigganset,  or  if  hereaflor  he  should'  make  any  insurrec- 
tion against  him,  or  offer  violence  to  JSaquantum,  Hobomok,  or  any  of 
MassasoyCs  subjects,  we  would  revenge  it  u|Kin  him,  to  the  overthrow  of 
him  and  his.  As  for  those  [who]  were  wounded,  [how  many  is  not 
mentioned,]  we  wrere  sorry  for  it,  though  tboinselves  ]>rocured  it  in  not 
staying  in  tne  house  at  our  to^nand :  yet,  if  they  would  return  home 
with  us,  our  surgeon  should  'fieal  them.  At  this  offer  one  man  and  a 
woman  that  were  wounded  went  home  with  us,  TSaquantum  and  meay 
other  known  friends  accompanying  us,  and  offering  all  help  that  might 
be  by  carriage  of  any  thing  we  had  to  ease  us.    So  that  by  God's  good 


an< 
Pli 
of^ 
doc 


[Book  II. 


Chap.  11.] 


CAUNBITANT. 


39 


providence  we  safely  returned  home  the  morrow  night  after  we  set 
forth."* 

Notwithstanding  these  roueh  passages,  CnunbUant  became  in  appear- 
ance reconciled  to  the  Englisn,  and  on  the  13th  Sept.  following  went  to 
Plimouth  and  signed  a  treaty  of  amity.  It  was  through  the  intercession 
of  Maaaeuoit  that  he  became  again  reconciled,  but  the  -English  always 
doubted  his  sincerity,  as  most  probably  they  had  reason  to.  The  treaty 
or  submission  was  m  these  words : — 

"  Know  all  men  by  these  presents,  that  we  whose  names  are  under- 
written, do  acknowledge  ourselves  to  be  the  royal  subjects  of  King /amet, 
king  of  Great  Britain,  France  and  Ireland,  defender  of  the  faith,  &c.  In 
witness  whereof,  and  as  a  testimonial  of  the  same,  we  have  subscribed 
our  names,  or  marks,  as  followeth : — 

OHQDAMEHnD, 

Cawnacome, 
Obbatinnua, 


Nattawahunt, 

Cadnbatant, 

Chikkatabak, 


qcadaquika, 
hottmoidek, 
Apankow." 


Of  some  of  these  sachems  nothing  is  known  beyond  this  transaction, 
and  of  others  very  little. 

ObbatintM  is  supposed  to  have  been  sachem  of  Shawmut,  where  Bos- 
ton now  stands. 

Catmacome  and  Jlpannmo  may  be  the  some  before  spoken  of  as  Cone- 
conam  and  £panow.f  JS/attawahunt  we  shall  again  meet  with,  under  the 
name  ^ashoonon,     Coneconam  was  snchcm  of  jifanomet,  on  Cape  Cod. 

When,  in  the  winter  of  IG23,  the  English  traversed  the  country  to  trade 
with  the  Indians  for  corn,  they  visited  him  among  other  chiefs  \  who, 
they  say,  "  it  seemed  was  of  good  respect,  and  authority,  amongst  the  In- 
dians. For  whilst  the  governor  was  there,  within  night,  in  bitter  cold 
weather,  came  two  men  from  ManaAioyck,  before  spoken  of,  and  having 
set  aside  their  bows  and  quivers,  according  to  their,  manner,  sat  down  by 
the  fire,  and  took  a  pipe  of  tobacco,  not  using  any  words  in  that  time, 
nor  any  other  to  them,  but  all  remained  silent,  expecting  when  they 
would  speak.  At  length  they  looked  toward  Canacum;  and  one  of 
them  made  a  short  speech,  and  delivered  a  present  to  him,  from  his 
sachim,  which  was  a  basket  of  tobacco,  and  many  beads,  which  the 
other  received  thankfully.  After  which  he  made  a  long  speech  to  him," 
the  meaning  of  which  Hobomok  said  was,  that  two  of  tneir  men  fell  out 
in  a  game,  "  for  they  use  gaming  as  much  as  any  where,  and  will  play 
away  all,  even  their  skin  from  their  backs,  yea  their  wive's  skins  also," 
and  one  killed  the  other.  That  the  munlerer  was  a  powow,  "  one  of 
special  note  amongst  them,"  and  one  whom  they  did  not  like  to  part 
with  ;  yet  they  were  threatened  with  war,  if  they  did  not  kill  the  murderer. 
That,  therefore,  their  sachem  deferred  acting  until  the  advice  of  Coneconam 
was  first  obtained. 

After  consulting  with  this  chief,  and  some  of  his  head  men,  these  mes- 
sengers desired  Hobomok'a  judgment  upon  the  matter.  With  some  def- 
erence he  replied,  that  "  he  thought  it  was  better  that  one  should  die 
than  many,  smce  be  had  deserved  it ;"  "  whereupon  he  passed  the  sentence 
of  death  upon  him." 

Wc  shall  have  occasion  again  to  notice  this  chief,  at  whose  house  the 
first  act  of  a  tragic  scene  was  acted,  which  in  its  course  brought  ruin 
upon  its  projectors. 

*  From  Mourt,  ut  sttpra,  and  signed  only  with  the  capital  letter  A,  which  ig  supposed 
to  stand  for  Isaac  Allerlon,  who  facccmpanied  Slandiah  perhaps.  From  the  use  of  the 
pronoun  in  the  first  person,  the  writer,  whoever  he  was,  must  have  been  present. 

t  See  chapter  i.  of  b,  ii. 

3* 


ao 


WITTUWAMET  AND  PEKSUOT. 


[Book  II. 


Wben  Mr.  Edward  JVinslow  and  Mr.  John  Hamdtn  went  to  visit  Maa- 
toBoU  in  bis  sickness,  in  1G3.3,  they  heard  by  some  Indiuiis,  when  near 
Caunlntant^a  residence,  that  MaaaaaoU  was  really  dead  :  they,  therefore, 
liMHigh  willi  iniicli  hesitation,  ventured  to  his  house,  hoping  tliey  might 
U«at  with  him,  tie  being  then  thought  the  successor  of  Maaaaaoti  But 
ha  vyas  not  at  home.  The  squaw  saclicm,  his  wife,  treated  them  witti 
great  kindness,  and  learning  here  that  MassaaoU  was  still  alive,  they 
made  all  haste  to  Pokanoket.  When  they  returned,  they  staid  all  night 
with  t'zunbitant,  at  his  house,  who  accompanied  them  there  from  Jmu- 
aaaoWat 

Mr.  Winalow  gives  the  account  in  these  words: — '^That  night,  through 
the  earnest  request  of  Conhatard,  who,  till  now,  remained  at  Sowaams, 
or  Puckanokick,  we  lodged  with  him  at  Mattapuyst.  By  the  way,  I  had 
much  conference  with  him,  so  likewise  at  his  house,  he  being  a  notable 
politician,  yet  full  of  merry  jests  and  squibs,  and  never  better  pleased 
than  wben  the  like  are  returned  oeain  upon  him.  Amongst  other  things 
he  asked  me,  if  in  case  ht  were  thus  dangerously  sick,  as  Maaaaaoit  had 
been,  and  should  send  word  thereof  to  Patuxet,  for  maakwaty*  [that  is, 
physic,]  whether  their  master  governor  would  send  it ;  and  if  he  would, 
whether  I  would  come  therewith  to  him.  To  both  which  I  answered, 
yea ;  where;^t.  he  rave  me  many  joyful  thanks."  He  then  expressed  his 
surprise  that  two  Englishmen  should  adventure  so  far  alone  into  their 
country,  and  asked  them  if  they  were  not  afraid.  Mr.  Winalow  said, 
"where  was  true  love,  there  was  no  fear."  "But,"  said  CaunbUanl,  **%/ 
yawr  love  be  arteh,  and  it  bring  forth  auchfruUa,  how  cometh  it  to  paas,  thai 
when  we  come  to  Patuxtt,  you  atand  upon  your  guard,  toith  the  mouth  of 
your  piecea  preaented  towarda  ua  V  Mr.  ninahw  told  him  that  was  a 
nuu-k  of  respect,  and  that  they  received  their  best  friends  in  that  manner ; 
but  to  this  he  shook  his  head,  and  answered,  that  he  did  not  like  such 
8aIutationB.f 

When  Caunbitant  saw  his  visiters  crave  a  blessing  before  eating,  and 
return  thanks  afterwards,  he  desired  to  know  what  it  meant.  "Here- 
upon I  took  occasion  (says  our  author)  to  tell  them  of  God's  works  of 
creation  and  preservation,  of  the  laws  and  ordinances,  especially  of  the 
ten  commandments."  They  found  no  particular  fault  with  the  command- 
ments, except  the  seventh,  but  said  there  were  many  inconvenielTKies  in 
that  a  man' should  be  tied  to  one  Woman.  About  which  they  reasoned 
Asoodwhile. 

When  Mr.  ffinalow  explained  the  goodness  of  CM  in  bestowing  on 
them  all  their  comforts,  and  that  for  this  reason  they  thanked  and  blessed 
him,  "this  all  of  them  concluded  to  be  very  well ;  and  said  they  believed 
almost  all  the  same  things,  and  that  the  same  power  that  we  call  God 
they  called  JStcUan."  "  Here  we  remained  only  that  night,  but  never 
had  better  entertainipent  amongst  any  of  them." 

What  became  of  this  chief  is  unknown.  His  nunc  appearing  no  more 
in  our  records^  leads  us  to  suppose  that  he  either  tied  his  country  on  tho 
murder  of  ffiUuwamet,  Pekauot,  and  others,  or  that  he  died  about  that  time. 

Wittuwamet  was  a  Massachusetts  chief,  as  was  his  companion  Pekaubt, 
hut  their  particular  residence  has  not  been  assigned.  ffiUuwamet  was  & 
desperate  and  bold  fellow,  and,  like  most  other  warriors,  delighted  in  the 
blood  of  his  enemies.  It  is  not  improbable  but  that  he  became  exasper- 
ated against  the  English  from  the  many  abuses  some  of  thetn  had 
practised  upon  his  countiymen.  This  will  account,  peiiiape,  fbr  all  the 
sererity  and  malignity  portrayed  by  the  forefathers  in  his  character. 
^t . _ 

*  In  Williams's  Key,  Matkil  is  translated, ''  Give  me  some  physic."  >    ' 

t  Good  News  from  N.  England,  Col.  Matt.  Hitt.  Sot. 


Cb 

Hff 
Fr 


thii 
the 

the 


(nil 
wit 
me 


''Is^Nfw^i'" 


It  mannei* 


^Aprl.l  WtTTUWAMET  AND  PBK8U0*.  flf 

Rff  was  one  of  thoHO,  they  say,  who  murdered  some  of  the  crew  of  thtt 
French  ship,  cast  away  upon  Cape  Cod,  as  we  have  before  mentioned. 

That  ffiUuwamd,  Peluuot,  and  some  other  chiefs,  mtended  to  have 
ft-eed  their  country  of  intruders  in  the  year  1683,  there  can  be  no  doubt, 
and  in  relating  the  rise,  progress  and  termination  of  their  league  to  efifect 
this  object,  we  shall,  to  avoid  the  charge  of  partially,  adhere  closely  tb 
the  record. 

We  have  before,  in  speaking  of  Counecum,  or  Corueonam,  InentionM 
the  voyage  of  the  governor  of  Plimouih  to  that  sachem's  counti^  to 
trade  fur  com ;  that  was  in  January,  1633.  Not  being  able  to  bring  urmf 
all  he  obtained,  Capt.  JMUm  Standith  was  sent  the  next  month  to  tkke 
it  to  Plimou^,  also  to  purchase  more  at  the  same  place,  but  be  did  not 
meet  with  very  good  reception,  which  led  him  to  apprehend  there  Was 
nnischief  at  hand.  And  inunediately  afler,  while  at  Cinueonam^i  hoitte 
witl<  two  or  three  of  his  company,  ^  in  came  two  of  the  MassachusettH 
men.  The  chief  of  them  was  called  fFUtuvmnat,  a  notable  insultite 
villain,  one  who  had  formerly  imbrued  his  bands  in  the  blood  of  Englim 
and  French,  and  had  oft  boasted  of  his  own  valor,  and  derided  tbHiit 
weakness,  especially  because,  as  he  said,  they  died  crying,  making  sotir 
fiices,  more  like  children  than  men.  This  villain  took  a  dagger  fieom 
about  his  neck,  which  he  had  gotten  of  Master  WtstmCa  peopte,  alid 
presented  it  to  the  sachem,  ^Contconam^  and  after  made  a  long  speech 
in  an  audacious  manner,  frammg  it  in  such  sort  as  the  captain,  uou^h 
he  be  the  best  linguist  amon^  us,  could  not  gather  any  tning  iVom  It 
The  end  of  it  was  afterwards  discovered  to  be  as  followeth.  Tne  Milsaa- 
ohuseucks  formerly  concluded  to  ruinate  Mr.  Weatori's  colony ;  and  thouritt 
themselves,  be*ng  about  30  or  40  men,  strong  enough  to  execirte  me 
same :  yet  they  durst  not  attempt  it,  till  such  time  as  they  had  gathered 
more  strength  to  themselves,  to  make  their  party  good  against  us  at 
Plimouth ;  concluding  that  if  we  remaiaed,  though  they  had  no  Othi!r 
arguments  to  use  agamst  us,  yet  we  would  never  leave  the  dettth  uf  oUr 
Gouutryraen  unrevenged ;  and  therefore  their  safety  could  not  be  withont 
the  overthrr/w  of  both  plantations.  To  this  end  they  httd  fohh^riy 
solicited  this  sachem,  as  also  the  other,  called  lanougk,  and  many  othet«, 
to  assist  them :  and  now  again  came  to  prosecute  the  same ;  and  since 
there  was  so  fair  an  opportunity  offered  by  the  captain's  presence,  thiey 
thought  best  to  make  sure  of  him  and  his  company." 

Conectmam,  after  this  speech,  treated  Standith  with  neglect,  and  Was 
very  partial  to  fVittuwamet,  which  much  increased  the  jealousy  of 
the  former.  These  Indians  meantime  contrived  to  kill  Standish,  having 
employed  a  "lusty  Indian  of  Paomet"  to  execute  the  plan.  The  weather 
was  'severely  colcl,  and  Standiah  lodged  on  shore  at  night,  and  this  was 
the  time  he  was  to  have  been  killea.  But  the  extreme  coldness  of  tho 
night  kept  him  from  sleeping,  and  thus  he  avoided  assassination. 

We  have  had  occasion,  m  the  life  of  Massasoit,  to  mention  that  that 
chief  had  been  solicited  to  engage  in  this  confederacy,  and  of  his  charg- 
ing Hobomok  to  warn  the  English  of  it.  The  people  of  the  places  named 
at  that  time  by  MasaasoU,  as  in  the  plot,  were  Nauset,  Paomet,  Succonrt, 
Mattachiest,  Manomet,  Agowaywam,and  the  Island  of  Cupawack.  "Ttjorc- 
fore,  (says  Mr.  Winalow  in  his  Relation,)  as  we  respected  the  lives  of  our 
countrymen  and  our  own  safety,  he  advised  us  to  kill  the  men  of  Massn- 
chuset,  who  were  the  authors  of  this  intended  mischief.  And  wlierenn 
we  were  wont  to  say,  we  would  not  strike  a  stroke  till  they  first  began, 
If,  snid  he,  [Maaaeuoit  to  Hobonu^]  u\ma  tliis  intelligence,  they  iiiuke 
that  answer,  tell  thern,  when  their  countrymen  at  Wich«eu8<^»»sBet  are 
killed,  they  not  being  able  to  defend  themselves,  that  tiMtnit  will  be  too 
late  to  recover  their  lives,"  and  it  would  be  with  difficulty  that  thoy  pre- 


» 


WITTUWABIET.— WESTON'S  COLONY. 


TBooK  U. 


■er^fld  their  own;  '^and  therefore  he  counselled,  without  delay,  to  take 
awav  the  principals,  and  then  the  plot  would  cease." 

Alean  while  WutotCa  men  had  fallen  into  a  miserable  and  wretched 
condition ;  some,  to  procure  a  daily  sustenance,  became  servants  to  the 
Indians,  "  fetching  them  wood  and  water,  &c.,  and  all  for  a  meal's  meat." 
Those  who  were  thus  degraded,  were,  of  course,  only  a  few  who  had 
abandoned  themselves  to  riot  and  dissipation,  but  wnose  conduct  had 
afl^ted  the  well  being  of  the  whole,  notwithstanding.  Some  of  these 
wretches,  in  tlieir  extremities,  hod  stolen  corn  from  the  Indians,  on  whose 
complaint  they  bad  been  put  in  the  stocks  and  whipped.     This  not 

fiving  the  Indians  satisfaction,  one  was  hanged.    This  was  in  February, 

About  this  capital  punishment  much  has  been  written  $  some  doubting 
the  fitct  that  any  one  was  hanged,  others  that  it  was  the  real  offender, 
&c.  But  in  our  opinion  the  facts  are  incontestable  that  one  was  hanged ; 
but  whether  the  one  really  guilty  or  not,  is  not  quite  so  easily  settled. 
The  fact  that  one  was  hanged  for  another  appears  to  have  been  of  com- 
mon notoriety,  both  in  Old  and  New  England,  from  shortly  after  the 
afiair  until  the  beginning  of  the  next  centunr.* 

Mr.  Hubhard\  has  this  passage  upon  the  amur: — "Certain  it  is,  they  [the 
Indians]  were  so  provoked  with  their  filching  and  stealing,  that  they 
threatened  them,  as  the  Philistines  did  Samsor^s  father-in-law,  after  the 
loaa  of  their  corn ;  insomuch  that  the  company,  as  some  report,  pretended, 
iu  way  of  satisfaction,  to  punish  him  that  did  the  theft,  but,  in  his  stead, 
hanged  a  poor,  decrepit  old  man,  that  was  unserviceable  to  the  company, 
[aa  old  bed-rid  weaver41  and  burdensome  to  keep  alive,  which  was  the 
ground  of  the  story  witn  which  the  merry  gentleman,  that  wrote  the 
poem  called  Hudibras,  did,  in  his  poetical  fancy^  make  so  much  sport." 
And  from  the  same  author  it  appears  that  the  circumstance  was  well 
known  at  Plimouth,  but  they  pretended  that  the  right  person  was  hanged, 
or,  in  our  autfior's  own  words, "  as  if  the  person  hanged  was  really 
suilty  of  stealing,  as  may  be  were  many  of  the  rest,  and  if  they  were 
driven  by  necessi^  to  content  the  Indians,  at  that  time,  to  do  justice,  ther, 
being  some  of  Mr.  WeaUm^t  company  living,  it  is  possible  it  might  be 
executed  not  on  him  that  most  deserved,  but  on  him  that  could  be  best 
spared,  or  who  was  not  like  to  live  long  if  he  had  been'  let  alone." 

It  will  now  be  expected  that  we  produce  the  passage  of  Hudibi.Vk 
Here  it  is : — 

"  Though  nice  and  dark  the  point  appear,  -^ 

iQuotn  Ralph,)  it  may  hold  up,  ana  clear. 
That  Sinnert  may  supply  the  place 
Of  suffering  Saints,  is  a  plain  bate. 
Justice  gives  Sentcnrp,  many  times, 
On  one  Man  for  another's  crimes. 
Our  Brethren  of  New  England  use 
Choice  Malefactors  to  excuse, 
And  hart)^  the  Guiltless  in  their  stead, 
'  ^         ,  or  whom  the  Clutrches  hatre  less  need: 

As  lately  'I  happen'd  :  In  a  town 
There  lived  a  Cobbler,  and  but  one, 
That  out  of  Doctrine  could  cut  Use, 
And  mend  Men's  Lities,  as  well  as  Shoes. 
This  precious  Brotlier  having  slain, 
In  Times  of  Peace,  an  Indian, 
(Not  out  of  Malice,  but  more  Zeal, 
Because  he  was  an  infidel,) 
The  mighty  Tottipottymoy 
Sent  to  our  Elders  an  Envoy, 

*  See  Col.  N.  H.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  148.  and  b.  i.  chap.  iii.  ante. 

t  Hill.  N.  Eng.  77.  |  Col.  N.  H.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  148, 


.t.. 


C«4P.  II.] 


WITTUWAIIBT.— WESTON'S  COLONY. 


Compiaininr  lorely  of  the  Bi«uh 

Of  League,  beld  forth  bj  Bfotber  Patch, 

Againit  the  ArticUs  in  foKe, 

Between  bolh  cburche*,  bi*  and  our*, 

For  which  he  craved  the  BttinU  to  render 

Into  hia  Hands,  or  hanj  Ih*  Ofender : 

But  they,  maturely  havuig  weicbed, 

They  hui  no  more  but  hiK  J  wf  Trade, 

(A  Man  that  served  Ihero  in  a  doable 

Capacity,  to  Teach  and  Cobble,) 

KesolvM  to  spare  him  j  yet  to  do 

The  Indian  Hoghan  moghgcm,  too. 

Impartial  Jnatiee,  in  bis  stead,  did 

Hang  an  old  Weaver  that  was  Bed-rid.  :  , 

Then  wherefore  may  not  you  be  skip'd. 

And  in  your  Room  another  Whipp'a  ?" 

The  following  note  was  eariy  printed  to  this  ptututfe:^'*  The  history 
of  the  cobbler  bad  been  attested  by  persons  of  good  credit,  wl<d  were 
upon  the  place  when  it  was  done.  Mr.  BvtUr  wrote  this  part  of  his 
Hudibras  before  1663. 

Tkomaa  Morton,  who  was  one  of  the  comp.  ^  y,  though  perhaps  absent 
at  the  time,  pretends  that  there  was  no  plot  of  the  Indians,  and  insinuates 
that  tiiu  Plimoutheans  cat:sed  all  the  trouble,  and  that  their  rashness 
caused  the  Indians  to  ine-sacre  some  of  theur  men,  as  we  shall  presently 
relate,  from  a  book  which  Mr.  Morton  published.* 

"  Master  fFeaton'a  plantation  bemg  setded  at  Weasaguscus,  his  servants, 
many  of  them  lazy  persons,  that  would  use  no  endeavor  to  take  the 
benefit  of  the  country,  some  of  them  fell  sick  and  diedt 

"  One  amongst  the  rest,  an  able-bodied  man,  that  ranged  the  Woods,  to 
see  what  it  would  afford,  lighted  by  accident  on  an  Indian  barn,  and  from 
them  6  did  take  a  cap  full  of  corn.  The  salvage  owner  of  it,  finding  by 
the  f  '  [track]  some  English  had  been  there,  came  to  the  plantation,  and 
made  complaint  after  this  manner.  The  chief  commander  of  the  com- 
pany, on  this  occasion,  called  a  Parliament  of  all  his  people,  but  those 
that  were  sick  and  ill  at  ease.f  And  wisely  now  they  must  consult,  upon 
this  huge  complaint,  that  a  privy  [paltry]  knifb  or  string  of  beads  would 
kvell  enough  have  qualified :  And  £d\vard  Johnson  waa  a  special  judge 
of  this  business.  The  fact  was  Utere  in  repetition,  construction  ma^ 
that  it  was  iellony,  and  by  the  laws  of  England  punished  with  death,  add 
tliis  in  execution  must  be  put  tbr  an  example,  and  likewise  to  appease  the 
salvage ;  when  straightways  one  arose,  moved  as  it  were  with  some  compas- 
sion, and  said  he  could  not  well  gainsay  the  former  sentence ;  yet  be  wul 
conceived,  within  the  compass  of  his  brain,  an  embrio,  that  was  of 
Boecial  consequence  to  be  delivered,  and  cherished,  be  said  ;  that  it  would 
most  aptly  serve  to  pacify  the  salvage's  complaint,  and  save  the  life  of 
one  that. might  (if  need  should  be)  stand  them  in  some  good  stead ;  being 
young  and  strong,  fit  for  resistance  against  an  enemy,  which  might  come 
unexpectedly,  for  any  thing  they  knew. 

"The  oration  made  was  Uked  of  every  one,  and  he  iotreated  to  show 
the  means  how  this  may  be  performed.  Says  he,  vou  all  agree  that  one 
must  die,  and  one  shall  die.  This  young  man's  clothes  we  irill  take  ofi^ 
and  put  upon  one  that  is  old  and  impotent,  a  sickly  person  that  cannot 
escape  death ;  such  is  the  disease  on  him  confirmed,  that  die  he  must 
Put  the  young  man's  clothes  on  this  man,  and  let  the  sick  person  he 
banged  in  the  other's  stead.  Amen,  says  one,  and  so  says  many  more. 
And  this  had  like  to  hav    proved  their  final  sentence ;  and  being  there 

^^—      .1      Jill   ■   mil      I     .1     ■■   11     I      I  .  ■■      I   I  I    I     ■  III  III!    I  I  — M.^—  I  — ^— B^^i^^— — <i 

*  Entitled  New  English  Canaan,  4to.  Amsterdam,  1637. 

t  Against  this  sentence,  in  the  margin,  is— <"  A  poor  complaint." 


34 


WITTU  WA  MET— WA8S  APINEWAT. 


[Book  II. 


Ch 


confirmeil  by  act  of  Parliament  to  after  aj^es  for  a  precedent    But  that 
onf ,  with  a  ravenous  voice,  be^run  to  croak  aiiH  hnlow  for  revenge,  and 

1>ut  by  that  conclusive  motion ;  alleging  such  d(!cuits  might  be  a  means 
iereail<>r  to  exa8|>ornto  the  minds  of  tlio  complaining  salvages,  and  that, 
by  his  death,  the  salvages  should  see  their  zeal  to  justice,  and,  therefore, 
he  should  die.  This  was  concluded ;  yet,  nevertheless,  a  scruple  was 
made ;  now  to  countermand  this  act  did  represent  itself  unto  their  minds, 
which  was  how  they  should  do  to  get  tlie  man's  good  will :  this  was 
indeed  a  special  obstacle:  for  without  that  (they  all  agreed)  it  would  be 
dangerous,  for  any  man  to  attempt  the  execution  of  it,  lest  mischief  should 
bemll  them  every  man.  He  was  a  person  that,  in  his  wrath,  did  seem  to 
be  a  second  Samjpson,  able  to  beat  out  their  brains  with  the  jaw-bone 
of  an  ass :  thererore  they  called  the  man,  and  bv  persuasion  got  him  fast 
bound  in  jest,  and  then  hanged  him  up  hard  by  in  good  earnest,  who, 
with  a  weapon,  and  at  liberty,  would  have  put  all  these  wise  judges 
of  this  Parliament  to  a  pittiful  non  plua,  (as  it  hath  been  credibly  report- 
edj)  and  made  the  chief  judge  of  them  all  buckle  to  him." 

This  is  an  entire  chapter  of  the  New  Canaan,  which,  on  account  of 
its  great  rarity,  we  hevo  ^ven  in  full.     In  his  next  chapter  Mr.  Morton 

Jroceeds  to  narrate  the  circumstances  of  the  "  massacre"  of  ffittutoamet, 
*eksuot,  and  other  Massachusetts  Indians,  and  the  consequences  of  it. 
But  we  shall  now  draw  from  the  Plimouth  historian,  and  afterwords  use 
Murton^s  chapter  as  we  find  occasion. 

Mr.  ff^nalow  says  that  Mr.  Weaton'a  men  "  knew  not  of  this  conspiracy 
of  the  Indians  before  his  [John  Sanders,  their  '  overseer']  going ;  neither 
was  it  known  to  any  of  us  till  our  return  from  Sowaams,  or  Puckanokick : 
at  which  time  also  another  sachim,  called  Waaaapinewat,  brother  to  Ohta- 
kieat,  the  sachim  of  the  Massachusets,  who  had  formerly  smarted  for 
partaking  with  Conbatant,  and  fearing  the  like  again,  to  purge  himself, 
revealed  the  iame  thing,"  [as  Maaaaaoit  had  done.] 

It  was  now  the  23d  March,  1623, "  a  yearly  court  day"  at  Plimonth,  on 
which  war  was  proclaimed,  "  in  public  court,"  against  the  Massachusetts 
Indians.  "We  came  to  this  conclusion,  (says  WhuHow,)  that  Captain 
StanHah  should  take  so  many  men,  as  he  thought  sufticient  to  make  his 
pai^  good  against  all  the  Indians  in  the  Massachusetts  Bay;  and  as 
oecause,  as  all  men  know  that  harve  to  do  with  them  in  that  kind,  it  is 
impooaUe  to  deal  with  them  upon  open  defiance,  but  to  take  them  in 
such  trape  as  they  lay  for  others ;  therefore  he  should  pretend  trade  as  at 
other  times :  but  first  so  to  the  English,  [at  Wessaj^cus,]  and  acquaint 
them  with  the  plot,  and  the  end  of  their  own  coming,  that,  comparing  it 
with  their  own  caniages  towards  them,  he  might  better  judge  of  the 
certainty  of  it,  and  more  fitly  take  opportunitjr  to  revenge  the  same :  but 
should  forb&re,  if  It  were  possible,  till  such  time  as  he  could  make  sure 
WiUuummat,  that  bloody  and  bold  villain  before  spoken  of;  whose  head 
he  had  order  to  bring  with  him,  that  he  might  be  a  warning  and  terror  to 
all  that  disposition." 

W  will  now  hear  a  woi-d  of  what  Mr.  Morton  has  to  say  upon  this 
transaction.  "After  the  end  of  that  Parliament,  [which  ended  in  the 
hanging  of  one,*]  soine  of  the  (ilaiuution  there,  about  three  persons,  went  to 
'  live  with  Checatawback  and  his  company,  and  had  very  gfood  quarter,  for 
all  the  former  quaiTel  with  the  Plimouth  plantcrs.f  They  are  not  like 
fFiU  SommerSft  to  take  one  for  another.  There  they  purposed  to  stay 
until  Master  JVeaton^a  arrival :  But  the  Plimouth  men  intending  no  good 

"'"1 
*  As  mentioned  in  our  last  extract  from  this  author, 
t  Referring',  it  is  supposed,  to  the  quarrel  witli  Caunbitanl. 
X  The  person  who  proposed  hanging  u  sick  man  instead  of  the  real  ofiender. 


Kll 


* 


Crip.  11] 


MASSACRE  AT  WE88AGU8CUS. 


8S 


ITA 


to  biiii,  (08  appeared  by  the  .conae<iUenee,)  came  in  the  mean  tuw  to 
WessagUBCUB,  and  there  pretended  to  feast  the  aalvagea  of  tlioao  paitt, 
bringing  with  them  pork,  and  tbings  for  the  purpose,  which  they  set 
before  the  salvages.    They  eat  thereof  without  suspicioii  of  any  mischief, 

tand]  who  wore  talten  upon  a  watchword  given,  aBd  with  their  own 
:ni"OH  (hanging  about  their  necks)  were,  by  the  Plimpvtb  planters,  stabbed 
and  Hloin.  One  of  which  was  hanged  up  there,  after  the  slaughter."* 
When  this  came  to  the  knowledge  of  ChUuttamu($  .people,  they  mur- 
dered the  three  English  who  had  taken  up  their  lesidefice  with  them,  as 
they  lay  asleep,  in  revenge  for  the  murder  of  their  coiU)trymen.t 

AAer  Sh^iik  was  ready  to  proceed  against  fflUuica$iMt,  but  before  he 
set  out,  one  arrived  from  VVessaguecus  almost  faniished^  and  gave  the 
people  of  Plimouth  a  lamentable  account  of  the  situation  of  his  fellows ; 
that  not  the  least  of  their  calamities  was  their  being  insulted  by  the  I.  \- 
dians,  "  whose  boldness  increased  abundantly ;  insomuch  as  the  victuals 
they  got,  they  [the  Indians]  would  take  it  out  of  their  pots,  and  eat  [itl 
before  their  faces,"  and  tha  if  they  tried  to  prevent  them,  they  would  hold 
a  knife  at  tlieir  breasts :  And  to  satisfy  them,  they  had  hanged  one  of 
their  company :  "  That  tliey  had  sold  their  clothes  for  com,  and  were 
ready  to  starve  both  with  cold  and  hunger  also,  because  they  could  not 
endure  to  set  victuals  by  reason  of  their  nakedness." 

This  truly  was  a  wretched  picture  of  (he  first  colony  of  Massachusetts, 
the  knowledge  of  which  (says  ffinalmD)  "  gave  us  good  encouragement 
to  proceed  in  our  intendments."  Accordingly,  the  next  day,  Standith, 
with  Hobomok  and  eight  Englishmen,  set  out  upon  the  expedition.  His 
taking  so  few  men  shows  how  a  few  English  guns  were  yet  feared  by 
the  Indians.  Nevertheless,  the  historians  would  have  us  understand  that 
Standiah  would  take  no  more,  because  he  would  not  have  the  Indians 
mistrust  that  he  came  to  fight  them ;  and  they  would  insinuate  that  it 
was  owing  to  his  great  va!or. 

When  StandUh  arrived  at  Vt'essaguscus,  he  found  the  people  scattered 
about,  apprehending  no  danger  whatever,  engaged  in  their  ordinaiy 
affairs.  When  he  told  them  of  the  danger  they  were  in  from  the  Indians, 
they  said  "  they  feared  not  the  Indians,  but  lived,  and  suffered  them  to 
lodge  with  them,  not  having  sword  or  gun,  or  needing  the  same."  iSfawi- 
<fw&  now  informed  them  of  the  plot„  which  was  the  firct  intimation,  it 
appears,  they  had  of  it.  He  ordered  them  to  call  in  their  men,  and  en- 
joined secrecy  of  his  intended  massacre.  But  it  seems  from  ff^naUMe*8 
Relation,  that  the  Indians  got  word  of  it,  or  mistrusted  his  design  ;  prtrfv 
ably  some  of  the  Wessaguscus  men  warned  them  of  it,  who  did  not 
believe  there  was  any  plot. 

Meantime,  an  Indian  came  to  trade,  and  afterwards  went  away  in 
friendship.  Standiah,  more  saf^cious  than  the  rest,  said  he  saw  traactiery 
in  his  eye,  and  suspected  his  end  in  coming  there  was  discovered. 

*  New  Englifh  Canaan,  111.  f  Ibid. 

t  His  namo  was  Phxneha$  Prat.  An  Indian  followed  him  to  kill  him,  but,  by  losing 
the  direct  path,  the  Indian  missed  him.  In  1662,  the  ([general  court  of  Massachusetts^  in 
answer  to  a  petition  of  Phinehar  Prat,  then  of  Charlestiwn,  which  was  accompanied 
"  with  a  narrative  of  the  straights  and  hardships  that  the  first  planters  of  this  colony 
underwent  m  their  endeavors  to  plant  themselves  at  Plimouth,  and  since,  whereof  lie 
was  one,  the  court  jud^th  it  meet  to  grant  him  300  acres  of  land,  where  it  is  to  be  had, 
not  hindering  a  plantation."    MS.  among  thejilei  in  our  state-houte. 

I  have  not  been  able  to  discover  the  narrative  of  Prat,  af\er  long  itearch.  Mr.  Hub' 
bard  probably  used  it  in  conipilinf  his  Hist,  of  New  England. 

At  the  court,  3  May,  16G5,  land  was  ordered  to  be  laid  out  for  Prat,  "  in  the  wilder- 
oess  on  the  east  of  Merrimack  River,  near  the  upper  end  of  Nacook  Brook,  on  the  south- 
east of  it.     Court  FUei,  ut  tupra. 

Prat  married,  in  Plimouth,  a  daughter  of  Cuthbert  Cuthbtrt$on,  in  1630.  See  X  CcL 
Hist.  8oe.  vii.  m. 


MASSACRE  AT  WESSAGUSCtTS. 


fHnoK  tl. 


»8ImMIv  «(lMr,  Ptkauot,  "  who  was  a  paniese,*  being  a  man  of  a  notalrie 
.•^pirit,*^  OMne  to  tMomok,  and  told  him,  He  undentood  the  captain  war 
•  «OM*«0  kUi Mm  mtd Ike rettttfthe  Indiana  there.  "Tell  him,  (aaidPeAnio(,> 
lira  know  it^  bat  fiMur  him  not,  neither  will  we  shun  bim;  but  let  him 
"iMjrin  when  be  <fau«[(r],  he  w)ll  not  take  us  unawares." 

The  indkiiff  bow,  aa  we  might  exuect,  began  to  prepare  to  meet  the 

danger,  and  tbe  English  say  many  or  them  came  divers  times  into  their 

-fl«Miioo,'and  "would  whet  and  sharpen  the  point  of  their  knives,"  "and 

^■use  many  other  inBOltiog  gestures  and  speeches.     Amongst  the  rest, 

fftUmo^uikU  hrB<i^ged  of  the  excellency  of  his  knife.    On  the  end  of 

'rtiehaadle  thei-vvras  pictured  a  woman's  face ;  but,  said  he,  I  June  another 

>at  homt^  vhermith  7  haibt  kiOed  both  IVeneh  and  EngKah,  and  that  haih  a 

MonV/d     yn  it ..  m-'lby  <md  fty  thete  two  naut  marry."    To  this  he  added, 

'HiNNAffr       *ren,  atnsAM  michen,  matta  ccts:  that  in,  By  and  iy  it 

^khtnidn^  <^     A  by  it  nhtndd  eat,  hit  not  apeak.    "Also  Pedauot, 

i'fiMNMinues  '  <  JMUt)  -^mg  a  man  of  greater  stature  than  the  captain,  XiAA 

I'Ikimihouirk     •  ^rere  u  '   nt  captam, yet  he  was  but  a  little  man:  tfni, 

'  said  he,  uimigh  /'  ht  tt.     -jxhem,  yet  I  am  a  man  of  great  atrength  and 

'itourage.    Theiw  things  the  captain  observed,  yet  bare  with  patience  for 

the  preSROt" 

It  will  be  seen,  in  what  we  have  related,  as  well  as  what  we  are  about 

-to  add,  that  Thomda  Morion^a  account,  in  some  of  the  main  facts,  agrees 

"WUh  that  of' Window.    From  the  latter  it  appears  that  Skmdiah,  o.^.er 

'Considerable  manceUvring,  could  get  advantage  over  but  few  of  toe 

'Indians.    At  length,  having  got  Pdtatutt  and  If^uwamat  "both  together, 

(%ith  another  mnn,and  a  youth  of  some  eighteen  years  of  age,  which  was 

'  bother  to  MMilioamcrt,  and,  villain  like,  trod  in  his  steps,  daily  putting 

many  tricks  upon  the  weaker  sort  of  men,  and  having  about  as  many  of 

Iris  own  company  in  a  room  with  them,  gave  the  wo^  to  his  men,  and, 

the  door  being  fiist  shut,  began  himself  with  Peckauot,  and,  anatching  hia 

men  knife  fmm  Aw  nacifc,  though  with  much  struggling,  and  kiUed  him 

'.'Msrmoim— the  pomt  vi4iereof  he  had  noade  as  sharp  as  a  needle,  and 

-•"ground  the  bACR'abo  to.  an  edge.     Jnttuwamat  and  the  other  man  the 

">rt$t  kSUed,  and  took  Ae  yonik,  whim  the  captain  caused  to  be  banged"  [up 

«li«re.f] 

Weeeuki  now  wish  this  bhrady  tale  were  finished,  but  we  have  prom> 
ised  to  keep  close  to  the  record.  Mr.  WmaUtw  continues,  "£u<  itia 
iherediUe  how  many  wounda  theae  too  panieaea  received  before  they  difd, 
not  making  any  fearful  noiae,  but  catching  at  their  loeapona,  and  atriving  to 
>^laat. 

^Hohbamock  stood  by  all  this  timej  and  meddled  not,  observing  how 
"«ur  men  demeaned  themselves  in  this  action."  After  the  affray  was 
^  ended,  he  said  to  iStoncKvA, "  Yesterday  Peckauot  brag^d  «if  his  own 
'^Mreni^h  and  stature',  stid,  though  you  were  a  great  captain,  yet  you  were 


Ch 

but 
gro 

kiU 
son 
thii 
the 


I'  *  "  The  Panieaes  wk  iMn  of  neat  courage  a&d  witedome,  and  to  these  also  the  Deu* 
b^ili  appeared!  more  famiKariy  than  to  others,  and,  as  wee  conceiue,  makoth  eoueiMuit 
VI  with  Uiem  to  pnMerae  them  from  death  by  woonds  with  arrows,  knives,  hatehets^&e." 
viWbuldm't  K«laHoH.  Did  Clmrlev.'ix  (Voyage  dans  I'Amenque)  mistake  "Pans" 
'  >  [Paaicso]  for  a  nation  of  Indians  7    In  speddng  of  the  orij^n  of  oa/tMwt,  some  told  Aim 

that  it  was  friven  by  the  smi  to  Poms,  a  nation  upon  the  Missouri.  Perhaps  bis  opillion 
^  wa*  strenguiened  ftom  seeing  (hem  blow  the  smoke  towards  the  sun  upon  importiant 

occasions. 

•i  t  New  English  Canaan,  111. 

'  tThis,'we  mppose,  is  the  affair  to  which  President  Allen  alhides,  in  his  American 

Biography,  (Sd  ed  )  when  he  says,  "  he  [Hoiomok]  fotuht  braoely  by  his  [8tanMM*\ 
todds  'to  16SS."    If  staadiBg  and  k)oking  on  be  fighting,  Sen  did  Hokomokjighi  tir^foely 

on  thii  oceasioB. 


fnrioK  !l. 


CUAP.  U.I 


OBTARIEST.--HODOMOK. 


87 


■  »  u 


and 


but  a  little  man ;  but  to-day  I  see  you  are  big  enough  to  lay  hint  on  the 
ground." 

J^ndith  now  sent  to  a  company  of  JVtaton^a  men,  and  ordered  thorn  to 
kill  the  Indians  that  were  among  them.  T^fy  kUleid  itoo.  Himself  with 
some  of  his  men  killed  another,  at  another  place.  As  they  were  piirsuinc 
this  business,  intending  to  kill  all  they  could  iuy  liands  u|ion,  "  through 
the  negligence  of  one  man,  an  Indian  escaped,  who  discovered  [discloaed] 
and  crossed  their  proceedings." 

Joined  by  some  of  Mr.  We»ton^$  men,  Standiih  discovered  a  few  Indians, 
and  pursued  thenu  Sandish  ^ined  a  hill  which  the  Indians  also  strove 
to  occupy,  and  who,  afler  shooting  u  few  arrows,  fled.  "  Whereupon  Hob- 
bamock  cast  oflT  his  coat,  and  being  a  known  paniese,  theirs  being  now 
killed,  chased  them  so  tiist,  as  our  people  were  not  able  to  hold  way  with 
him."  One  who  made  a  stand  to  shoot  Slandish  had  his  arm  broken  by 
a  shot,  which  is  ail  the  advantage  claimed  by  tiie  English.  The  Indians 
got  into  a  swamp,  and  after  some  bravadoing  on  both  sides,  the  porttey 
separated.  After  assisting  the  settlers  of  Wessaguscus  to  leave  the  place, 
the  English  returned  to  Plimoutli,  taking  along  the  head  of  WitiuuHsmfi. 
which  mey  set  up  in  their  fort. 

Meanwhile  the  Indian  that  followed  Prai  from  Wcssaguscus,  as  ;  *> 
returned  from  Manomct,  called  at  Pliinouth  in  a  friendly  maimer,  and  wmh 
there  seized  and  put  in  irons.  Being  asked  if  he  knew  the  head  of  'il- 
tuwamatf  said  he  did,  and  "looked  piteoiisly"  upon  it.  "Then  he  confesft- 
ed  t'i'!  plot,"  and  said  his  sachem,  Obtakiest,  had  been  drawn  into  it  by 
the  importunity  of  all  the  people.  ■  He  denieid  any  hand  in  it  himE:e]f,  C'  \ 
beggei  i  his  life  might  be  spared.  Said  he  was  not  a  Massachuset,  Lut 
only  r»ided  as  a  stranger  amon^  them.  Hobomok  "also  gavr  ^  good 
report  of  him,  and  besought  for  hun  ;  but  was  bribed  so  io  do  it.  They 
finally  concluded  to  spare  him,  "  the  rather,  because  wo  desired  lit;  might 
carry  a  message  to  OotakieaV^  The  message  tlicy  charged  iiiiM  witli  wt;? 
this,  that  they  had  never  intended  to  deal  so  with  him,  until  tlioy  won; 
forced  to  it  by  tlieir  treachery,  and,  therefore,  they  might  tliuuk  them- 
selves for  their  own  overthrow;  und  as  he  had  now  licgun,  it  he  persisted 
in  his  course,  "  his  country  should  not  hold  him ;"  thut  he  should  forth- 
with send  to  Plimouth  "the  three  Englishmen  he  had,  aijd  not  kill 
them."* 

The  English  heard  nothing  from  Obtakiest  for  a  long  time  ;  at  length 
he  sent  a  woman  to  them,  ^probably  no  man  would  venture,)  to  tell  them 
he  was  sorry  that  the  English  were  killed,  before  he  heard  from  them, 
also  that  he  wished  for  peace,  but  none  of  his  men  durst  come  to  treat 
about  it.  The  English  learned  fit>m  this  woman,  that  he  was  in  great 
consternation,  "having  forsaken  his  dwelling,  and  daily  removed  from 
place  to  place,  expecting  when  we  would  take  further  vengeance  on  him." 
The  terror  was  now  general  among  them,  and  many,  as  we  have  else- 
where said,  died  through  fear  and  want.  To  this  dismal  narrative  Mr. 
Winslow  adds,  "And  certainly  it  is  strange  to  hear  how  many  of  late  have, 
and  still  daily  die  amongst  them ;  neither  is  there  any  likelihood  it  will 
easily  cease ;  because  through  fear  they  set  little  or  no  com,  which  is  the 
staff  of  life,  and  without  which  they  cannot  long  preserve  health  and 
strength." 

These  afiairs  call  for  no  commentary,  that  must  accompany  every 
mind  through  every  step  of  the  relation.    It  would  be  weakness,  as  «p- 

*  Morton,  in  bis  New  Canaan,  111,  says,  these  three  men  went  to  reticle  with  CkUtaUm' 
but ;  hence  Morton  very  reasonably  surgesls,  that  if  the  Plimouth  people  intended  the 
men  of  Wessa^usrus  any  good,  why  did  they  not  tint  see  that  all  of  lacai  wet*  sot  of 
,  danger,  before  oeginning  war  7 
4 


HODOMOK^-SQUANTO'S  PERFIDY. 


[Book  II. 


pean  to  us,  to  attempt  a  vindication  of  the  rash  conduct  of  the  English. 
Amid  their  sufTerings,  some  poor  Indiana  resolved  to  attempt  to  appease 
the  wrath  of  the  Eiifflish  governor  by  presents.  Four  set  out  by  water 
in  a  boat  for  Plimoutli,  but  by  accident  were  overset,  and  three  of  them 
were  drowned  ;  the  other  returned  back. 

When  Mr.  Robinaon,  the  father  of  the  Plimoiith  church,  heard  how  his 
people  had  conducted  in  thiH  affair  with  the  Indians,  he  wrote  to  them, 
to  consider  of  the  disposition  of  Capt.  Slandi$hj  ''who  was  of  a  warm 
temper,"  but  he  hoped  the  Lord  had  sent  him  among  them  for  a  good 
end,  if  they  UHed  hitii  as  thoy  ought.  "He  doubted,  he  said,  "whether 
there  wss  not  wanting  that  tenaeriiesii  of  the  life  of  man,  made  after 
Qod's  image,"  which  was  so  necessary ;  and  above  all,  that  "  it  would 
have  been  happy  if  they  hud  converted  some  before  they  had  killed 


» 


any. 

The  reader  has  now  passed  through  a  period  of  Indian  history  of 
much  interest ;  wiicrein  he  will  doubtless  have  found  much  to  admire, 
and  more  that  hi;  could  have  wished  otherwise.  Our  business,  however, 
we  will  here  roitiiud  liiiii,  is  tliut  of  a  dealer  in  facts  altogether,  and  he 
must  take  them,  (hy  as  tiiey  arc,  without  any  labored  commentiirios  from 
us.  Although  we  have  hud  occasion  to  introduce  Hobomok  several  times, 
yet  there  rcinaiu  transactions  of  considerable  interest  in  his  Ufe  yet  to  be 
noticed. 

Hobomok,  or  Hobbamock,  was  a  great  panicse  or  war  captain  among  the 
Wampanoags,  as  wc  have  already  had  occasion  to  observe.  He  came  to 
Plimouth  about  the  end  of  July,  1G31,  and  continued  with  the  English 
as  long  as  he  lived.  He  was  a  principal  means  of  the  lasting  friendship 
of  MaaaasoU,  which  Morton  says,  he  "much  furthered;  and  that  he  was 
a  proper  lusty  young  man,  and  one  that  was  in  account  amon^  the 
Indians  in  those  parts  for  his  valor."  He  was  of  the  greatest  service  in 
learning  them  now  to  cultivate  such  fruits  as  were  peculiar  to  the 
country,  such  as  corn,  beans,  &c.  The  account  of  his  tnission  to  Maasaaoit, 
to  learn  the  truth  of  a  report  that  the  Narragansets  had  made  war  upon 
him,  and  his  interruption  and  trouble  from  Caunbilant  are  already  related. 

Being  a  favorite  of  Maaaaaoit,  and  one  of  his  chief  captains,  the 
pilnims  ||)und  that  they  need  not  apprehend  any  treachery  on  his  part, 
as  nobomok  was  so  completely  in  their  interest,  and  also  in  that  or  the 
great  sachem,  that  he  would  advise  them  if  any  thing  evil  were  on  foot 
against  them.  What  strengthened  them  in  this  opinion  was  the  follow- 
ing circumstance.  The  Massachusetts  Indians  had  for  some  time  been 
inviting  the  English  into  their  country  to  trade  for  furs.  When,  in  March, 
1623,  uey  began  to  make  ready  for  the  voyage,  Hobomok  "  told  us,  (says 
Wirulow,)  that  he  feared  the  Massachusetts,  or  Massachuseuks,  for  they  so 
called  the  people  of  that  place,  were  joined  in  confederacy  with  the  Nan- 
obigganneuks,  a  people  of  Nanohigganset,  and  that  they,  therefore,  would  ^ 
take  this  opportunity  to  cut  off  Capt.  Standiah  and  his  company  abroad  T 
but  howsoever,  in  the  meantime,  it  was  to  be  feared,  [he  said,]  that  the 
Nanohi^ganeuks  would  assault  the  town  at  home ;  giving  many  reasons 
ftr  bis  jealousy ;  as  also  that  Tiaqxtantum  was  in  the  confederacy,  who, 
[he  said,]  we  should  find,  would  use  many  persuasions  to  draw  us  firom 
our  shallops  to  the  Indians'  houses  for  their  better  advantage." 

Nevertheless,  they  prdceeded  on  their  voyage,  and  >^'nen  they  had 
turned  the  point  called  the  Gumefa  JYoae,  a  false  messenger  came  run- 
ning into  Plimouth  town,  apparently  in  a  great  fright,  out  of  breath,  and 
bleming  from  a  wound  in  his  face.  He  told  them  that  CaunbUant,  with 
inanv  of  the  Narragansets,  and  he  believed  MaaaaaoU  with  them,  were 
boDung  to  destroy  the  English.  No  one  doubted  of  his  sincerity,  and 
the  fint  thought  of  the  people  was  to  bring  back  their  military  Mader, 


who 

med 

retu 

Hobi 

plot 

boat 

witli 

self 

all 

howi 

set 

meat 

mor< 


[Book  II. 


'Chap.  II.] 


HOBOMOK.— SQUANTO'S  PERnOY. 


A  piece  of  cannon  mm  im- 


who  had  juat  cone  in  the  boat  with  Hobomok.     A 

mediately  diacharged,  which,  to  their  great  jov,  hood  cauned  the  boat  to 
return,  not  having  got  out  of  hearing.  They  had  no  looner  arrired,  than 
Hobomok  told  them  there  was  no  tnitli  in  the  report,  nnd  mid  it  waa  • 
plot  of  Squnntoy  who  was  then  with  them,  and  even  one  of  those  in  the 
boat;  that  he  knew  ^a««a«ot<  would  not  undertake  such  an  enternrise 
without  consulting  him.  Hobonwk  was  confident,  Itecuuse  he  was  him- 
self  u  great  chief,  and  one  of  MaaMoaoxVi  counsellors.  Swaido  denied 
all  knowledge  of  any  plot,  and  thus  ended  t)ie  affair.  The  English, 
however,  seemed  well  satisfied  that  Sqiumto  had  laid  this  shallow  plot  to 
set  them  against  Mauatoii,  thinking  they  would  destroy  him,  by  which 
means  he  expected  to  liecome  chief  sachem  himself;  and  this  seems  the 
more  probable,  as  MaucuoU  was  for  some  time  irreconcilable  becauao 
they  withheld  him  from  hint,  when  ho  had  forfeited  his  life,  as  in  our 
narration  has  been  set  forth.  But  entirely  to  satisfy  the  Englisli,  Hobomok 
sent  his  wife  to  Pokauokct  privately  to  gain  exact  intelligence,  and  her 
return  only  verified  what  her  husband  had  said. 

"  Thus  by  degrees  (continues  Witulow)  we  began  to  discover  Tisguan- 
fum,  whose  ends  were  only  to  make  himself  great  in  the  eyes  of  his 
countrymen,  by  means  of  his  nearness  and  favor  with  us ;  not  caring 
who  fell,  so  he  stood.  In  general,  his  course  was,  to  persuade  them  he 
could  lead  us  to  peace  or  war  at  his  pleasure ;  and  would  ofl  threaten  the 
Indians,  sending  them  word,  in  a  private  manner,  we  were  intended 
shortly  to  kill  them,  that  thereby  he  might  get  gifts  to  himselfj  to  work 
their  peace,  insomuch  as  they  had  him  in  greater  esteem  than  many  of 
their  sachems :  yea,  they  themselves  sought  to  him,  who  promised  them 
peace  in  respect  of  us ;  yea,  and  protection  also,  so  as  they  would  resort 
to  him.  So  that  whereas  divers  were  wont  to  rely  on  MaasaasowcU  for 
protection,  and  resort  to  his  abode,  now  they  began  to  leave  him,  and 
seek  after  TKtquanttun.  But  when  we  understood  his  dealing,  we  certi- 
fied all  the  Indians  of  our  ignorance  and  innocency  therein ;  assuring 
tliem,  till  they  begun  with  us,  they  should  have  no  cause  to  fear :  and 
if  any  hereafter  should  raise  any  such  repoits,  they  should  punish  them 
as  liars,  and  seekers  of  their  and  our  disturbance ;  which  gave  the  Indiana 
good  satisfaction  on  all  sides."  "  For  these  and  the  like  abuser^he  gov- 
ernor sharply  reproved  him,  yet  was  he  so  necessary  and  profitable  an 
instrument,  as  at  that  time  we  could  not  miss  him." 

To  the  end  that  he  might  possess  his  countrymen  with  great  fear  of 
the  English,  T%squanlum  told  them  the  English  kept  the  plague  buried  in 
their  store-house,  and  that  they  could  send  it,  at  any  time,  and  to  any 
place,  to  destroy  whatever  persons  or  people  they  would,  though  they 
themselves  stirred  not  out  of^  doors.  Among  the  rest,  he  had  made  Hobo- 
mok believe  this  tale,  who  asked  the  English  if  it  were  true,  and  being 
informed  that  it  was  not,  it  exploded  like  his  other  impostures. 

There  is  but  little  doubt,  that  Squanto  was  in  the  interest  of  Caunbitant, 
and  lived  among  the  English  as  a  spy,  while  Hobomok  was  honestly,  as 
he  pretended,  a  strong  friend  to  them  ;  but  for  some  time  it  was  nearly 
impossible  for  them  to  know  which  waa  their  best  friend,  as  each  seemed 
emulous  to  outvie  the  other  in  good  offices.  They  were,  however,  at  this 
time  satisfied ;  for,  HobomoVs  wife  having  told  McuaasoU  what  had  hap- 

Eened,  and  that  it  was  one  of  Squanto^a  men  that  gave  the  alarm,  satisfied 
ira  that  that  sagamore  had  caused  it,  and  he  therefore  demanded  liim 
of  the  English,  that  he  might  put  him  to  death,  according  to  their  law, 
as  has  been  related.  But  the  English,  regarding  the  benefit  resulting  to 
them  from  saving  his  life,  more  than  keeping  inviolate  the  treaty  before 
made  with  McuaasoU,  evaded  the  demand,  and  thus  Squanto  was  permit- 
ted to  escape.  .  ^  ..  ,„  ,^  ,,,  ^  ^,  ^^ .,,  „ 


40 


A  VOYAnrt— NANKPASIir.MF.T.— Onn.'.TINEWAT.      [IteoK  tt. 


Hobomtj!,  v.tm  greatly  bi^Idviil  by  Mcutaao'.l,  iiotwitlistanding  lio  liccame 
a  profcHBod  Christian,  ami  Maainaoit  vi'u.  alwavN  o[ipoBcd  to  the  F^nffliflh 
religion  liiiiiMclf.  It  Iimh  liorn  told  in  tho  lit'o  nf  tlin  gront  Massaioit,  now 
valual)lo  w'fiH  tlin  agrnny  of  Hoboiiiok,  in  fiiitlirnliy  rovealing  tiie  niiH- 
chievouB  pjct  of  Caunbilant,  wliicli  terininnted  in  tho  dvatn  of  fVittu- 
wamet  and  Fcfcmot.  llu  wua  thu  pilot  of  the  English  when  they  visited 
Masaaaoit  iji  his  Hickncss,  whom  hcfuro  their  nirival  they  considered 
tiead,  which  raiised  great  nianifestntions  of  grief  in  Hobomok.  Ho  oAen 
exclainnod,  as  tliey  were  on  their  way,  "A^cen  teomaau  Sagimuafiiun 
tcomasu  Sagimua,  &c.,"  which  iu,  "My  loving  Hrchoni,  my  loving  Sachem! 
many  have  I  known,  hut  never  any  liku  thee."  Then,  turning  to  Mr. 
fUrulow,  8«i(l,  "  VViiile  you  live  you  will  never  see  his  like  among  the 
Indiana ;  that  he  was  no  liar,  nor  bloody  and  cruel  like  other  Indians. 
In  anger  mid  pnv<)ion  he  was  soon  reclaimed ;  easy  to  be  reconciled  towards 
Nuch  08  bad  offended  him ;  tlint  his  reason  was  such  as  to  cause  him  to 
receive  advice  of  mean  men ;  and  that  ho  govcmod  his  people  better 
with  few  blows,  than  otherd  did  with  many." 

In  the  division  of  thn  lunrl  at  Plimoutn  among  tho  inhabitants,  Hobo- 
mok received  n  lot  as  his  share,  on  which  he  resided  after  the  English 
manner,  uud  died  a  Christiun  among  them.  The  year  of  bis  death  does 
iiot  appear,  but  was  previous  to  U'AQ. 

It  has  already  been  mentioned  that  tho  pilgrims  made  a  voyage  to 
Massachusetta  iti  the  autumn  of  1G21.  It  was  in  this  voyage  that  they 
became  acquainted  with  the  ftime  of  JVanepashemet.  The  Enfflish  had 
heard  that  tho  Indians  in  the  Massachusetts  had  threatened  themv  tind 
they  wert  (says  Mowi)  "partly  to  see  the  country,  ])artly  to  make  peace 
with  them,  and  jtnrtly  to  |)rocure  their  truck." 

Squanto  was  pilot  in  this  voyage.  They  went  ashore  in  the  bottom 
of  the  bay,  and  landed  under  a  cliff  which  some*  have  supposed  was 
what  has  been  since  called  Conn's  Hill,t  now  tho  north  part  of  Boston. 
This  was  on  20th  Sept.  1()21.  They  saw  no  Indians  until  some  time  after 
they  went  ashore,  but  found  a  parcel  of  lobsters  which  they  had  collect- 
ed, with  which  they  refreshed  themselves.  Soon  after,  as  they  wore 
nroceeding  on  an  excursion,  "  they  met  a  woman  coming  for  her  lobsters." 
rhey  told^her  what  they  had  done,  and  paid  her  for  them.  She  told 
them  where  to  find  Indians,  and  Squ€tnto  went  to  them  to  prepare  them 
for  meeting  with  the  Enfflish. 

Obbatinewat  now  received  the  voyagers.  This  sachem  (if  he  be  the 
same)  had  made  peace  with  the  En^ish  at  Plimouth  only  seven  days 
previous,  as  we  have  had  occasion  to  say  before.  He  told  them  he  was 
sachem  of  the  place,  and  was  subject  to  Mnaaaaoit ;  and  that  he  dared 
not  remain  long  in  any  place,  from  fe-xr  of  the  Tarratines,  who  were 
*'  wont  to  come  at  harvest  and  take  away  their  com,  and  many  times  kill 
them."  Also  that  Sqxiaw-ScKhem  of  Massachusetts  was  his  enemy.  This 
Squaw- Saehem,\  as  we  believe,  was  chief  of  those  inland  Indians  since 
denominated  the  Nipnets,  or  Nipmucks,  and  lived  at  this  time  near 
Wachuset  Mountain.    The  English  intended§  to  have  visited  her  nt  this 

*  Dr.  Belknap  appears  lo  have  hccii  the  first  who  sugweslcd  this.  See  his  Biog. 
ii.  224.     - 

t  We  had  supposed  this  emiacnce  to  have  been  so  called  from  a  copse  or  rlump  of 
trees,  which  for  a  long  time  remained  upon  it,  after  ii  became  known  to  the  whites ;  bul 
Slum,  Descrip.  Boston,  67,  says  it  was  nnmed  from  one  Copp,  a  shoemaker.  And 
Snom,  Hut.  Boston,  103,  says  William  Ci/pp  was  llio  proprietor  of  "a  portion  of  the 
hill." 

^  "  Sachems  or  sagamores,— which  arc  but  one  and  the  same  title,— the  first  more  usual 
with  the  southward,  the  other  with  the  northward  Indians,  to  express  the  title  of  him  thai 
bath  the  chief  command  of  a  place  or  people."    Hist.  N.  E.  60. 

$  Mr.  Shalluck  (Hist.  Concord,  2)  says  she  was  visited  at  this  time  by  these  voyagers. 


CHir.  II.] 


NANEPASIIEMET.— HIS  DEATH,  tu. 


41 


tfi,  Hoho' 
!  English  * 
eath  does 

oyage  to  ,' 
that  they 
rlish  haa 
nem,  and  ' 
ike  peace 

)  bottoiQ  * 
osed  was  \ 
r  Boston.  ^^ 
ime  after  ; 
1  collect- 
won 
ters.*' 
3he  told  i 
ire  them  ' 


time,  lint  foiintl  the  distance  too  great  to  proceed.  They  received  tb* 
greiL?<-8t  kindnefln  rroni  all  the  Indians  they  met  with,  and  mentioned  that 
of  Obhatinewat  in  particular.  And  thoy  wiy,  <•  We  told  him  of  divers 
sarhinia  that  had  arkiiowledged  tht^inselvcs  to  be  Kinc  Jamu  his  men« 
and  if  Ke  tdao  teould  siibmit  Inmtty,*  we  would  be  his  safeguard  fVoni  his 
enemiefl,  which  he  did." 

At  another  place,  **  Ilavms  gone  three  miles,  in  arms,  up  in  the  country, 
we  camt)  (say  they)  to  a  place  where  corn  had  been  newly  gathered,  a 
house  pulled  down,  and  the  people  gone.  A  mile  from  hence,  JVanepo- 
$ktmtty  their  king,  in  his  life-time  had  lived.f  His  house  was  not  fike 
others,  hut  a  scanold  was  largely  built,  with  poles  and  planks,  some  six  foot 
from  [the]  ground,  and  the  house  upon  that,  being  situated  on  tlie  top  of 
a  hill.  Not  far  from  hence,  in  a  bottom,  we  came  to  a  fort,"  built  by  Aotw- 
pathemet.  It  was  made  with  "  poles  some  30  or  40  foot  k>ng,  stuck  in 
the  ground,  as  thick  as  they  could  be  set  one  by  another,  and  with  these 
they  enclosed  a  ring  some  40  or  50  foot  over.  A  trench,  breast  high^  waH 
digged  on  each  8iae.|  One  way  there  was  to  get  into  it  with  a  Dridjge. 
In  uie  midst  of  this  p.lisado  stood  the  frame  of  an  house,  wherein,  being 
dead,  he  lay  buried.  About  a  mile  iVnm  hence,  we  came  to  such  another, 
but  seated  on  the  top  ot  an  hill..  Here  AbncpatAfmei  was  killed,  none 
dwelling  in  it  since  the  time  of  his  death." 

According  to  Mr.  Lewis,  ^anepaihemet  was  killed  about  the  ^ear  1619^ 
and  his  widow,  who  was  S^vaw-Saehem  before  named,  continued  the 

S)vernment.§  He  left  five  children,!  four  of  whose  names  we  gather  fVom 
e  interesting  History  of  Lvnn ;  viz.  1.  Montoummpak,  called  by  the 
English  Sagamore  Jama.  He  was  sachem  of  Saugus.  2.  JihngaSlf  a 
daughter.  3.  Wonohaquaham,  called  Sagamore  John,  sachem  of  Winne- 
sLmet.  4.  H^nnepurkitt,  called  Sagamore  George,  or  George  Runrney- 
mar*h,  the  successor  of  Montotoampate  at  Saugus.  Of  most  of  these  we 
she. I  speak  in  detail  hereafter. 

Squme-SMhem,  according  to  the  authorii^  last  mentioned,  was  the 
spouse  of  Wappacowtt,^  or  Webcowit,  in  1(m5.  She  and  her  husband, 
four  years  after,  1639,  deeded  to  Jotfiam  Gibbonea  "  the  reversion  of  all 
that  parcel  of  land  which  lies  against  the  ponds  of  Mystic,  together  with 
the  said  ponds,  all  which  we  reserved  from  Charlestown  and  Cambridge, 
late  called  Newtown,  after  the  death  of  me,  the  said  Sqiuai>-S€uhem"  The 
consideration  was,  "  the  many  kindnesses  and  benefits  we  have  received 
from  the  hands  of  Capt.  Edward  Gibbonea,  of  Boston." 

The  Sqva-Sachem's  mark  ^^ 
Webcowit's  mark 


Webcowit  was  a  powwow  priest,  or  magical  physician,  and  was  consid- 
ered next  in  importance  to  ^anepaahemd  amon^  the  subjects  of  that 
chief,  after  his  death ;  as  a  matter  of  course,  his  widow  took  him  to  her 
bed.  It  does  not  appear,  that  he  was  either  much  respected  or  thought 
much  of;  especially  by  his  wife,  as  in  the  above  extract  from  their  deed, 


l)Ul 


but  I  am  not  able  to  arrive  at  any  such  conclusion  from  any  source  of  infonnalion  in  my 
possession. 

*  It  does  not  s.   m  from  this  that  he  is  the  same  who  before  had  Mibmitted  at  Plimoulh, 
a*  Mr.  Prince  na/poses. 

t  Mr.  Shattuci,  ,n  his  valuable  Hitt.  Concord,  says,  this  "  was  in  Medford,  near  My>- 
tic  Pond." 

1  Mi^ht  not,  then,  the  western  mounds  have  been  formed  by  Indians  1 

6  Hist.  Lynn,  16. 

I  Bhatluei,  ib.  who  fixes  her  residence  at  Concord;  she,  doubtless,  bod  several  plac«t 
of  residence. 

H  His  name  is  spelt  WthcomU  (o  MS.  deed  in  my  possession,  and  in  Mr.  Shattufifi 
MS8.  WibbaeotoiUi,  as  appears  from  his  History. 
4* 


# 


SOME  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  MASSACHUSETTS.        (Book  li- 


no provision  scema  to  havo  been  made  for  Iiii.i  after  her  dctUl),  if  he 
outlived  her.  At  all  events,  we  may  roncliidc,  without  hazard  w«t 
think,  tiint  if  breeches  had  been  in  fashion  ainona  Indians,  the  wife  of 
Wtbcoicit  wonld  [iiivc  been  accounta1)lo  for  tlic  article  in  this  cose. 

lu  1643,  Ma!:s!,,  .lusetts  coventinted  witli  ^'■Wassamtquin,  ^ashoonou, 
Kutckamaqui::,  Massaconotnet  and  Squaio-Sachcm"*  to  the  end  that  niiitnnt 
benefit  tniglit  accrue  to  eacli  party.  The  sachems  put  thennsclvewnnder 
the  ffoverniiient  of  the  English,  agreeing  to  olisorve  tlicir  lavVs,  in  us  far 
as  they  should  be  made  to  understand  thnni.  For  this  confidence  and 
conoeE'jion  of  th6ir  persons  and  tends  lUto  their  bandtf, -itlCHnglisb 
on  theJi  p:^rt.  agreed  to  extend  tiio  same  protection  to  them  arwl  their 
people  'ifi  to  I'aeir  English  subjects.f 

What  .*tad  become  of  Wehcoieel  at  this  time  docs  not  appear ;  |X}rhaps 
he  was  off  powwowing,  or  at  home,  doing  the  ordinary  lalior  of  the 
household.  We  hear  of  him,  however,  four  years  after,  (l(i47,) "  taking  an 
active  '^rt"  in  the  endeavors  mndn  by  the  Englisri  to  Christianizo  his 
cou'itrymcn.  "He  asked  the  English  why  sonic  of  them  had  been  27 
years  m  the  land,  and  never  taught  them  to  know  God  till  then.  Had 
you  done  h  sooner,  (said  he,)  we  might  have  known  much  of  Goid  .b^his 
time,  and  much  ein  might  have  been  prevented,  but  now  sor^ie^  us  are 
grown  [too]  old  in  sin."  The  English  suid  they  repetlfed  of  their 
neglect  r  but  recollecting  themselves  answered,  "You  were  not  willing 
to  neare  till  now,"  and  that  God  had  not  turned  their  hearts  till  then.t 

Of  the  sachems  who  made  the  covennnt  above  named,  the  fn-st  we 
suppose  to  have  been  Massasoit,  on  the  part  of  the  Wampanoags,  who  at 
this  time  was,  perhaps,  among  the  Nipmuks  ;  J^ashoonon,  a  Nipmiik  chie^ 
with  whom  Massasoit  now  resided.  His  residence  was  near  wliat  was 
since  Magus  HitI  in  Worcester  county.  He  was  prolnibly  at  PliiuGUtli 
13  Sept.,  1631,  where  he  signed  a  treaty  with  eiglit  others,  as  we  have 
F«t  down  in  the  life  of  CaunSitant,  Hia  name  is  there  spelt  j\raffawahunt. 
In  Wmthrop'a  Journal,  it  is  JVashacowam,  and  we  suppose  he  was  father 
of  JV*a««otKinno,  mentioned  by  Wkitn^.^  Kutchamaquin  was  aachenn 
of  Dorchester  and  vicinity,  and  Maasaconomet  was  Mcucononomo. 


Cbj 

oft 

b0< 

the 

the] 

wh( 

not 

Tar 

thei 

acui 

ed. 

tect 


CHAPTER  III. 

Some  account  of  the  Massachiuetts—^'tmgraphifia/  their  cotnUry— -Chika- 
TAUBOT — Wampatock — hif  war  toith  the  Mohawks — Mascoptonomo — 
Canomicus — Geography  of  the  JVdrraganset  country — Account  of  that 
Nation — Rogerf^tlliams — ■Mot«TOWAMPATE — Small-pox  diatreaaes  the  In- 
tKana — WowoHAqnAHAM — Winnepitrkit — Maxatahqua — Scittery- 

ei;S9ET NaTTAHATTA  WANTS — WaHGUMACBT-JaCK-StRAW— jAMESr 

Not  long  before  the  settlement  of  Plimouth,  the  Massachusetts  had* 
been  a  great  people,  but  were  greatly  reduced  at  this  time ;  partly  from  the 

Seat  plague,  of  which  we  have  already  spoken,  and  subsequently  from 
eir  wars  with  the  Tarratines.    Of  this  war  none  but  the  scanty  records 
of  the  first  settlers  are  to  be  had,  and  in  them  few  particulars  are  preserved  ; 

*  In  the  Hittory  of  the  Narraganitt  Country,  these  names  arc  written  Wastamtputf 
Jfailunoanon,  Cutsltamacke,  Massanomell,  and  8qua-8achem.    See  3  Col.  Kait.  Hi^. 
00C.  i.  212. 
t  Sec  Qookin's  M8.  Hiit.  Praiiing  Jndkau.  i  Hiit.  Cencord,  S&.         4, 

I  Uisl.  Worcester  Co.  174.  ' " . 


"W- ■■',<•««. 


cbap.  m.] 


CHKATAUBUT  OP  PASSOHAOeAtt. 


,  if  he 


,  in  us  far 


,|l-    ; 


of  this,  too,  we  have  written  in  a  previons  chapter.*  Therefore  it  will  not 
he  expected  that  ever  a  complete  account  of  the  territoriefl  and  power  of 
the  Momachusetts  can  be  triven ;  broken  down  as  they  were  at  the  time 
they  becatiie  known  to  the  Europeans ;  for  we  h'b.ve  seen  that  their  sachems, 
when  first  visited  by  the  Plimouth  people,  were  shifting  for  their  livea — 
not  daring  to  lodge  a  second  night  in  the  same  place,  from  their  fear  of  the 
Tarratinee.  Hence,  if  these  Indians  had  existed  as  an  independent  tribe, 
their  history  was  long  since  swept  away  "  in  gloomy  tempests,"  and  ob- 
scured in  "a  night  ofclouds,"  and  nothing  but  a  meagre  tradition  remain- 
ed. For  some  time  after  the  country  was  settled,  they  would  fly  for  pro- 
tection from  the  Tarratines  to  the  houses  of  the  English. 

It  is  said  by  Mr.  Gookin,  that  '*  their  chief  sachem  held  dominion  over 
many  other  petty  governors ;  as  those  of  Weechagaskas,  Neponsitt,  Pun- 
kapaog,  Nonantum,  Nashaway,  some  of  the  Nipmuck  people,  as  fiir  as 
PoKomtakuke,  as  the  old  men  of  Massachusetts  affirmed.  This  people 
could,  in  former  times,  arm  for  vrar  about  3000  men,  as  the  oltt  vidians 
declare.  They  were  in  hostility  very  often  with  the  Narragansitts ;  but 
held  amity,  for  the  most  part,  with  the  Pawkunnawkutts."!  Near  the 
mouth  of  Charles  River  **u8ed  to  be  the  general  rendezvous  of  all  the  In- 
dians, Imth  on  the  south  and  north  side  of  the  country.'^  Hutchinmn^ 
says,  "  Tliat  circle  which  now  makes  the  harbors  of  Boston  and  Charles- 
town,  roimd  by  MAlden,  Chelsea,  Nantasket,  Hingham,  Weymouth,  Bnin- 
tree,  and  Dorchester,  was  the  capital  of  a  great  saclieni,H  much  revered  b^ 
all  the  plantations  round  about.  The  tradition  is,  that  this  sachem  had  hu 
principal  seat  upon  a  small  hill,  or  rising  upland,  in  the  midst  of  a  body 
of  salt  marsh  in  the  township  of  Dorchester,  near  to  a  place  called  Squar- 
tum."ir  Hence  ii  will  be  observed,  that  among  the  accounts  of  the  earli- 
est writers,  the  dominions  of  the  different  sachems  were  considered  as 
compi'dhcnded  within  very  different  limits;  a  kind  of  general  idea,  there- 
fore, can  only  be  had  of  the  extent  of  their  possessions.  It  is  evident  that 
tlie  Massachusetts  were  either  subject  to  the  Narragansetts,  or  in  alliance 
with  them  ;  for  when  the  latter  were  at  war  with  the  Pequots,  Chikataubid 
and  Sagamore  John  both  went  with  many  men  to  aid  Canonicut,  who  had 
sent  for' them.  This  war  began  in  1632,  and  ended  in  1635,  to  the  advan- 
tage of  the  Pequots. 

We  shall  now  proceed  to  speak  of  the  chiefs  agreeably  to  our  plan. 

C^ikaiaubut,  or  Chikkalabak,  in  English, — a  houat-a-jlrt,  wap  a  sachem 
of  considerable  note,  and  generally  supposed  to  have  had  dominion  over  the 
Massachusetts  Indians.  Thomas  Morton  mentions  him  in  his  New  Ca- 
naan, as  sachem  of  Passonagosit,  (about  Weymouth,)  and  sjiys  his  mother 
was  buried  there.  I  need  make  no  comments*  upon  the  aiitliority,  or  warn 
the  reader  concerning  the  stories  of  JIforfon,  as  this  is  done  in  almost  every 
book,  oarly  and  late,  about  New  England ;  but  shall  relate  the  following 
from  him. 

In  the  first  settling  of  Plimouth,  some  of  the  company,  in  wandering 
about  upon  disooveiy,  dKme  upon  nn  Indian  grave,  which  was  that  of  tht- 
mother  of  Chikalauhiit.    Over  the  body  a  stake  was  set  in  the  ground,  * 
and  two  huge  bear-skins,  sewed  together,  spread  over  it ;  thp»j  the  Knglisii 

•  This  war  was  caused,  says  Mr.  Hnhbard,  "  upon  the  aorouni  of  some  troachcrv' 
on  the  part  of  the  western  tribes,  i.  e.  the  tribes  west  of  ilic  Merriinacic.  Hisl.  A/eir 
JCf^.  30. 

t  1  Col.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  i.  148.  ;  Hisl.  N.  Eng.  32. 

4  From  Neat's  Hist.  N.  Eng.,  probably,  whirh  sec. 

p  It  will_  be  a  good  while  before  the  present  possessors  of  the  country  cnti  boost  of 
such  a  capital, 

U  Hist.  M^s.  i.  460.    And  here  it  was,  I  suppose,  llial  llio  Pliinoiilh  people  Innded  in 
their  voyage  to  Massachusetts  before  spoken  of,  and  from  ^qimnto  wlio  wns  with  them  • 
it  received  its  name. 


CHIKATAUBUT— VISITS  BOSTON. 


[Book  IL 


took  away.  When  this  came  to  the  knowledge  of  Chikataubut,  he  com* 
piained  to  his  people,  and  demanded  immediate  vengeance.  When  they 
were  aaemblfMl,  he  thus  harangued  them :  "  When  last  the  clorious  light 
of  all  the  aky  was  underneath  this  globe,  and  birds  grew  silent,  I  beran 
to  aettle,  as  my  custom  is,  to  take  repotie.  Before  mine  eyes  were  rast 
°  oloeed,  me  tho't  I  saw  a  vision,  at  wbich  m^  spirit  was  much  troubled, 
and  trembling  at  that  doleful  si^it,  a  spirit  cned  aloud, '  Behold !  mv  son, 
whom  I  have  cherished ;  see  the  paps  ^at  gave  thee  suck,  the  hands  that 
clasped  thee  warm,  and  fed  thee  w ;  const  thou  forget  to  take  revenge  of 
thoee  wild  people,  that  hath  my  monument  de&ced  in  a  despiteful  man- 
ner ;  disdaining  our  ancicvit  antiquities,  and  honorable  customs.  See  now 
the  sachem's  grave  lies  like  unto  the  conmion  people,  of  ignoble  race  de- 
fiMted.  Thy  mother  doth  eomploin,  implores  thy  aid  against  this  thievish 
people  new  come  hither ;  if  this  be  suffered,  I  shall  not  rest  in  quiet  within 
OBQr  everiaating  habitation.'  "* 

Battle  was  the  unanimous  resolve,  and  the  English  were  watched,  and 
fellowed  from  place  to  place,  until  at  lengdi,  as  some  were  going  ashore 
in  a  boat,  they  roll  upon  ttiem,  but  gained  no  advantage.  '  After  maintain- 
ing the  fight  for  some  time,  and  being  driven  from  tree  to  tree,  the  chief 
ei^Main  was  wounded  in  the  arm,  and  the  whole  took  to  flight.  This  ac- 
tion caused  the  natives  about  Plimouth  to  look  upon  the  Enj|lish  as  invin- 
cU>le,  and  this  was  the  reason  why  peace  was  so  long  maintained  between 
them. 

MourpB  Relation  goes  fiu-  to  establish  the  main  facts  in  the  above  ac- 
count. It  says,  "We  brought  sundry  of  the  prettiest  things  away  with 
us,  and  covered  the  corpse  up  again,"  and,  "  there  was  variety  of  opinions 
amongst  us  about  the  embalmed  person,"  but  no  mention  of  the  bear-skins. 

From  the  agreement  of  the  different  accounts,  there  is  but  little  doubt, 
that  the  Engush  were  attacked  at  Namskekit,  in  consequence  of  their 
depredations  upon  the  graves,  corn,  &c.  of  the  Indians. 

In  16S1,  Chikaiavbut,  with  eight  other  sachems,  acknowledged,  by  a 
written  instrument,  themselves  the  subjects  of  King  Jamea.  About  ten 
years  after  this,  when  Boston  was  settled,  he  visited  Governor  fftnthrop, 
and  presented  him  with  a  hogshead  of  corn.  Many  of  "  his  sannops  and 
squaws"  came  with  him,  but  were  most  of  them  sent  away,  "  after  they 
had  all  dined,"  although  it  thundered  and  rained,  and  the  governor  urged 
their  stay  ;  Chikataubut  probably  feared  they  would  be  burdensome.  At 
this  time  he  wore  English  clothes,  and  sat  at  the  governor's  table,  **  where 
he  behaved  himself  as  soberly,  &c.  as  an  Englishman."  Not  long  after, 
he  called  on  Grovemor  Winthrop,  and  desired  to  buy  clothes  for  himself;  the 
governor  informeo  him  that  "  English  sagamores  did  not  use  to  truck  ;t  but 
be  called  his  tailor,  and  gave  him  order  to  make  him  a  suit  of  clothes ; 
whereupon  he  gave  the  governor  two  large  skins  of  coat  beaver."  In  a 
few  days  his  clothes  were  ready,  and  the  governor  "put  him  into  a  very 
good  new  suit  from  head  to  foot,  and  after,  he  set  meat  before  thom  ;  but 
he  would  not  eat  till  the  governor  had  given  thanks,  and  after  meat  he 
desired  him  to  do  the  like,  and  so  departed." 

June  14,  1631,  at  a  court,  ChikaiaiAtU  was  ordered  to  pay  n  small  skin 
of  beaver,  to  satisfy  for  one  of  his  men's  having  killed  a  '^ig,  which  he 
complied  with.  A  man  by  the  name  of  Pltwtowe,  and  sone  others,  hav- 
ing stolen  corn  from  him,  the  same  year,  the  court,  Sept.  %\  ordered  that 
Phutowe  should  restore  "  two-fold,"  and  lose  his  title  of  gtiitleman,  and 

*  If  this  be  fiction,  a  modern  compiler  has  deceived  some  of  his  readers.  Tlic  article 
in  the  AnalecHc  Magazine  may  have  been  his  source  of  inrormalion,  but  the  original 
may  be  seen  in  Morton's  New  Canaan,  106  and  107. 

t  However  true  this  might  have  been  of  the  governor,  at  least,  we  think,  he  should 
■ot  have  used  the  plural. 


Crap.  III.] 


CHIKATAUBUT— HIS  DEATH. 


45 


In  a 


pay  £r>.  This  I  suppose  they  deemed  equivalent  to  four-fold.  His  ao-* 
noinplices  were  wl)ipped,  to  the  same  amount.  The  next  year  we  find  him 
en^ged  with  other  sacheinR  in  an  expedition  against  the  Pequots.  The 
oanic  year  two  of  his  men  were  convicted  of  assaulting  some  iteraons  of 
Dorc-h<>stcr  in  their  houses.  "  They  were  put  in  the  bilboes,"  and  himself 
required  to  lieat  them,  which  he  did.* 

The  siiiall-pox  was  very  prevalent  among  the  Indians  in  1633,  in  which 
year,  some  time  in  November,  ChikataxUnU  died. 

The  residence  of  tiio  family  of  Chikataubut  was  at  Tehticut,  now  in- 
cluded in  Middlcborough.  He  was  in  obedience  to  MassoBoU,  and,  like 
other  chiefs,  had  various  places  of  resort,  to  suit  the  different  seasoDS  of 
the  year ;  sometimes  at  Wessaguscussct,  sometimes  at  Ne|)onset,  and 
especially  upon  that  jMirt  of  Namasketf  called  Tehticut.  This  was  truly 
a  river  of  sagamores.  Its  abundant  stores  of  f'sh,  in  the  spring,  drew  them 
fh>m  all  |)arts  of  the  realm  of  the  chief  sachem. 

In  deeds,  given  by  the  Indians,  the  place  of  their  residence  is  generally 
mentioned,  and  from  what  we  shall  recite  in  the  progress  of  this  article, 
it  will  be  seen  that  the  same  chief  has  different  residences  assigned  to  him. 

August  5,  1665,  Qiiincy,  then  Braintree,  was  deeded  by  a  son  of  Ch^- 
atatJnttf  in  these  terms: — 

t"To  all  Indian  people  to  whom  these  presents  shall  come  ;  Wamptt- 
tuck,  alias  Joaiah  Sagamore,  of  Massathusetts,  in  Newengland,  the  son  of 
(MckatahiU  deceased,  sendeth  greeting.  Know  yoo  that  the  said  Waxn- 
patuck,  being  of  full  age  and  power,  according  to  the  ordei  and  custom  of 
the  natives,  hath,  with  the  consent  of  his  wise  men,  viz.  Squamog,  hia 
brother  Daniel,  aad  Old  Hahatun,  and  William  Mananiomott^  Job  JWuwtt, 
Manuntago,  William  JVahanton^"  "For  divers  goods  and  valuable  reasons 
thenmto ;  and  in  special  for"  £21  lOs^  in  hand.  It  was  subscribed  and 
witnessed  thus : — 

JosiAH,  alias  Wampatuck,  hia  IQ  marke, 
Daniel  Squamog,  and  a  mark. 
Old  Nahatun,  and  a  mark. 
William  Mandnion.  and  a  mark. 
Job  Noistenns. 
4  Robert,  alias  M amuntaoo,  and  a  marlt, 

William  Hah  at  on. 
In  presence  of 
Thomas  Kgyahodnsson,  and  a  mark  O 
Joseph  Manunion,  hia  \ —  mark.  • 
Thomas  Weymous,  hia  O  mark. 

There  is  a  quit-claim  deed  from  "  Charles  Joaiaa,  alias  Joaiaa  Wampa- 
tuck, grandson  of  Chikataubut,  dated  in  1695,  of  Boston  and  the  adjacent 
country,  and  the  islands  in  the  harbor,  to  the  "proprietated  inhabitants  of 
the  town  of  Boston,"  to  be  seen  among  the  Suffolk  rec6rds.|[  Wampatuck 
says,  or  some  one  for  him,  "  Forasmuch  as  I  am  informed,  and  well  as- 
sured from  several  ancient  Indians,  as  well  those  of  my  council  as  others, 
that,  upon  the  first  coming  of  the  English  to  sit  down  and  settle  in  those 

*  "  The  most  usual  custom  amoiipt  them  in  exercisiiif  punishments,  is  for  the  sachem 
either  to  heal,  or  whip,  or  put  to  ocath  with  his  own  hand,  to  which  the  common  sort 
most  quietly  submit."     Williams. 

t  Namauasuck  signified  in  their  \anwaAge fshes,  and  some  early  wrote  Namascheuck. 

i  History  of  Quinc y  by  Rev.  Mr.  Wliittiey,  t&ken  flrom  the  original  in  the  possession 
of  the  Hon.  J.  Q.  Adams. 

^  Nahaton,  or  AhcUon,  and  (he  same  sometimes  written  Nthoiden.  See  Wortidngtot^i 
Hxit.  Dedliam,  21.     He  sold  lands  upon  Charles  River  in  1680.    ib. 

II  Printed  at  length  in  Stuno's  Hist.  Boston,  389,  et  eel. 


4« 


WAMPATUCK— HIS  MOHAWK  WAR. 


[1R;«uK  D. 


puts  of  New  England,  my  above-named  grandfather,  ChUuttauibut,  by  and 
with  the  advice  of  h'm  council,  for  encouragement  thereof  moving,  did 
give,  grant,  sell,  alienate,  und  coiitinn  unto  the  English  planters,"  the  hinds 
above  nairiud. 

Jo$ia»,  or  Joaiah  fFan^ixMluekj  was  sachem  of  Mattakeesett,*  and, 
from  the  deeds  which  he  gave,  must  have  been  the  owner  of  much  of  the 
lands  southward  of  Boston.  In  1653,  he  sold  to  7\mothy  Hatherly,  Jamu 
CudtMiik,  Joseph  TUden,  Humfhrty  Turner,  WiUiam  Hatehy  John  Hoan, 
and  Jame3  7\>rrey,  a  large  tract  of  land  in  the  vicinity  of  Accord  Pond 
and  North  River. 

In  1663,  he  sold  Pachage  Neck,  [now  called  Ptchade,]  "lying  between 
Namassakett  riuer  and  a  brook  falling  into  Teticiitt  riuer,  viz.  the  most 
westerly  of  the  three  small  brookes  that  do  fall  into  the  said  riuer ;"  likewise 
all  the  meadow  upon  said  three  brooks,  for  £21.  Also,  another  tract 
bounded  by  Plimouth  and  Duxbury  on  one  side,  and  Bridgewater  on  the 
other,  extending  to  the  great  pond  Mattakeeset ;  provided  it  included  not 
the  1000  acres  given  to  his  son  and  Oeorgt  Wampey,  about  those  ponds. 
This  deed  was  witnessed  by  George  fFiampev  and  John  fVampowes. 

AAer  the  death  of  his  father,  Joaieu  was  often  called  Josias  Chikataubui. 
In  the  Plimouth  Records  we  find  this  notice,  but  without  date :  "  Mem- 
orandum, that  Josias  Ckickabutt  and  his  wife  doe  owne  the  whole  iiecke 
oC  Punkateesett  to  beloing  vnto  Plymouth  men,"  &c. 

In  1668,  "Josias  Chickatabutt,  sachem  of  Namossakeosett,"  sold  to 
Robert  Studson  of  Scituate,  a  tract  of  land  culled  Mimttnackeuitt,  for  ;i 
"  valuable  consideration,"  as  the  deed  expresses  it.  This  tract  was  bound- 
ed on  the  east  by  Scituate. 

Joticu  had  a  son  Jeremy ;  and  "  Charles  Josiah,  son  of  Jeremy,  was  the 
last  of  the  race."f  Of  Jostah,  Mr.  Gookin  gives  us  important  informtition. 
In  the  year  1669,  "the  war  having  now  continued  between  the  Stac^uas 
and  our  Indians,  about  six  years,  divers  Indians,  our  neighlrars,  united  their 
forces  together,  and  made  an  army  of  about  6  or  700  men,  and  marche  J 
into  the  Maquas'  country,  to  take  revenge  of  them.  This  enterprisr;  was 
contrived  and  undertaken  without  the  privity,  and  contrary  to  the  advice 
of  their  English  friends.  Mr.  Eliot  and  myself,  in  particular,  dissuaded 
them,  and  gave  them  several  reasons  against  it,  but  tbry  would  not  hear 
us."  Five  of  the  Christian  Indians  went  oui.  with  them,  and  but  one  only  , 
returned  alive.  "The  chiefest  genenJ  ■■■■  i.ut  expedition  was  the  princi-  ' 
pal  sachem  of  Massachu^dits,  named  I  r  -lias  ChekatabuU,  a  wise  and 
stout  man,  of  middle  age,  bus  a  very  viciv  <  person.  He  had  considerable 
knowledge  in  the  Christian  religion ;  and  sometime,  when  he  was  younger, 
seemed  to  profess  it  for  a  time; — for  he  was  bred  up  by  his  uncle,  Kucha- 
makin,  who  was  the  first  sachem  and  his  people  to  whom  Mr.  Eliot 
preached."! 

This  army  arrived  at  the  Mohawk  fort  after  a  journey  of  about  200 
miles ;  when,  upon  besieging  it  some  time,  and  having  some  of  their  men 
killed  in  sallies,  and  sundry  others  sick,  they  gave  up  the  siege  and  re- 
treated. Meanwhile  the  Mohawks  pursued  thoiii,  got  in  their  front,  and, 
from  an  ambush,  attacked  them  in  a  defile,  and  a  grent  t'rgiit  ensued.  Fi- 
nally the  Mohawks  were  put  lo  flight  by  the  extraordinary  bravery  and 
prowess  of  Chikataubui  ond  his  captains.  But  wlint  was  most  calamitous 
m  this  disastrous  expedition,  was,  the  loss  of  the  great  chief  Chikaiaubut, 
who,  after  performing  prodigies  of  vale  ,  was  killed  in  repelling  the  Mo- 
hawks in  their  last  attack,  with  almost  all  his  captains.^    This  was  a  severe 

*  '»'•  me's  Hilt.  Scituaif,  144. 

t  Ibid.  Sq^ftmau^  was  a  brother  of  Jo&iah.  and  ruled  "  as  saciicm  during  the  minority" 
of  Jeremy.     Dr,  Harris,  //'»<.  Dorchester,  (6, 17. 
1 1  Coi:  Mass.  Hist.  Soo.  i   166.  $  Ibid,  167. 


'^tlW^' 


n.  t 


CfciP.  Ill]      MASCOWONOMO  OF  ACAWAM;— CANONICUS.  47 

fltroke  to  these  Indians,  and  they  suflered  much  ftom  chagrin  on  ihair 
return  home.  The  Mohawks  considered  themselves  their  masters,  and 
althoiigti  a  peace  was  broufhi  about  between  them,  by  the  mediatioo  of 
the  FiHgliRh  and  Dutch  on  each  side,  yet  the  Maanonusetts  and  othen 
often  sutfered  from  their  inc  iirrions. 

A  chief  of  much  the  same  importance  as  Ckikataubut  and  bia  sons,  waa 
Mcueononomo,  or  Maseonomo,  aacbem  of  Agawam,  since  called  Iptwieh. 
When  the  fleet  whksh  brought  over  the  colony  that  settled  Boston,  In 
1630,  anchored  near  Cape  Ann,  he  welcomed  them  to  his  shores,  aad 
spent  some  time  on  board  one  of  the  ships.* 

On  the  28th  June,  1638,  Mascanonomet^  executed  a  deed  of  '*aH  bis 
lands  in  Ipswich,"  to  John  fVifUhrop,  jr.,  for  the  sum  of  £30.$ 

At  a  court  in  July,  1631,  it  was  ordered,  that  "  the  sagamore  of  Agawam 
is  banished  from  coming  into  any  Englishman's  house  for  a  year,  under 
penahy  of  ten  beaver-8kins."§  The  next  year,  or  about  that  time,  the 
Tarratines  came  out  with  great  force  against  MaseoTwnomo ;  he  havinff, 
**  as  was  uHiinliy  said,  treacherously  killed  some  of  those  Tarratine  :?anu- 
lic8."{|  From  Mr.  CohhcVs  account,  it  appears  that  they  came  against  the 
English,  who,  but  for  an  Indian,  named  Robin,  would  have  been  cut  off, 
as  the  able  men  at  this  time,  belonging  to  Ipswich,  did  not  exceed  30;  and 
most  of  these  were  from  home  on  the  day  the  attack  was  to  have  been 
made.  Bohin,  having  by  some  means  found  out  their  intentions,  went  to 
John  Perkins,'^  and  tohl  him  that  on  such  a  day  four  Tarratines  wouM 
come  and  invite  the  English  to  trade,  "and  draw  them  down  the  hill  to 
the  water  side,"  when  40  canoes  full  of  armed  Indians  would  be  ready, 
under  "the  brow  of  the  hill,"  to  fall  upon  them.  It  turned  out  as 
Robin  bad  reported ;  but  the  Indians  wer«  frightened  off  by  a  false 
show  of  numbers,  an  old  drum,  and  a  few  guns,  without  effecting  thehr 
object.** 

We  hear  no  more  of  him  until  1643,  when,  at  a  court  held  in  Boston, 
"  Cutshanukin  and  Squaw-Sachem,  Maaconomo,  ^'aahaeowam  and  ffaua- 
magtn,ff  two  sachems  near  the  great  hill  to  the  west,  called  fVaehuaett, 
came  into  the  court,  and,  according  to  their  former  tender  to  the  governor, 
desired  to  be  received  under  our  protection||  and  government,  upon  the 
same  terms  that  Pumluim  and  Sacononoco  were.  So  we  causing  them  to 
understand  the  articles,  and  all  the  ten  commandments  of  God,  and  they 
freely  assenting  to  all,§§  they  were  solemnly  received,  and  then  presented 
the  court  with  twenty-six  fathom  of  wampum,  and  the  court  gave  each  of 
them  a  coat  of  two  yards  of  cloth,  and  their  <linner ;  and  to  them  and  their 
men,  every  one  of  them,  a  cup  of  sac  at  their  departure ;  so  they  took 
leave,  and  went  away  very  jcyful."||||  Tradition  says  that  Agawam, 
in  Ipswich,  was  his  place  of  residence,  and  that  his  bones  were  early 
found  there  ;  that  his  squaw  for  some  time  survived  him,  and  had  a 
piece  of  land  that  she  could  not  dispose  of,  or  that  none  were  allowed  to 
purchase.^ 

We  have  too  long  delayed  the  biography  of  a  chief  early  known  both 

*  Hist.  N.  Eridand. 

t  This  is  doubuess  the  most  correct  spelllBg  of  his  name.  It  is  seoifstpelt  twice  alike 
in  the  MS*.  r(? cords. 

t  Records  of  Gen.  Court,  V.  381.  fiPrincc,  357.        \\  Hubbard's  A'.  E.  145. 

'     IT  Quarter-master,  "  living  then  in  a  litue  hut  upon  bis  father's  island  on  this  side  of 
Jeofry's  Neck."    MS.  Narralive. 

**  Cobbed  MS.  Ndrralive.  ft  Ousameouin,  or  MasKuoit, 

IX  They  desired  this  from  their  great  fear  of  the  Mohawks,  it  is  said. 

M  The  articles  which  they  sul)scribcd,wiil  bs  seep  at  large  when  the  Mmmtcript  Hut. 
of  the  Praying  Indianx,  by  Daniel  Gookin,  shall  be  published.  They  do  not  read  pre> 
euMly  as  rendered  by  Winthrop. 

H  B  Winthrop's  Journal.  HIT  MS.  Hist,  of  Newbury,  by  J.  Cofiti 


• 


'A,.j»;i 


^^WPIw^ 


CANONICUS— TASHTASSUCK. 


POOK  If. 


in  Plimouth  and  Massachusetts,  wiiich  seemed  necessary  to  preservo  the 
continuity  of  our  history — Canonicua,*  the  j^eat  sachem  of  the  Nar- 
FBganaetB.  He  was  contemporary  with  Mumtunnomoh,  who  was  his 
nephew.  We  know  not  the  time  of  his  hirth,  but  a  son  of  his  waa  at 
BtMton  in  1631,  the  next  year  after  it  was  settled.  But  the  time  of  his 
death  is  minutely  recorded  by  Governor  fVuUhrop,  in  his  "Journal,"  thus: 
"June  4,  1647.  Canonieut,  the  great  sachem  of  Narraganset,  died,  a 
very  old  man."  He  is  generally  supposed  to  have  been  about  85  years 
of  ase  when  he  died. 

He  is  mentioned  with  great  respect  by  Rev.  Roger  fFittiam»,\  in  the 
year  1654.  After  observing  that  many  hundreds  of  the  English  were  wit- 
nesses to  the  friendly  disposition  of  the  Narragansets,  he  says,  "  Their  late 
famous  long-lived  CaunonUus  so  lived  and  died,  and  in  the  same  most 
honorable  manner  and  solemnity,  (in  their  way,)  as  you  laid  to  sleep  your 
prudent  peace-maker,  Mr.  WitUhrmp,  did  they  honor  this  their  prudent  and 
peaceable  prince ;  yea^  through  all  their  towns  and  countries  how  fre- 
quently do  many,  and  oft  times,  pur  Englishmen  travel  alone  with  safety 
and  loving  kindness  ?" 

It  will  be  proper  in  this  place  to  give  some  general  account  of  the 
country  and  nation  of  our  chietl  The  bounds  of  Narraganset  were,  aa 
described  in  the  times  of  the  sachems,|  "  Pautuckit  River,  Quenebage 
[Quabaog]  and  Nipmuck,"  northerly  ;  "westerly  by  a  brook  called  We- 
quapaug,  not  far§  m>iii  Paquatuck  River ;  southerly  by  the  sea,  or  main 
ocean ;  and  easterly  by  the  Nanhiganset  Bay,  wherein  iieth  many  islands, 
by  deeds  bought  of'^the  Nanhiganset  sachems."  Coweesett  and  Niantick, 
though  sometimes  applied  to  this  country,  were  names  only  of  places 
withm  it.  According  to  Mr.  Gookin,  "the  territory  of  their  sachem  ex- 
tended about  30  or  40  miles  from  Sekunk  River  and  Narragansitt  Bay, 
including  Rhode  !?sland  and  other  islati'^?'  in  that  hay."  Pawcatuck  River 
beparated  them  fvom  the  Pequots.  Tn..>  nation,  under  Canonicua,  had,  in 
1&12,  arrived  at  the  zenith  of  its  greatness,  and  was  suppoeed  to  contain  a 
population  of  thhiy  thousand.  This  estimate  was  by  Richard  Smith,  jr., 
who,  with  his  fatuer,  lived  in  their  country. 

A  census  of  those  calling  themselves  a  remnant  of  the  Narragansets, 
taken  Feb.  1832,  was  815  ;  only  seven  of  whom  were  unmixed.  The  In- 
dians themselves  moke  their  number  364.|| 

Of  the  e»rly  times  of  this  nation,  some  of  the  first  English  inhabitants 
learned  fj>>ni  the  old  Indians,  that  they  had,  previous  to  their  arrival,  a 
sachem  named  Tashiassuck,  and  their  encomiums  upon  his  wisdom  and 
valor  were  much  the  s&iiicj  as  the  Delawares  reported  of  th<!ir  great  chief 
Tamany ;  that  since,  there  had  not  been  his  equal,  &c.  Tasldassuck  had 
but  two  children,  a  son  and  daughter ;  thesu  he  joined  in  niairiase, 
because  he  could  find  none  wortliy  of  them  out  of  his  family.  The 
product  of  this  marriage  was  four  sons,  of  whom  Canonicus  was  the 
oUeat.^ 

Wher,  r^r.  John  Oldham  was  killed  near  Block  Island,  and  an  investiga- 
tioii  set  -m  C'Ot  by  the  English  to  ascertain  the  murderers,  they  were  fully 
sati5!!i ; )  thci  ''Janonicus  and  Miantunnomoh  had  no  hand  iu  the  affair,  but 
'cLat  "tne  mx  c  .her  Narraganset  sachems  had."     It  is  no  wonder  that  he 


_*Tlii:!  tipciiuijj  o't.js  not  convey  the  trae  pronunciation  of  the  name;  other  spelling* 
will  be  noticed  m  the  course  of  his  biography.  Its  sound  approached  so  near  the  LiUia 
Xrord  cartmicus,  that  it  h«>canie  confounded  with  it.  ,  <  •  - 

t  Manu!ioript  letter  to  the  pc  vemor  of  Massachusetts.  m>j  i  > 

i  See  3  ^"1.  Mass.  H'vA.  Sor .  i.  210.  &  Four  or  five  m^s,  says  Gcaiim. 

.  I  MS.  letior  uf  Rev.  Mr.  Ely. 

tS  Hutchinson,  i.  458,  who  niet  with  this  accoiuit  in  MS.;  bat  we  do  not  give  implieil 
tfW\VA  to  it,  a»,  at  best,  it  is  tradition. 


CMAP.ni.] 


CANONICUS.— MASCUS. 


« 


should  have  taken  great  oflence  at  the  conduct  of  the  English  rnnceming 
the  death  of  Miantmnomoh.  The  Warwick  settlerH  considered  it  a  great 
piece  of  injustice,  and  Mr.  Samiul  Gorton  wrote  a  letter  for  CanonictLB  to 
the  government  of  Massachusetts,  notifying  them  that  he  had  resolved  to 
be  revenged  n|K)n  the  Mohegans.  Upon  this  the  English  despatched 
messenfrers  to  Narraganset  to  inquire  of  Ccmonieut  whettwr  he  authorized 
the  letter.  He  treate<l  them  with  great  coldness,  and  would  not  adroit 
them  into  his  wigwam  for  the  space  of  two  hours  afler  their  arrival, 
although  it  v/os  c^-eeedingly  rainy.  When  they  were  admitted,  he  frowned 
upon  them,  and  gave  'hem  answers  foreign  to  the  purpose,  and  referred 
them  to  Peaaacus.  This  wna  a  very  cold  reception,  compared  with  that 
which  the  messengers  received  when  sent  to  him  for  information  respect- 
ing the  death  of  Mr.  Oldham,  **  They  relumed  with  acceptance  and  good 
success  of  their  business;  observing  in  the  sachem  much  state,  great 
command  of  his  men,  and  marvellous  wisdom  in  his  answers ;  and  in  the 
carriage  of  the  whole  treaty,  clearing  himself  and  bis  neighbors  of  the 
murder,  and  offering  revenge  of  it,  yet  upon  very  safe  and  wary  con- 
ditions." 

This  sachem  is  said  to  have  governed  in  great  harmony  with  his 
nephew.  *'  The  chiefest  government  in  the  country  is  divided  between  a 
younger  sachem,  MiarUunnomu,  and  an  elder  sachem,  Cmmaunacua,  of 
about  fourscore  years  old,*  this  young  man's  uncle ;  and  their  agreement 
in  the  government  is  remarkable.  The  old  sachem  will  not  be  offended 
at  what  the  yoimg  sachem  doth  ;  and  the  young  sachem  will  not  do  what 
he  conceives  will  displease  his  uncle."f  With  this  passage  before  him, 
Mr.  Dur/ee  versifies  as  follows,  in  his  poem  called  Whatchter : — 

"  Two  mighty  chiefs,  one  cautious,  wise,  and  old, 
;  One  young,  and  strong,  and  terrible  in  fight, 

All  Narraganset  and  Co'wcset  hold  ; 
One  looge  they  build— ^ne  counsel  fire  they  light." 

"  At  a  meeting  of  the  commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies  at  Boston, 
vij  Sept.,  1643,"  it  was  agreed  that  Massachusetts,  in  behalf  of  the  other 
colonies,  "give  Conoonacua  and  the  Nanohiggtmsets  to  understand,  that 
from  time  to  titne"  they  have  taken  notice  of  their  violation  of  the  cove- 
nant between  them,  notwithstanding  the  great  manifestations  of  their  love 
to  them  by  the  English  ;  that  they  had  concorred  with  Miantunnomoh  in 
his  late  mischievous  plots,  by  which  he  had  intended  "to  root  out  the  body 
of  the  English"  from  the  country,  by  giAs  and  allurements  to  other  In- 
dians; and  that  he  liad  invaded  Uncca,  contrary  to  the  "  tripartie  covenant" 
between  himself,  Uncaa  and  Connecticut.  Therefore,  knowing  "  how 
peaceable  Conanacua  and  Maacua,  the  late  father  of  Myantenomo,  governed 
that  great  people,"  they  ascribed  the  late  ''tumults  and  outbreakings"  to 
the  malicious,  rash  and  ambitious  spirit  of  MiaTitunnomoh  more  than  to 
"  any  affected  way  of  their  own." 

Notwithstanding,  Miantunnomoh  being  now  put  to  death,  the  English 
and  their  confederate  Indian  sachems,  namely,  "  Vncua,  sagamore  ot  the 
Mohegins,  and  his  people,  fVooaamequine  and  his  people,  Sacanocoe  and 
his  people,  Pumham  and  his  people,  were  disposed,  they  said,  still  to  have 
peace  with  the  Nurragansets ;  but  should  expect  a  more  faithful  observance 
of  their  agreettient  than  they  had  shown  hitherto."  This  determination 
was  to  be  immediately  laid  before  them,  and  a  prompt  answer  demanded. 

We  have  yet  to  go  a  step  back  to  relate  some  matters  of  much  interest 
in  the  history  of  this  chief.  It  is  related  by  Mr.  Edward  fVinalow,  in  his 
"  Grood  News  from  New  England,"t  that  in  February,  1622,  O.  S.  Canim- 


*  This  was  written  about  1643. 
tCoI.R.  I.  Hist.  Soc.  vol.  i. 


1 1  Col.  Mast.  Hist.  Soc.  viii. 


CANONICUS^MEIKA  HIB  SON. 


[Book  II 


» 


iau  aent  into  Plimouth,  by  one  of  his  men,  a  bundle  of  arrows,  bound 
wHb  a  rattlesnake's  akiu,  and  there  left  them,  and  retired.  The  Narra- 
ganaets,  who  were  reported  at  this  time  "many  thousand  Btrong,"  hearing 
of  the  weakness  of  the  English,  "  began,  (savs  the  above-named  author,) 
to  breath  forth  many  threats  against  us,"  although  they  had  the  laat  sum- 
mer "  desired  and  obtained  peace  with  us." — "  Insomuch  as  the  common 
talk  of  our  neighltor  Indians  on  all  sides  was  of  the  preparation  they  made 
to  come  against  us."  They  were  now  emboldened  from  the  circumstance 
that  the  English  had  just  added  to  their  uumliers,  but  nut  to  their  arms  nor 

frovisions.  The  ship  Fortune  had,  not  long  before,  lauded  35  persons  at 
'limouth,  and  the  Narraganscts  seem  to  have  iieen  well  informed  of  all 
the  circumstances.  This,  (says  Mr.  Winalow,'^  "occasioned  them  to  slight 
and  brave  us  with  so  many  threats  as  they  did.  At  length  came  one  of 
them  to  us,  who  was  sent  by  Conaucua,  their  chief  sachem  or  king, 
accom|)anied  with  one  Tokamahamon,  a  friendly  Indian.  This  messenger 
inquired  for  TiaqtMiUum,  our  interpreter,  who  not  being  at  home,  seemed 
rather  to  be  glad  than  sorry  ;  and  leaving  for  him  a  bundle  of  new  arrows, 
lapped  in  a  rattlesnake's  skin,  desired  to  depart  with  all  expedition." 

When  Squanio  was  mode  acquainted  with  the  circumstance,  he  told  the 
English  that  it  was  a  challenge  for  war.  Governor  Bradford  took  the 
rattlesnake's  skin,  and  filled  it  with  powder  and  shot,  and  returned  it  to 
Canonieua ;  at  the  same  time  instructing  the  messenger  to  bM  him  de- 
fiance, and  invite  him  to  a  trial  of  strength.  The  messenger,  and  his 
insulting  carriage,  had  the  desired  effect  upon  Canonieua,  for  he  would 
vol  receive  the  skin,  and  it  was  cast  out  of  every  community  of  the  In- 
dians, until  it  at  last  was  returned  to  Plimouth,  and  all  its  contents.  This 
was  a  demonstration  that  he  was  awed  into  silence  and  respect  of  the 
English. 

In  a  grave  assembly,  upon  a  certain  occasion,  Canonieua  thus  addressed 
Roger  nilliama :  "  I  have  never  suffered  any  wi'ong  to  be  offered  to  the 
English  since  they  landed,  nor  never  will ;"  and  oflen  repeated  the  word 
Wunnaunewayean.  "  If  the  Englishman  speak  true,  if  he  mean  truly, 
then  shall  I  go  to  my  grave  in  peace,  and  hope  that  the  English  and  my 
posterity  shall  live  in  love  and  peace  together.'' 

When  Mr.  fyUliama  said  he  hoped  he  had  no  cause  to  question  the 
Eaglishmen's  wunnaumwaionck,  that  is,  faithfulness,  having  long  been 
acquainted  with  it,  Canonieua  took  a  stick,  and,  breaking  it  into  ten 
pieces,  related  ten  instances  wherein  they  had  proved  false ;  laying  down 
a  piece  at  each  instance.  Mr.  WUliama  satisfied  him  that  he  was  mis- 
taken in  some  of  them,  and  as  to  others  he  agreed  to  intercede  with  the 
governor,  who,  he  doubted  not,  would  make  satisfaction  for  them. 

In  1635,  Rev.  Roger  fVilliama  found  Canonieua  and  Miantunnomoh  car- 
rying on  a  bloody  war  against  the  Wampanoags.  By  his  intercession  an 
end  was  put  to  it,  and  all  the  sachems  grew  much  into  his  favor ;  espe- 
cially Canonieua,  whose  "heart  (he  says)  was  stirred  up  to  love  me  as  his 
son  to  his  last  gasp."  He  sold  the  Island  of  Rhode  Island  to  IViUiam 
Coddington,  Roger  H^lliama,  and  others.  A  son  'of  Canonieua,  named 
Mrikam,  is  named  by  ffiUiama  as  inheriting  his  father's  spirit.*  This  son 
is  also  called  Meika,  who,  afler  his  father's  death,  was  chief  :  iichem  of 
the  Narraeansets,  and  was  said  to  have  been  his  eldest  son.  «Ipny  par- 
ticulars of^him  will  l)e  found  in  our  progress  onward. 

At  the  time  of  the  Pequot  war,  much  pains  was  taken  to  secure  the 
fHendship  of  Canonieua  more  firmly.  Mr.  fViUiama  wrote  to  Governor 
Wifdhfijp  r.oncern'mg  him  as  follows:  " Sir,  if  any  thing  be  sent  to  the 
princes,  I  find  Canounieua  would  gladly  accept  of  a  box  of  eight  or  ten 
pounds  of  sugar,  and  indeed  he  told  me  he  would  thank  Mr.  Governor  for 

*  Manuscript  letter. 


rBooxlI 
V8,  bound 


Chap.  Ill] 


CANONICUS  — S0CH080. 


Si 


a  box  full."  In  another  letter  which  Mr.  fViUiama  sent  to  the  same  by 
JUiantunnomoh  himself,  he  says,  "  I  am  bold  to  request  a  word  of  advice 
of  you  cuuccriiing  a  propueiiion  made  by  Caunounicua  and  Miantunnomu 
to  mo  Kotiie  half  year  since.  Caunoutiicus  gave  an  island  in  this  bay  to 
Mr.  Oldham,  by  name  Chihachuweae,  u|)on  condition,  as  it  siwuld  senm, 
that  he  would  dwell  there  near  unto  them."  The  death  of  Mr.  Oldluuny 
'.  ap|ieari<i,  prevented  his  accepting  it,  and  they  ojfTercd  it  to  Mr.  H'iUiam$ 
upon  the  same  conditions ;  but  lie  first  desired  to  know  whether  in  so 
doing  it  would  bo  perfectly  agreeable  to  Massachusetts,  and  that  he  bad 
no  idea  of  accepting,  without  paying  the  cliiefs  for  it :  said  ho  told  them 
"  once  and  again,  that  for  the  present  ho  mind  not  to  remove  ;  but  if  be 
had  it,  would  give  them  satisfaction  for  it,  and  build  a  little  house  and  put 
in  some  swine,  as  understanding  the  place  to  have  store  of  fibh  and  good 
feeding  for  swine."  When  Miantunnomoh  heard  that  some  of  the  Mas- 
sachusetts men  thought  of  occupying  some  of  the  islands,  Canonicua,  bo 
says,  desired  he  would  accept  of  half  of  it,  "  it  being  spectacle-wise,  and 
between  a  mile  or  two  in  circuit ;"  but  Mr.  Jf^liaina  wrote  to  inform  them 
that,  if  he  had  anv,  he  desired  the  whole.  This  was  not  loii^'  before  the 
Pe(^uot  war,  which  probably  put  a  stop  to  further  negotiation  upon  the 
subject. 

There  was  another  chief  of  the  same  name,  in  Philip's  war,  which  Mr. 
Hubbard  denominates  "the  great  sachem  of  the  Narragansets,"  and  who, 
"  distrusting  the  proffers  of  the  English,  was  sluin  iu  the  woods  by  the 
Mohawks,  his  squaw  surrendering  herself:  by  tliis  means  her  life  was 
spared." 

In  1682,  a  war  broke  out  between  the  Narrugansets  and  the  Pequot% 
on  account  of  disputed  right  to  the  lauds  between  Paucatuck  River  and 
Wecapaug  Brook.*  It  was  a  tract  of  considerable  consequence,  being 
about  ten  miles  wide,  and  fifteen  or  twenty  long.  Canonicus  drew  along 
with  him,  besides  bis  own  men,  several  of  the  Massachusetts  sagamores. 
This  was  maintained  with  ferocity  and  various  success,  luitil  1635,  when 
the  Pequots  were  driven  from  it,  but  who,  it  would  seem,  i:onsidered 
theniselves  but  little  worsted  ;  for  Canonicus,  doubting  his  ability  to  hold 
possession  long,  and  ashamed  to  have  it  retaken  from  him,  made  a  present 
of  it  to  one  of  his  captams,  who  bad  fought  heroically  iu  conquering  it ; 
but  he  never  held  possession.  The  name  of  this  captain  was  Sochoao,  a 
Pequot,  who  had  deserted  from  them  and  espoused  the  cause  of  Canonicus, 
who  made  him  a  chief. 

It  is  said  that,  in  the  war  between  l)^ncas  and  Miantunnomohj  two  of  the 
sons  of  Canonicits  fought  on  the  side  of  Jl/ian/uunomo^  and  were  wounded 
when  he  was  taken  prisoner  at'Sachem's  Plain. 

Canonictia  has  been  the  subject  of  a  poem  which  was  published  at 
Boston,  in  1803.t    Among  the  tolerable  passages  are  the  following : — 


'*  A  migihty  prince,  of  venerable  age, 

A  peerless  warrior,  biit  of  peace  the  friend } 
His  breast  a  treasury  of  maxniis  aaee— 
His  arm,  a  host — to  punish  or  deleiiil." 

Canonicus,  at  the  age  of  84  years,  is  made  to  announce  his  approaching 
dissolution  to  his  people  thus : — 

*  "  The  natives  are  very  exact  and  punctual  in  the  bounds  of  their  lands,  belonging  to 
this  or  i!iat  prince  or  people,  oven  lo  a  river,  brook,  iXr.r.  And  1  have  known  ihein  make 
bargain  and  sale  .imongsl  thoniselves,  for  a  sinnll  piece,  or  quantity^  of  ground ;  iiol- 
wilhstanding  n  sinful  opinion  amongst  many,  ilial  Christians  nave  right  to  heailiou's 
lands."     A*.  WilUavts. 

t  By  John  Lathrop,  A.  M,  in  Pvo. 


MONTOWAMPATE  — WONOIIAQUA  HAM. 


[Book  1L 


"  I  die.~>My  fiiciul.s,  ^ou  have  no causo  lu  grieve : 
Tu  abler  haiiclK  my  regal  power  I  k-avc. 
Our  god  roininnriili~-ln  fertile  rcsilmi  I  hatio, 
(■oinpareil  willi  which  your  gardciw  arn a  waste. 
There  iu  full  bloom  eternal  ipriug  aliidei, 
And  Kwaruiiug  fmUea  o;lidu  tlirough  uzure  tideii ; 
i-outiuual  suiishini^  ti'^Ui  llio  cloudle!*s  skies, 
No  uilsli  conceal  Kec8uck(|uand  from  our  eyei." 

About  IG43,  a  uon  of  Canonicus  died,  at  whicli  his  grief  was  very  great : 
insomuch  thnt,  "  having  buried  his  Hon,  he  burned  his  own  patace,  and 
all  his  goods  in  it,  to  a  great  vuhie,  in  solemn  remetnhrance  of  his  son." 

Like  other  men  ignorant  of  science,  Canonicus  was  superstitious,  and 
was  greatly  in  fear  of  the  Engliuli,  chiefly,  perhaps,  from  o  belief  in  their 
ttbilit;^  to  hurt  him  by  enchantment,  which  belief  very  probably  was 
occasioned  by  the  story  that  Squanto  circulated,  of  which,  in  a  previous 
chapter,  wo  have  sj)okeu.  When  Roger  ffiUiama  fled  into  his  country, 
he  at  flrst  viewed  him  with  distrust,  and  would  only  frown  upon  him  ;  at 
length  he  accused  him,  as  well  as  the  other  English,  of  sending  the  plague 
among  the  Indians ;  but,  as  we  have  said  before,  he  soon  became  recon- 
ciled to  him,  gave  him  lands,  and  oven  protected  him.  They  became 
mutual  helps  to  each  other,  and,  but  for  animosities  among  the  English 
themselves,  it  may  ho  fair  to  conclude,  friendship  would  have  continued 
with  the  Narragansets  through  several  generations. 

Our  attention  is  now  called  to  consider  the  lives  of  several  sachems, 
who,  though  of  less  notoriety  than  the  one  of  which  we  have  just  taken 
a  view,  will  be  found  by  no  means  wanting  in  interest. 

MontowampcUe,  sagamore  of  Lynn  and  Marblehead,  was  known  more 
generally  among  the  whites  as  Sagamore  James.  He  was  son  of  ^ane- 
paakemet,  and  brother  of  WonohaquaKam  and  fVinnepurkitt.*  He  died  in 
1633,  of  the  small-pox,  "  with  most  of  his  people.  It  is  said  that  these 
two  promised,  if  ever  they  recovered,  to  live  with  the  English,  and  serve 
their  God."f  The  histories  of  those  times  give  a  melancholy  picture  of 
the  distresses  caused  by  the  small-pox  among  the  "  wretched  natives." 
"There  are,"  says  Mather,  " some  old  planters  surviving  to  this  day,  who 
helped  to  bury  the  dead  Indians ;  even  whole  families  of  them  all  dead  at 
once.  In  one  of  the  wigwams  they  found  a  poor  infant  sucking  at  the 
breast  of  the  dead  mother."^  The  same  author  observes  that,  before  the 
disease  began,  the  Indians  had  begun  to  quarrel  with  the  English  about 
the  bouncb  of  their  lands,  "but  God  ended  the  controversy  by  sending 
the  small-pox  among  the  Indians  at  Saugus,  who  were  before  that  time 
exceedingly  numerous." 

Wo  have  mentioned  another  of  the  family  of  ^anepcuhemet,  also  a 
sachem.  This  was  Wonohaquaham,  called  by  the  English  Sagamore 
John,  of  Winisimet.  His  residence  was  at  what  was  then  called  iZumnev- 
marsh,  part  of  which  is  now  in  Chelsea  ami  part  in  Saugus.*  As  early 
ns  1631,  he  had  cause  to  complain  that  some  o?  the  English  settlers  had 
l)umt  two  of  his  wigwams.  "  Which  wigwams,"  says  Governor  Dudley,^ 
"  were  not  inhabited,  but  stood  in  a  place  convenient  for  their  shelter, 
when,  upon  occasion,  they  should  travel  that  way."  The  court,  upon 
examination,  found  that  a  servant  of  Sir  R.  Saltonstall  had  been  the 
means  of  the  mischief,  whose  master  was  ordered  to  i^iake  satisfaction, 
"  which  he  did  by  seven  yards  of  cloth,  and  that  his  servant  pay  him,  at 
the  end  of  his  time,  flfly  shillings  8tcrliiig."1I    Sagamore  John  died  at 


•  Lewis's  Hist.  Lynn,  IG,  17. 

t  Relation,  &c.  23. 

J  Letter  to  the  Countess  of  Lincoln,  in  Col.  Mass.  Hist,  Soc. 

IT  Prince's  Chronology. 


t  Hist,  of  New  England,  195. 


,  (««j 


cmap.  in.] 


WINNEPURKllT.— MANATAHQUA. 


Winisimet,  in  Id]!),  of  tho  hiimll-pox.*  He  d«>sircd  to  becomn  acquainted 
witli  tlio  Englisluiieii'ri  GinI,  iii  liia  aickiiCMH,  :iiid  rcqiieateU  them  to  take 
hia  two  sons  and  instruct  diein  in  CiiriBtiunity,  wliicli  they  did.f 

Jfinnepurhittil  who  married  a  daughter  of  Pasaaconatpay,  makes  eon- 
Miderahle  figure  also  in  our  Indian  annals.  He  was  born  alH)Ut  1616,  and 
succeeded  Monlowampnte  at  his  deatli,  iu  lC3!i.  Tho  English  culled  him 
George  Rumneymarsh,  and  at  one  time  he  watt  proprietor  of  Deer  Island, 
in  BoHton  hurljor.  '  In  the  latter  nnrt  of  his  life,  lie  went  to  Darltadoes. 
It  is  supiMj-H^i  that  he  was  corried  tnero  with  the  prisoners  who  were  acid 
for  slaves,  at  the  end  of  Philip'a  w  tir.  He  died  soon  after  his  return,  in 
1684,  at  the  house  of  Mumvujuanh,  aged  68  years."  AhawaytUauaxM, 
dau^'liter  of  Poquanum,  is  also  mentioned  as  his  wife,  by  whom  ne  had 
several  children.§ 

Manatahqua,  called  also  Black-mUiam,  was  a  sachem,  and  proprietor 
of  Nahunt,  when  tho  adjacent  country  was  settled  by  the  whites.  His 
fiitber  lived  at  Swampscot,  and  was  also  a  sagamore,  but  probably  was 
dead  before  the  English  settled  in  the  country.||  A  traveller  in  this  thenll 
wilderness  world,  thus  notices  fFUliam,  and  his  possessing  Nahant. 
**  One  Blaek-vnUiam,  an  Indian  Duke,  out  of  his  generosity  gave  this 
place  in  general  to  the  plantation  of  Saugus,  so  that  no  other  can  appro- 
priate it  to  himself."  He  was  a  great  friend  to  the  whites,  but  his  firiend- 
■hip  was  re|>aid,  as  was  that  of  many  others  of  that  and  even  much  later 
times.  There  was  a  man  by  the  name  of  WdUtr  Bagnall,  nicknamea 
Great  Hot,  "  a  wicked  fellow,"  who  had  much  wronged  the  Indiana,** 
killed  near  the  mouth  of  Saco  River,  probably  by  some  of  those  whom  he 
had  defrauded,  This  was  in  October,  1631.  As  some  vessels  were  upon 
the  eastern  coast  in  search  of  pirates,  in  January,  1633,  they  put  in  at 
Richmond's  Island,  where  they  fell  in  with  Black-william.  This  was  the 
place  where  Bagnall  had  been  killed  about  two  years  before,  but  whelh- 
er  he  had  any  thing  to  do  with  it,  does  not  appear,  nor  do  I  find  that  any 
one,  even  his  muraerers,  pretended  he  was  any  way  implicated  ;  but  out 
of  revenge  for  BaptiUPa  death,  these  pirate  hunters  hanged  Blatk-wUliam. 
On  the  contrary,  it  was  particularly  mentionedff  that  Bagnall  was  killed 
by  Squidrayaei'aaA  his  men,  some  Indians  belonging  to  that  part  of  the 
country. 

This  Smiidrayaet,  or  ScUterygrtsaet,  for  whose  act  MancUahqua  suflfered, 
was  the  nrst  sachem  who  deeded  land  in  Falmouth,  Maine.  A  creek 
near  the  mouth  of  Presumpscot  River  perpetuates  his  name  to  this  day. 
Mr.  Willia  supposes  he  was  sachem  of  the  Aucocisco  tribe,  who  inhabiteid 
between  the  Androscoggin  and  Snco  rivers;  and  that  from  Aucocisco 
comes  Ca8Co.tt  There  can  be  but  little  doubt  that  Bagnall  deserved  his 
fate,§§  if  any  deserve  ttuuii ;  but  the  other  was  the  act  of  white  men,  and 
we  leave  the  reader  to  draw  the  parallel  between  the  two  :  perha[)a  he 
will  inquire,  Were  the  murderers  of  Manatahqua  brotight  tojualice  ?  All 
we  can  answer  is.  The  records  art  silent.  Perhaps  it  was  considered  an 
offaet  to  the  murder  of  Bagnall. 

J^attahaltawanta,  in  the  year  1642,  sold  to  Simon  WUlard,  in  beholf 
of  <*  Mr.  fVinthrop,  Mr.  Dudley,  Mr.  JVoweU,  and  Mr.  Mden,^^  a  large  tract 


,  •History  of  New  England,  195,  650. 
t  Wondor-working  Providence.  t  Spelt  also  Winnaperk^. 

iHlsl.  L>nn.  ||  Hist.  N.  Eng. 

1633.     William  Wood,  author  of  Ntw  Eng.  Prospect. 
♦•  Winlhrop's  .Toumal,  i.  62,  63.  tt  Winlhrop,  ib. 

'  it  Col.  Maine  Hisi.  Soc.  i.  68. 

^$  He  had  in  about  three  years,  by  extortion,  as  we  infer  from  Wmthrep,  aecamnlalwl 
about  £400  from  among  the'Indians.    See  Journal  ut  tupra. 
5*. 


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23  WIST  MAM  STRUT 

WIBSTIR.N.Y.  MStO 

(7I«)  172-4503 


4 


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A* 


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V 


54 


NATTAHAT  fAWANTS.— WAHGUMACUT 


[BooKll. 


ChaI 


of  land  upoo  botli  sides  Cnnconl  River.  "  Mr.  fVintkrop,  our  prewul 
governor,  12[i0  acrnn,  Mr.  Dudley,  l.')00  acres,  on  the  8.  G.  side  of  the 
river,  Mr.  JVbweM,  500  acres,  and  Mr.  ^ten,  500  acres,  on  the  N.  E.  side 
of  the  river,  and  in  considiM'ution  hereof  the  said  Sinum  giucth  to  the  said 
^MtahaltmBanta  six  fadom  of  waompatnpegc,  one  wastcoat,  and  one 
breeches,  and  the  said  M'attahaltatoants  doth  covenant  and  bind  himself, 
that  hee  nor  any  other  Indians  shall  set  traps  within  this  groimd,  so  as 
any  cattle  might  recieve  hurt  thereby,  and  what  cattle  shall  receive  butt 
by  this  meanes,  hee  shall  be  lyable  to  make  it  good."  [In  the  deed,  J^Tai- 
UAeMawaniB  is  called  sachem  of  that  land.] 

WiiwMed  by  The  mark  of  9  Natahattawants. 

ftree  whUta.  The  mark  of  %  Winnipin,  an  Indian 

that  traded  for  him.* 


The  name  of  this  chief,  as  appears  from  documents  copied  by  Mr. 
Shattuck,^  was  understood  Tahattaioan,  Tahattatvanlt,  JUtawan,  Mor 
wonee,  and  AhaitauDanu,  He  was  sachem  of  Muslcetaquid,  since  Concord, 
and  a  supporter  and  propagator  of  Christianity  among  his  people,  and  an 
honest  and  upright  man.  TIte  celebrated  Wahan  nrarried  bis  eldest 
daughter.  John  Tahatiawan  was  bis  son,  who  lived  at  Nnsboba,  wliere 
he  was  chief  ruler  of  the  praying  Indians — a  deserving  Indian.  He  died 
about  1({70.  His  widow  was  daughter  of  John,  sagamore  of  Patucket, 
upon  the  Merrimack,  who  married  Oonamog,  another  ruler  of  the  praying 
Indians,  of  Marlborough.  Her  only  son  by  Tahattawan\  was  killed  by 
some  white  ruffians,  who  came  upon  them  while  in  their  wigwams,  aud 
hia  mother  was  badly  wounded  at  the  same  time.  Of  this  airair  we  shalt 
have  oecasion  elsewhere  to  be  more  particular.  J^aanashqyuuo,  another 
daughter,  married  ./VaanwAcotr,  called  John  Tlumas,  who  died  at  Natiek, 
aged  110  years. 

We  know  very  little  of  a  sachem  of  the  name  of  WahgmMKul,^  except 
that  he  lived  upon  Connecticut  River,  and  came  to  Boston  in  1631,  with  a 
request  to  the  governor  **  to  have  some  English  to  plant  in  his  country  ;" 
and  as  an  inducement  said  he  would  "  find  them  corn,  and  give  them, 
yearly,  80  skins  of  beaver."  The  governor,  however,  dismissed  bint 
inthout  giving  him  any  encouragement ;  doubting,  it  seems,  the  reality  of 
his  friendship.  But  it  is  more  probable  that  he  was  sincere,  as  he  was  al 
this  time  in  great  fear  of  the  Pequots,  and  judged  that  if  some  of  the 
English  would  reside  with  him,  he  should  be  able  to  maintain  his 
oountry. 

There  accompanied  W(Agu,maeut  to  Boston  an  Indian  named.  Jadi- 

'Suflblk  Records  of  Deeds,  vol.  i.  No.  34.        f  Hist.  Concord,  Mass.  pairim  chip.  r. 

i  Mr.  Qookin  wrrites  (Iris  name  Tahatooner,  that  of  the  fatbe*  Tanaltavmrre.  MSi. 
iHtt.  Praying  Indiatu,  105. 

(  Wahgimvicut,  according  to  Mr.  Saiiage's  reading  of  Winlhrop.  Our  text  is  ar- 
cording  to  Prince,  who  also  used  Winthrop  in  MS.  It  is  truly  diverting  (o  see  how  Ihtt 
author  of  TjJes  of  tkt  Indians  has  displayed  his  invention  upon  the  passage  in  Win- 
thrnp^t  Journal  bringing  to  out  knowlMre  this  chief.  _  We  \»-l|  give  the  passage  of 
Winlhrop,  that  the  reaaer  may  judge  wnether  great  ignorrnrc  or  misrepresentatioi 
"  of  set  purpose"  be  r'iargeaSle  to  him.  "  He  [Oov.  Wit,^.'.,'op']  discovered  after. 
IWabginnacut  was  gone,]  that  the  said  sagamoie  is  a  very  treacherous  man,  and.  at 
war  with  the  Pekoath  (a  for  greater  sagamore.")  Now,,  every  child  that  has  read  about 
the  Indians,  it  seems  to  us,  ought  to  know  that  the  meaning  of  Pekoath  was  mistaken  bv 
the  governor,  and  no  more  meant  a  chief  than  the  Massasoits  meant  what  (he  PlimoMli» 
people  first  supposed  it  to  mean.  In  the  one  case,  (he  name  of  a  (ribe  was  m>s(aken  for 
that  of  a  chief,  and  in  (ho  o(her  (lie  chief  for  (he  (ribe.  Mis(akes  of  tbi^  kind  were  aot 
■Bcommoa  before  our  fathers  became  acquainted  with  (he  coun(ry.  Winthrop  says, 
loo,  the  Mohawks  was  a  great  sachem.    Now,  who  ever  thought  there  was  a  chief  of  thai 


CaA>.  tU.) 


JACK-STRAW. 


$bm»,*  who  was  hia  interpreter.f  We  have  labored  to  find  aome  ftirthflr 
particulars  of  him,  but  all  that  we  can  ascertain  with  certainty,  i%  tliat  ha 
bad  lived  some  time  in  England  with  Sir  tValUr  Rakfh^  How  Sir 
WaUer  came  by  him,  does  not  aatisfactorily  appear.  Captauis  wftnufau  ami 
Bartow  sailed  to  America  in  his  employ,  and  on  their  return  carried  over 

*  Probably  m>  uamed  rrom  the  MaidaUMie  minister,  who  flrairished  in  Wat  T\iUr'»  n- 
bellion,  and  whose  real  name  was  John  Bait,  but  aAerwards  uirk-naroed  Jack  8tram.  He 
became  chaplain  to  Wat'M  umy,  they  having  let  him  out  of  prison.  A  text  which  ha 
nude  great  use  of  in  preaching  to  his  liberators  was  this  •.-^ 


When  Adam  dalb  and  Eve  spaa. 
Who  wu  tbeo  a  (eotleBaa? 


L40T. 


Thb  we  apprehend  was  construed,  Down  witfA  Iht  nobHity  !    Sea  RnM*  Ei^. 
In  Kenntl,  i.  247,  John  Wraw  is  called  Jack  Straw.    He  was  beheaded. 

t  Sagamort  John  wus  also  with  him. 

i"  The  imputation  of  the  first  bringing  in  of  tobaeeo  into  England  lies  on  this  heroie 
kmght."  WhutanUy's  Worthitt,  259.  "  Besldcii  the  ronsum|)tion  of  the  purse,  and 
impairing  of  our  inward  parts,  the  immoderate,  vain  and  phautastical  abuse  of  the  hellish 
WMd,  corruptelh  the  natural  «weetness  of  the  breath,  stupifieih  the  brain ;  and  indeed  is 
so  prejudicial  to  the  general  esteem  of  our  country."  Ibtd.  SI  1.  Whether  Jaek-ttram 
were  the  servant  who  acted  a  part  in  the  often-told  anecdote  of  Sir  Walter  R4dtgh'$ 
smoking  tobacco,  on  its  first  being  taken  to  Englondj  we  shall  not  presume  to  assert,  but 
fer  the  sake  of  the  anecdote  we  will  admit  the  (act ;  it  is  variously  related,  but  is  said  to 
be,  in  substance,  as  follows.  At  one  lime,  it  was  so  very  unpopular  tc  use  tobacco  in  any 
way  in  England,  that  many  who  had  got  attached  to  it,  used  it  only  privately.  Sir 
Widter  was  smoking  in  his  study,  at  a  certain  time,  and,  being  thirsty,  called  to  bis  ser- 
vant to  bring  him  a  tankard  of  bieer.  Jack  liastily  obeyed  the  summons,  and  Sir  WaUer, 
forgetting  to  cease  smoking,  was  in  the  act  of  spouting  a  volume  of  smoke  from  bis 
mouth  when  his  servant  entered.  Jack,  seeing  his  master  smoking  prodigiously  at  the 
mouth,  thoiigtit  no  other  but  he  was  all  on  fire  inside,  having  never  seen  wch  a  phenome- 
non in  all  England  before;  dashed  the  quart  of  liquo  at  once  in  his  face,  and  ran  out 
screaming,  "  Massa's  a  fire  !  Massa's  a  lire !" 

Ha.'ir^  dismissed  the  servant,  every  one  might  reasonably  expert  a  few  words  con- 
cerning hifi  master.  Sir  WaUer  Ralegh  may  truly  be  said  to  have  lived  in  an  age  frail- 
fill  in  great  and  worthy  charartprs.  Capt.  John  Smith  comes  to  our  notice  through  his 
agency,  and  the  renowned  first  English  cirrumnavisator  was  his  cotemporary.  He,  like 
the  last  named,  was  bom  in  the  county  of  Devonshire,  in  1562,  in  the  parish  of  Budley. 
Sir  Humphrey  Oiibert,  so  well  known  in  our  annals,  was  his  half  brother,  his  lalhitr 
having  married  Sir  Humphrey's  mother,  a  widow,*  by  whom  he  had  Walter,  a  fourth 
son.f  The  great  successes  and  discoveries  of  the  celebrated  admiral  Sir  Franeii 
Drake,  gave  a  new  impetus  to  the  English  nation  in  maritimo  aflairs,  and  consequent 
thereupon  was  the  settlement  of  North  America  ;  as  great  an  era,  to  say  the  least,  as 
was  ever  recorded  in  history.  No  one  shone  more  conspicuous  in  those  undertakings 
than  Sir  Waller  Ralegh.  After  persevering  a  long  time,  he  establighe<l  a  colony  in 
Virginia,  in  1607.     He  was  a  man  of  greal  valor  and  address,  and  a  favorite  with  the 

Eeal  Queen  Elizabeth,  the  promoter  of  his  undertakings,  one  of  whoso  "  maids  of 
nor"  he  married.  In  this  affair  some  charge  him  with  having  first  dishonored  that  lady, 
and  was  for  a  time  under  the  queen's  dispfeasure  in  consequence,  but  marrying  her  re- 
stored him  to  favor.  The  city  of  Ralegh  in  Virginia  wa.s  so  named  by  his  direction.  He 
was  conspicuous  with  Drake  and  Howard  in  the  destrurlion  of  the  Spanish  armadn  in 
1068.  On  the  death  of  the  queen,  he  was  imprisoned  almost  13  years  in  the  lower  of 
London,  upon  the  charge  of  treason.  It  was  during  his  imprisonment  that  he  wrote  his 
mat  and  learned  work,  the  Hiilory  of  the  World.  The  alleged  crime  of  treason  hot 
King  since  been  viewed  by  all  the  world  as  wiiliout  foundation,  and  the  punishment  of 
ReSegh  reflerto  p!I  its  blackness  upon  the  chararler  of  James  I.  The  ground  of  the  charge 
was,  that  Ralegh  and  others  were  in  a  conspiracy  against  (he  king,  and  were  designiiic: 
to  place  on  the  throne  Arabella  Steiearl.\  He  was  never  pardoned,  although  the  kin:,' 
set  him  at  liberty,  and  permiltcd  him  tn  go  on  an  expedition  to  South  America  in  search 
of  a  gold  mine  of  which  he  had  gained  some  inlimnllons  in  a  previous  visit  lo  Ihosf. 
coanlries.  His  attempt  (o  find  gold  faile<i,  but  he  look  the  town  of  St.  'rhnmn.v,  and  es- 
tablished in  it  a  garrison.  This  was  a  depredation,  as  Spain  nnd  England  were  then  at 
peace,  but  Ralegh  had  the  king's  commission.      The  Spanish  ambassador  complained 

*"Or  Olkt  Oat*H,  of  Compton,  Raq,"     Pol»ktl»'s  Hint   Detum,  H.  9ia 

iStith,  Hist.  Vircinit,?.    Second  son,  §>;•  Mr.  Polvkde,  Devon,  ii.dlD 
Bapfai>«  But.  U.  ISL 


v.* 


It  JAMES-PIUNTEa,  OR  JAMES-THE-PRINTER.         [Book  U. 

two  witivfw  fWMB  Virgini«t  wI^qm  namct  wefe  Wanckut  and  Afimffp.? 
U  iaburely  pofwible  that  one  of  Uiese  w&s  afterwords  Jack-atrau. 

A  llipmuck  Iq^huh  of  qo  wnall  note  in  hi*  time,  it  may  in  the  next 
flnoe  be  prop^  tppotice. 

Jbnie*  Printer,  or  Jame$-th»-printtr,  vfn  the  son  of  A*ao<u,  brqtt^er  qf 
ndwpemUtnf  and  •tfnawedb'n.  Wlien  a  child,  he  was  iostructod  at  the 
iMlian  charity  Khool,  at  Canibridgu.  In  1659,  he  was  put  apprenticq  ta 
SJfinud  Ctnen^  to  learn  the  printers  business  4  "K^  ^e  is  spoken  of  as  hav- 
iiig  riin  away  from  his  faster  in  1675.  If,  after  ai^  apprenticeship  of  16 
years,  one  could  not  leave  his  master  without  the  charge  of  absconding, 
at  least,  both  the  master  and  apprentice  should  be  pitied.  In  relation  to 
\if^  matter,  Mr.  Htibbard  says,^  "  He  had  attained  some  skill  in  printing, 
tAd  mij^ht  h^ve  at|taihed  ropre,  had  he  not,  like  a  false  rilMn,  ran  away 
flt>m  his  master  biefore  his  time  was  out."  And  the  same  author  obserres 
that  tb*  name  prmtfr  W0»  Siiper9dde4  to  distinguish  him  from  others 
named  James. 

Dr.  /.  MaOerl  has  this  record  of  Jbrnes-prinier.  « July  8,  [167&] 
Whereas  the  council  at  Boston  had  Lttily  emitted  a  declaration,  signifying, 
that  such  Indians  as  diiL  within  14  daySiCpme  in  to  the  English,  might 
hope  for  mercy,  divers  of  them  did  this  day  return  from  among  the  Nip- 
mueks.  Among  others,  Jeunet,  an  Indian,  who  could  not  only  read  and 
write,  but  had  learned  the  art  of  printing,  notwithatandinfic  his  apostasy, 
did  venture  himself  upon  the  mercy  and  truth  of  the  English  declaration, 
which  be  had  seen  and  rend,  promising  for  the  ftiture  to  venture  his  life 
against  the  common  enemy.  He  and  the  other  now  come  in,  affirm  that 
very  many  of  the  Indians  are  dead  since  tiiis  war  began ;  and  that  more 
have  died  by  the  hand  of  God,  in  respect  of  diseases,  fluxes  and  fevers, 
wliich  have  neen  amongst  them,  than  have  been  killed  with  the  sword.^ 

Mr.  T%onuu  says,!  it  was  owing  to  the  amor  patrire  of  Jamea-mrititer 
that  he  left  his  master  and  jouied  in  PkUip's  war.    But  how  much  amor 

loucUy  og[ainsi  the  transaction,  and  the  miserable  Joium,  to  extricate  himself,  and  appease 
(he  dJMuiish  king,  ordered  Ralegh  to  be  seized  on  his  return,  who,  upon  the  old  charge  q? 
(reason,  was  seuteneed  to  be  beheaded,  which  was  executed  upon  him  S9th  Oct.  Ibl^.* 
"I  shall  only  hint,"  says  Dr.  PolwheUA  "  that  the  execution  of  this  great  man,  whom 
Jmmes  wu  advised  to  sacrifice  to  the  advancement  of  the  peace  with  Spain,  hath  leA  ao 
indelible  stain  un  the  memory  of  that  misguided  monarch."  It  appears  from  another 
aeeoontt  that  Sir  Walter,  on  arriving  at  the  mouth  of  the  Orouoko,  was  taken  "  despe- 
rately sick,"  and  sent  forward  a  company  under  one  of  his  cauiains  in  searcti  of  (he  gold 
mine.  That  (hey  were  met  bV  the  Spaniards,  who  at(acked  them,  and  that  this  was  tjie 
eause  of  their  assaulting  St.  Thomas,  and  being  obliged  to  descend  the  river  without 
eflTeetinr  the  object  they  were  upon. 

The  iollcwing  circumstance  respecting  the  celebrated  History  of  the  World,  not  being 
generally  kn^wn,  cannot  but  be  accep(able  to  the  reader.  'Hie  first  volume  (which  is 
what  we  have  of  it)  was  published  berore  he  was  imprisoned  the  last  time.  Just  before 
his  execudon,  he  sent  for  tne  publisher  of  it.  When  ne  came.  Sir  iValUr  took  him  by 
the  hand,  and,  "  afler  some  discourse,  askt  him  how  that  work  of  his  sold.    Mr.  Anre 

Kie  name  of  the  publisher]  relumed  tni"  answer,  that  it  had  sold  so  slowly  that  it  had  un- 
ne  him.  A(  which  words  of  his.  Sir  Walter  Ralegh,  stepping  to  his  desk,  reaches  his 
other  part  of  his  history  to  Mr.  Burre,  which  he  had  brouglit  down  to  the  times  he  lived 
in  ;  elappinjf  his  hand  on  his  breast,  he  took  the  o(her  unprintcd  part  of  his  works  into 
his  hand,  with  a  sigh,  saying, '  Ah,  my  friend,  hR(h  (he  fir8(  part  undone  thee,. the  secon^ 
volume  shall  undo  no  more ;  this  ungrateful  world  is  unworthy  of  it.'  When,  immedi- 
Btely  going  to  the  fire-side,  threw  it  m,  and  sci  his  foot  on  it  (ill  it  was  consumed."^ 

*See  Cayley't  Life  Sir  HI  Ralegh,  i.  70.  ed.  Lond.  18ir>,  2  vols.  8vo. 

t  Some  author  of  Indian  tales  might  delight  himself  for  a  long  time  in  ringing  changes 
on  this  Indian  preacher's  name,  without  inventing  any  new  ones  ;  for  it  is  not,  as  I  re- 
member, spelt  (wice  alike  in  our  au(horitie.<i. 

t  Thomas,  Hist.  Printing.  (  Narrative,  96.  R  Brief  Hist.  89. 

f  Hist.  Printing,  i.  t90. 


ad(| 
ton 


*Tini1al's  notes  in  Rnpin,  ii.  195. 
t  Virinslanle;,  WorthiM,9S(S. 


tHiat  Devoqshiie,  t.  aS9. 
i  Ibid.  957 


[Book  n. 

and  Mmtw* 

'mo. 

ijr  io  the  next 

»,  bfQtt^er  of 
ructeil  at  the 
apprentic«}  Ur 
lenofu  hmr- 
iceship  of  16 
'  absconding, 
[n  relation  to 

II  in  piinting, 
in,  ran  away 
thor  obaerres 

fit)inothere 

ly  8,  [ie7&] 
n,BimiOring, 
■ghsh,  miffht 
>ng  the  Nip- 
ily  read  and 
lis  apostasy, 
declaration, 
iture  his  life 
,  affirm  that 
id  that  more 
and  fevers, 
le  sword.*' 
nnes-vrinter 
much  atnor 

,  and  appeuf 
old  cliaree  q? 

III  Oct.  iBld* 
man,  whom 

-,  halh  leA  ut 
from  anolber 
iken  "detpe- 
:l<  of  the  gold 
this  wa«  ilie 
river  wiUiiNit 

Id,  not  beinr 
ne  (which  ■• 

Just  before 
ook  him  by 

Mr.Butre 
at  it  had  un- 

reaches  bis 
nes  he  lived 

works  into 

the  second 
in,  immedi- 
ied."$ 

n;r  changes 
lot,  as  I  re- 
st. 89. 


9. 


CaAr.  m.] 


iAMES-THE-mimiU-KUTCHlUlUN. 


pmbtui  he  inual  bkve  had  to  have  kept  him  an  apprealioe  16  y««n  is  not 
mentioned. 

It  was  in  1685  that  the  aecond  edition  of  the  Amom  Indian  BiUe  waa 
completed.  From  the  following  testimony  of  Mr.  Eliot  will  be  seen  bow 
much  the  success  of  that  undeitaking  waa  cooaiderad  to  depend  on 
Jamea4Mfpiritaer.  In  1683,  in  writing  to  the  Hon.  Ita&crt  Boyle  at  Lon- 
don, Mr.  Eliot  says,  **I  desire  to  see  it  done  before  I  die,  ami  I  am  so 
deep  in  years,  that  I  cannot  expect  to  live  long;  besidea,  wo  have  but 
one  mtm,  viz.  the  htAm  Prmter,  that  is  able  to  comncso  the  aheeta^  and 
correct  the  pret,^  with  iMderatanding."  In  another,  lironi  the  same  to  the 
same,  dated  a  yci^r  >tf.er,  he  aays,  ■*Our  slow  progresa  needelh  an  apolo- 
gy. We  iiave  been  much  hindered  by  the  sicknesB  the  last  yt^ar.  Our 
workmen  nave  been  all  sick,  and  we  have  but  fow  hands,  (at  printing) 
one  Englishman,  and  a  boy,  and  one  Indian,"  &c 

This  Indian  was  uudoubtedlv  Jame»-4ke-pntUer.  And  Mr.  TIWaMt 
adds,  "  Some  of  Jtamu't  descenoanta  were  not  long  since  living  b  Graf- 
ton ;  they  bore  the  sumaine  of  iVtnler."* 

There  was  an  Indian  named  M  JV^ralon,  who  waa  abo  concerned  in 
tbejbrat  edition  of  the  Indian  Bible.  He  waa  a  valiant  doldier,  and  went 
with  tlie  English  of  Massacbuaetta,  in  the  first  expedition  to  Mount  Hope, 
where  he  was  slain  in  battle.  <*  He  was  a  vei^  fiood  lin^ist  in  the 
English  tongue,  and  waa  Mr.  JQtbCa  asaiatant  and  interpreter  ui  his  trana- 
lation  of  the  Bible  and  other  books  in  the  Indian  language."! 

In  a  letter  of  the  commissionere  of  the  U.  C.  of  N.  England,  to  the  cor- 

£  (ration  in  Enffland,  we  find  thia  poatacript — ^"Two  of  me  Indian  youths 
rmerly  brought  up  to  read  and  write,  are  put  apprentice ;  the  one  to  a 
carpenter,  the  other  to  Mr.  Crrem  the  printer,  wlio  take  their  tradea  and 
follow  their  business  very  well."  Jamea-tht-jmnttr  was  probably  one  of 
these.'  JVeraton,  we  preaume,  was  only  an  interpreter.  The  above-men- 
tioned letter  waa  dated  10th  Sept  1660. 

In  1698,  Jetmu  waa  teacher  to  five  Indian  fomiliee  at  Haaanaminiaeo4 
In  1709,  he  seems  to  have  got  through  with  bis  apprenticeahip,  and  to 
have  had  some  interest  in  carnring  on  the  printing  biwineas.  For,  in  the 
title  pages  of  the  Indian  and  En^iah  Pftalter,  printed  in  that  year,  is  thia 
innprint:  <«  BOSTON,  N.  £.  ^nrmthomami  on  B.  Gaxur,  &  J. 
PRINTER,  umtthe  gmMiaalamK  tkiwamJtke  trf  JWw  EngUmd,  &e. 
1709." 

We  shall  now  pass  to  notice  a  Maasachuaetl?  sachem,  who,  like  too 
many  others,  does  not  appear  to  the  beat  ad  .aotage ;  nevertheless,  we  doubt 
not  but  as  much  so  aa  he  deserves,  as  by  die  sequel  wiU  be  aeen. 
We  mean 

Kvtehmakin,  known  also  hj  several  other  namea,  or  vaiiationa  of  the 
same  name ;  as  Kutahamatptm,  Ctdakamoqutn,  Cutdtamokin,  and  many 
more,  as,  in  different  parta  of  our  work,  extracia  will  necessarily  ahow. 
He  WHS  one  of  those  saehenna  who,  in  1643 — 4,  aigned  a  aubmiaaion  to  the 
English,  as  has  been  mentioned  in  a  preceding  cnapter. 

In  1636,  Kutt^amakm  sold  to  the  people  of  Dorchester,  Uncataquiaset, 
being  the  part  of  that  towu  aince  called  Milton.  This,  it  appears,  was  at 
some  period  hia  residence.  Though  he  was  a  sachem  under  H^ioMnne- 
otitn,  yet,  like  CounMonf,  he  was  opposed  to  the  settlement  of  the  Engliafa 
m  his  country.  He  soon,  however,  became  reconciled  to  it,  «ad  beoanne  a 
Christian.    When  Mr.  Eliot  deaired  to  know  why  he  waa  opposed  to 


'  Hist.  I'rintinr,  z»7,  zxj.  t  Gookin,  Hut.  Prwfi^  Imiimu. 

i  Information  from  Mr.  E.  nckermmt,  Jr.>— Hassioammisco,  Ht  ''    *^ 


•  Hist.  Printinr,  295^198. 

t  Information  Trom  Mr.  ...   _ ,  - 

signified  a  place  o/tlontt.    Thomas,  Nt  nfittu 


s» 


mniDEft  OP  Hit.  OLDHAH. 


(BookIL 


h'M  p«opl«'ii  li«connia|;  CbristiaiMP,  he  nkl,  than  they  would  pay  him  so 
(rihme. 

WliPti  tlii>  Enj>li!th  nf  Mamiirhiiiwttfl  sent  to  Canomieua,  to  inquire  inio 
liip  rniiHp  nftiie  murder ur/o/tn  Oldlkam,  Kutdkamakin  aceompwiied  them 
u8  interpreter,  tighter,  or  whatever  wm  required  oThim. 

A»  no  Miiirfaciion  eouM  be  had  of  the  Pfequola,  for  the  murder  of  Mr. 
OUIutm,  it  was  leeolved,  in  ItSS,  to  tend  an  annv  into  their  country  "to 
fight  with  them,"  if  what,  in  the  opinion  of  the  English,  as  a  recompeoae, 
were  not  to  \je  obtained  without.  The  armament  conaiated  of  alwut  90 
men.  These  firM  went  to  Block  Island,  where  they  saw  a  few  Indians 
before  they  hmded,  \Tho,  after  shooting  a  few  arrows,  which  wounded 
two  of  the  Etiglisli,  fled.  TIk  Indians  had  here  **two  plantations,  three 
miles  in  sunder,  aiid  about  00  wigwams,  some  very  laree  and  fair,  and 
above  200  acres  of  com."  This  tlie  English  deatrnyed,  "staved  seven 
canoes,"  luid  aAer  two  days  spent  in  this  business,  and  hunting  for  Indians 
without  success,  sailed  to  the  main  land,  where  Ktitahatnakin  pei^orraed 
his  ptirt  ill  hastening  on  the  Pequot  calamity.  Having  waylaid  one  of 
that  nation,  he  shot  and  scalped  him.  The  scalp  ha  sent  to  Canonkut, 
who  sent  it  i>>«n'-*  among  all  his  sacLsem  frienda;  thus  expnasing  his 
approbation  ;  murder,  and  willingnesB  to  engage  his  IViends  to  fight 

for  the  Englisii.  Aa  a  ftirther  proof  of  his  approval  of  the  act,  he 
not  only  tlianked  the  English,  but  gave  KuUkamakin  four  fathom  of 
wampum. 

Capt.  Lion  Chtrdener  gives  us  some  particulan  of  this  aflair,  which  are 
verv  valuable  for  the  lif^t  they  throw  on  this  part  of  our  early  transactions 
with  the  Peqiiots.  The  affiiir  we  have  just  mentioned  happened  imme- 
diately aAer  Endicott,  Turner  and  UnderkiU  arrived  at  Saybrook,  fh>m 
Block  Island.  Capt.  Gardener  then  commanded  the  fort,  who  spoke  to 
them  as  follows  of  their  undertaking :  "  You  come  hither  to  raise  these 
wasps  about  my  ears,  and  then  you  will  take  wing  and  flee  away."  It 
so  came  to  pass ;  and  although  he  was  much  opposed  to  their  going,  yet 
they  went,  agreeably  to  their  instructions.  Gardener  instructed  them 
how  to  prooera,  to  avoid  being  surprised,  but  the  Indians  played  them  a 
hondaome  trick,  as  in  the  sequel  wul  be  beard. 

On  coming  to  :he  Pequot  town,  they  inquired  for  the  sachem,*  wish- 
ing to  parley  with  him :  bis  people  said  "  he  was  from  home,  but  within 
three  hours  he  would  come ;  and  so  from  three  to  six,  and  thence  to  nine, 
there  came  none."  But  the  Indians  came  fearlessly,  in  grettt  numbers, 
and  qmke  to  them,  throu^  the  interpreter,  KvtMhamtakin,  ror  some  time. 
This  delay  was  a  stratagem  which  succeeded  well;  for  they  rightly 
guessed  that  the  Enjriish  nad  come  to  injure  them  in  their  persons,  or 

ftroperty,  or  both.  Therefore,  while  somk>  were  entertaining  the  Eng- 
ish  with  words,  others  carried  off  their  ell^ets  and  hid  them.  When 
they  had  done  this,  a  signal  was  given,  and  all  the  Indians  ran  awav. 
The  English  then  fell  to  burning  and  destroying  every  thing  they  coufd 
meet  with.  Gardener  had  sent  oome  at  his  men  Mrith  the  others,  who  were 
unnccountably  left  on  shore  when  the  others  reombnrked,  and  wore 
l»UJo:!pd,  and  two  of  them  woundrd  by  tSie  IntrmnEi. 

"The  Bay-men  killed  not  n  iiiuii,  s»vc  that  ono,  Kiehomiqmm,  an  In- 
dian sachem  of  tlio  Bay,  killed  n  Pmiiit ;  and  thus  be^an  the  war 
between  the  Indians  and  us,  in  these  parts.'*f  The  Pequots  henceforth 
used  every  means  to  kill  the  English,  and  many  were  taken  by  them, 
tkud  some  tortured  in  their  maimer.    "  Thus  far,"  adds  Gardener^ "  I  had 


*  Sattaeus,  says  Winthrop,  (i.  IM.)  but  hein^  told  he  was  sone  to  lAtng  Island,  Um 
general  demanded  to  see  "  the  other  sachem,  Ste."  which  was  doubtless  MommMo. 
t  3  Col.  Hut.  Soe.  iii.  141,  &e. 


»»« 


<kur.  IV.] 


MUNTUNNOMOH. 


wriuoo  in  ■  book,  that  all  nieii  and  posterity  might  know  how  nod  why 
•o  luaiiy  lioacat  men  had  tlioir  blood  abed,  yea,  and  some  flawed  aliva, 
oihen  cut  in  pieces,  and  some  roaated  alive,  only  because  KvJumtokkt, 
•  Bay  Indian,  killed  one  Pequot." 

Tu  say  the  leaat  or  our  author,  be  ha(^^;5he  best  possible  means  (o  kt 
csrre(%  Uiformed  of  these  inatien^  and  we  know  not  that  he  had  aay 
motive  to  ctiarepresont  them. 

Governor  Winthnp  mentions,  under  date  1646,  that  Mr.  JE3tol  leeturad 
constttutly  "one  we^  at  the  wiswam  of  one  Wahon,  a  new  sachem  near 
Watcrtown  niiU,  and  the  other  the  next  week  in  the  wij^am  of  Od- 
ahamtklix^  near  Dorchester  mill."  We  shall  have  occasion  in  another 
chapter  to  apeak  of  KuUihamakin. 

lu  1G48,  CWcAamtiln'n,  as  he  was  then  called,  and  Jiig'eiii^'uppear  aa 
witnesses  to  a  deed  made  by  another  Indian  called  Cerfo,  alias  GootAmm. 
LoRc  and  Ctrj^n  were  Mic  grantees  "  in  bebalf  of  the  rest  of  the  people 
of  Sudbury."^  The  tract  of  land  sold  adjoiocd  Sudbui-y,  and  yvia  nw 
miles  square ;  for  which  Cato  received  five  pounds.  Jtjtufty  was  brot^p' 
toGifo.* 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Muhtunroiioh — IRt  relatimu—Mlt  the  Englith  in  dtstrouing  tke  Ptmi«t$ 
—Stilt  Rhode  Idand^AnecdoU—Hia  d}MeuUie$  with  the  linglukr-riMp 
Boaton — Hia  Magruinimiiu  and  hdepmimce — Charged  vtm  a  eon^pir- 
ictf  agaitut  the  uMUa—»9Uy  repdi  it — WAiAwnAncE  beeomu  hit  teertt 
enemy — Hit  tpeedi to  Waiandanu trndhitpeopU — Hit toar  with  Uneat 
— Htt  ct^ure  and  Death — OireumstancM  yhtt  txtcvtion — PariicipaHQm 
tfftht  whUea  therein — Impartial  view  of  that  affair — Traditiont — NiiriOBj^T 
— Hia  connediont  and  marriage — Hi»  wart  wUjk  Uncat — illxxAU,  a(f(f| 
Mexano — NimrreCa  tpeech  to  the  Bn^ith  commimonert — PaQlW  V 
Kmihamakin — i^^itr  of  Cuttofuui  andUneat — D\ficuttiet  abav4  fmvfc 
— Character  if  Aaeattataotiek—Mnigret  pUdt  to  (M  off  the  fn^uft 
— Dcaien  fruttrated  by  Watandance — Account  (ff  ibit  chitf--JSfSmftnf 
vititt  &e  Dutch — Scented  by  the  Englith  ^  fthtting  with  (&etn-^6jy 
d^endt  hwnte^f—Parliculart  oftht  affair — JVSrftcM  q^  variout  other  br 
dumt — ff'ar  between  Mnigret  and  ^teattattoiitk — Participation  ofMnir 
grtt  and  hit  people  in  Pt^ip^t  war — Pr««e»i(  condition  qfhit  detcen^fl^ 
— Further  account  qfPeaiacut — Hit  apeech — Kitted  by  thfi  Mohawkf, 

Miantunnomoh]  was  the  son  of  a  chief  called  Matcut,  napbew  of  Gtt- 
nonicua,  brother  or  brother-in-law  to  Mnigret^  and  brotlier  of  OtaA. 
And  from  a  manuscript^  amon^  the  papers  of  the  latQ  Dr.  Jhtn^buff,  it 
appears  that  Mottup,  or  Mottpe^jji  and  Caiyanaquond^  yrefe  alfo  his 
brothers. 


#■ 


*  Siiflblk  Ree.  Deeds.  There  is  no  name  signed  to  the  deed,  bat  in  the  pUosAhmof, 
is  the  picture  ofsome  four-legu^  animal  drawn  on  his  back. 

t  Tiiis  spelling  is  according  to  Winlhrop:  we  prefer  Wuii^mt'ji  me\ii»d,  u.  notp 
correct,  which  is  Miantimiumu ;  but  having  employed  the  former  ib  our  first  ewiw^jit 
is  retained  in  this.  It  is,  however,  oflener  written  MyoTitommo  now ,  which  only  stalKS 
another  pronunciation.  The  accent  is  usually  upon  the  penultimite  syllable,  am 
CaUtnder't  Cent.  Discourse,  page  1. 

t  MSS.  oTR.  WilUams.  $  NowpubliRhed  in  the  Col.  iVasi.  Hut.  8oe. 

I  Called  also  Cussusquevch,  or  Surqttaneh,  and  Patictis ;  that  is,  i-VMoctw.  He 
"was  killed  by  the  Moqui,  [Mohawl'.s,]  in  tlie  wilderness,  about  SO  miles  above  Pisata- 
<|aa,  In  his  travel  eastward,  in  the  time  of  the  Indian  wars,  and  other  Indiann  ^|h  ^limt, 
aad  were  buried  by  order  of  Major  Wuldron."    3  Col.  Mat.  Hist.  8oe. 

T  "Receaiied  this  First  of  luly,  1659,  of  Majr.  Hun^ty  Aderton,  [Atherto//Jf^ 


H' 


MIANTUNNCmOH  AIDS  TKE  ENGLISH. 


[RlMK  It. 


GraI 


*Thii  JMimitoiiMio,"  my  Mr.  IIMard,  'wm  •  very  Kood  vetwammgn, 
[that  ia,  well  made,]  of  tall  atature,  suliiil  and  eumung  in  hit  oontrive- 
meota^  as  well  as  haucbty  in  his  de^gna."* 

As  early  as  163S),  this  chief  came  with  h'l  wife  to  Boami. 
tfaid  two  nights.      He  was   then   knowj  ^y  the  naine  or 


While  here  he  v^ent  to  church  with  the  Engtwi,  and  in  die  mean  whila, 
some  of  his  men,  twelve  if  whom  had  accompanini  him,  it  seom^  imka 
into  a  house,  and  committed  a  theft.  Complamt  was  made  to  the  Eng- 
lish governor,  who  "  told  the  sachem  of  it,  and  with  some  tfiflicul^  cauaed 
him  to  make  one  of  his  sannapsf  beat  them."  The  aiithon  oT'tlie  mla- 
ehief  were  immediately  sent  out  irf*  town,  hot  Miamlmmmmtuk  and  the 
others,  the  eovemor  took  to  his  house,  **and  nuide  much  of  them.**) 

The  English  seem  always  to  havo  iwen  naore  fevoiafaly  inclined  to- 
wards other  tribes  than  to  the  Narragansets,  at  appears  fimn  the  stand 
they  took  in  the  wars  between  them  md  their  enemiea.  And  so  long  as 
other  tribes  succeeded  against  them,  the  English  wen  idle  spectatoia; 
but  whenever  the  scale  turned  in  their  frvor,  they  wem  not  slow  ta 
intercede. 

In  the  Life  of  CanonicM*,  the  part  JtKambutmmnk  ezeidsed  in  die 
gOTemiTiont  of  the  great  nation  of  the  Nanragansets  is  rebtiad. 

In  1634,  Captains  Stone  and  JVbriIra  were  killed  by  the  Piequota,  and  in 
1696^  Mr.  JoAn  (Hdham,  by  the  Indiaiv  near  Block  Mand.*  MJmdim- 
iMmoh  did  all  in  his  power  to  aaast  n-  apprehet.ding  the  murdereia,  and 
was  at  much  pains  and  trouble  in  flimishing  the  Eugfish  with  flieia 
niative  thereto,  from  time  to  time.  And  when  it  wat  i|d  at  Boeton  tbit 
there  was  a  cessation  of  hostilities  between  the  Naraagar  Ms  r>nd  Pe^  oi^ 
Mtrntunnomoh  was  immediately  ordered  to  appear  the.  ,  which  Le  did 
without  delay,  and  agreed  to  assiat  them  in  a  war  againai  the  Pcqaats; 
without  whose  aid  and  concurrence,  the  Engfish  wmdd  hardly  hava 
dared  to  engage  in  a  war  agaii-«t  them  .it  diat  time. 

Early  in  1^,  to  show  thi.  governor  of  MnsachuaeOs  that  he  hnpt 
his  promise,  of  warring  against  die  Peqwirts,  AKmniunnamA  aent  fay  aome 
of  his  men  a  Pequot's  hand.  The  war  with  them  now  oommeneed,  and 
though  of  short  duration,  destroyed  them  to  such  a  degree,  that  diey  ap- 
peared no  more  as  a  nation.  One  hundred  of  the  NanaganaeM  joined 
themselves  with  the  English  in  its  aceomphshment,  and  leceived  a  pan 
of  the  prisoners  as  slaves  for  their  services.§  When  the  war  was  over, 
Mkmtwmomok  still  adhered  to  the  English,  and  seised  upon  such  of  die 
Pequots  as  had  made  their  escape  from  bondage,  and  ictnmed  them  to 
their  English  masters ;  mvt,  up  to  them  his  chiim  of  Block  Islaad,  and 
other  places  where  the  Englisn  had  found  Pequots,  and  which  they  i 


aiderr,d  as  belai:<ging  to  them  by  right  of  contpiest. 

RdT.  Sanuui  Gorton  and  bis  associates  purchased  Shaomet,  afterwards 
ealled  Warwick,  from  the  Eari  of  Warwick,  of  .WawhiwiisBiaH,  but  •■ 
Morion  could  do  nothing  right  in  the  eyes  of  the  Puritans  of  MaasaehunOB^ 
Jhtmham  was  initigated  to  claim  said  tract  of  country ;  and,  although  a 
■Bchem  under  JlfiaaiMnnoRioA,|  did  not  hesitate,  when  anppoited  by  tiie 

the  mt  of  his  fKatM^s,  the  sume  of  75  poands  in  Wampaa  pew  «>*h  acMnl  other  thiagi 
as  gratuity  for  eerlaine  lan<fa  a^uen  ye  said  Majr  Aderttm  aaa  Ka  ln«»di,  as  mvf  ap- 
paara  by  two  senarall  deeds  oTgift.    I  say  leecNUKd  by  me. 

CooiRAqoAa  ^  Hiti 
MS.. 

*  IHH.  Nt»  Bng.  446.  t  A  name  the  sachems  gave  their  «iieadaBls. 

t  V^inlKropft  JoumBl.        ^  Miamtwuumok  re<«ived  «ghty.    Mttker*t  Rtlmliam.  SS. 

i  "The  law  of  (he  Indians  in  all  America  is  that  the  iafirrior  sarhms  and  suhjeela 
■haB  plant  and  remove  at  the  pleasure  of  tlie  highest  and  sapreaw  saehefas."  iUgf 
WUliuiu.  This  is  authority,  and  we  need  no  ouer  coHiasQalary  oe  the  arimipiy  pf** 
aaadiagB  of  the  court  of  Massarhutettt. 


[Ro«>  n. 


CBAr.  IV.]        MIAMTUtf NOIIOH  8RLLB  RHODE  ISLAND. 


ua  oootnve- 


J' 

.  bntkiB 
D  the  Eiif- 


oTllwaiii. 
M&  and  the 

iem.n 
inclined  lo- 
n  the  ataad 
Im»  louf  as 
ipectaton; 
lot  alow  •» 

ind  in  the 

aota,a!id 


rderen^  and 
with  fliGia 
BofltDn  ttrat 
nd  P^  ms, 
lich  Le  did 
le  PoitaoH; 
laidlj  have 

at  he  kept 
nt  hjaome 

encedf  and 
atsbeyap- 


rad  a  patt 


neh  of  the 

d  them  m 

slaad,  and 

they  eon- 

■ftenvarda 
•ft,  but  aa 
nebuaeltt^ 
ildioagha 
ml  bjthe 


it  Mar*." 


iieadaMa. 


Engliah,  to  aaaert  bia  claim  aa  chief  aacbem.  And  the  governmeDt  of 
Maasatiiuaetta,  to  give  to  tlicir  in  ference  the  appearance  of  diaintereat- 
ednfWB,  which  it  would  seem,  from  their  own  vindication,  they  thou|{ht 
there  waa  a  cha'ice  to  doubt,  "  Send  for  the  foreaaid  sachetna,  [who  had 
complained  of  )SIr.  Gorton  and  others,  tlirouffh  the  inaiigition  of  the 
Engliah,]  and  upon  examination  find,  botii  by  English  and  indian  teati- 
naonv,  that  Jllianloiioino  waa  only  a  usurper,  and  had  no  title  to  the  fore- 
aaid landsi."*  This  ia  against  the  testimony  of  every  record,  and  could  no 
more  have  been  believed  Men,  than  that  Philip  was  not  sachem  of  Po- 
kanoket.  In  all  caaes  of  purchase,  in  those  times,  the  chief  sachem's 
grant  was  valid,  and  maintained,  in  almost  every  instance,  by  the  pur- 
chaser or  grantee.  It  waa  customary,  generally,  to  make  the  inferior 
aachema,  and  aometimes  all  their  men,  presents,  out  it  was  by  no  mn^uis 
a  law.  The  chief  aachems  often  permitted  thoae  under  them  to  diupose 
of  lands  also,  without  being  called  to  account.  Tlus  was  preciselv  the 
situation  of  things  in  the  Warwick  controversy,  of  which  we  shall  have 
occasion  again  to  speak,  when  we  come  to  the  life  of  Pumham. 

In  March,  1637,  Afiamtunnomo/i,  with  four  other  sachems,  sold  to  H^iam 
Coddmgton  and  others,  the  island  now  called  Rhode  Island.f  also  most 
of  the  others  in  Narraganset  bay,  "  for  the  full  payment  of  40  fathom  of 
white  peaij,  to  be  equally  divided"  between  them.  Hence  MiantunnosMh 
received  eight  fathom.    He  was  to  "have  ten  coats  and  twer.iv  hoes  to 

ive  to  the  prest^nt  inhabitants,  that  they  shall  remove  thetuselves  from 

le  ialand  before  liext  winter." 
On  a  time  previous  to  1643,  Roger  Wittias.:^  delivered  a  discourse  to 
some  Indisns  nt  their  residence,  as  he  was  passing  through  their  countoy. 
MUmtminmntik  was  present,  and  seemed  inclined  to  believe  in  Christianity. 
Mr.  IFtUtosii,  being  much  &tigued,  retired  to  rest,  while  ASantunnomoh 
and  others  remained  to  converse  upon  what  they  had  heard.  Chie  said 
to  the  chie^  **  Our  fiithers  have  told  us  that  our  souls  go  to  the  south- 
west ;"  Mianhinnomoh  rejoined,  "How  do  you  know  your  souls  go  to  the 
south-west?  did  you  ever  see  a  soul  go  that  way?"  (Still  he  was  rather 
indineJ  to  believe,  as  Mr.  ffUliams  had  just  said,  that  thev  went  up  to 
heaven  or  down  to  hell.)  The  other  added,  "  When  did  he  (meaning 
Wittiami)  ever  see  a  soul  go  up  to  heaven  or  down  to  hell  ?" 

*  In  mtauueript  on  iile,  at  the  stale  house,  Boston. 

t  From  the  atom  titamueript  doeumetU.  Th«  deed  of  this  purcbase,  a  copy  of  whieli  _ 
ia  in  my  poases'^ioii.  is  dated  2Mi  BCarch.  and  runs  thus :  "  We,  Canonieai  aad  Jfeaa-  ' 
timomie,  llw  t\  -o  cnief  sachems  of  Naragansels,  by  virtue  of  our  seoeral  command  of 
this  Bay,  as  also  the  particular  subjecting  of  the  dead  sachems  of  Aquediick,  Kitacka- 
mucknut,  themselves  and  lands  unio  us,  have  sold  unto  Mr.  Coddington  and  his  firtend* 
*  *  the  great  Island  of  Aquidnick,  lying  from  hence  [Providence]  eastward  *  *  aho  the 
■lanhcs,  graaa  upon  Qunaoaigat  and  the  rest  cf  the  iilanda  m  tko  bay,  exeeptins 
Cfaabatewjtce,  formerly  sold  unto  Mr.  Winthrop,  tlie  now  Gov.  of  Mass.  and  Mr.  WU- 
liami  of  Pr'>vidmiee,  also  Iha  grass  upon  the  rive  rs  and  coves  about  Kilackamuckqat, 
esA  from  Ibeace  to  PaupasqoaL" 

"  The  mark  of     4*      CoROSicDS. 


The  mturk 


0/  4* 

brm, 


Tlu  murk  of 
TTi'  nark  of 
1%e  mirk  of 


YOTNEBH,     [OtASH, 
[«r  l/MlARTDRnOMOB.J 
MKAHTIKOMtX. 
ASOTAKRKt. 
MKIBAirifOK, 

Caroricos  M»  Mm. 


"IV*  witaewelh  that  I,  WammatoMmet,  the  present  sachem  of  the  iilaad,  ham 
received  five  falhoai  of  wampum  and  consent  to  the  conteita. 

Tite  mark  of     ^      Wasamatarahbt. 


<'  MMMraadnm.  I.  Ottwuqtum,  fireely  eooiSBt"  that  tiwy  may  "  make  use  of  any  gran 
aia  land  c«  PoeaiicKo  tide,"  having  recciued  five  fathom  of  wampuia 


or  trees  on  the  main  I 


7^  mark  of    ^     O(AMa«0iir. 


w 


*5K' 


ea 


MIANTUPCNOMOH  VISITS  BOBTON. 


[Boot  D. 


We  have  civen  the  above  anecdote,  which  if  thought  a  good  illuatra- 
tion  of  the  nnnd  of  man  under  the  influence  of  a  lupentitioua  or  preju- 
diced education. 

When  it  waa  reported,  in  16td,  that  Miantunnomoh  waa  plotting  to  cut 
off  the  Engliah,  as  will  he  found  inentioned  in  the  account  of  Slmgrtty 
and  aeveral  English  were  sent  to  him  to  know  the  truth  of  the  matter,  he 
would  not  talk  with  them  through  a  Pequot  interpreter,  because  he  waa 
then  at  war  with  that  natii)n.  lu  other  respects  he  complied  with  their 
wishes,  and  treated  them  respectfully,  agreeing  to  come  to  BtMton,  for 
the  gratification  of  the  government,  if  they  would  allow  Mr.  fViUianu  to 
accompany  him.  This  they  would  not  consent  to,  and  yet  he  came, 
agreeably  to  their  desires.  We  shall  presently  see  who  acted  beat  the 
part  of  civilized  men  in  this  affair.  He  had  refused  to  use  a  Petfuot  in- 
terpreter for  good  reasons,  hut  when  ho  was  at  Boston,  and  surrounded 
bv  armed  men,  he  was  obliged  to  submit.  '*  The  gjovernor  being  aa  res- 
olute as  he,  rcAised  to  use  anv  other  interpreter,  thinking  it  a  dishonor  to 
ua  to  give  so  much  way  to  tlicni !"  The  great  wisdom  of  the  govern- 
ment now  displayed  itself  in  the  person  of  Gov.  Thonuu  Dudlty.  It  ia 
n■^t  to  be  expected  but  that  Miantunnomoh  should  resent  their  proceed- 
ings; for  to  the  above  insult  they  added  others;  "would  show  him  no 
countenance  nor  admit  him  to  dine  at  our  table,  as  formerly  he  had  done, 
till  he  had  acknowledged  his  failing,  &c.,  which  he  readily  did."*  By 
their  own  folly,  the  English  had  ma^  themselves  jealous  of  a  powurfbl 
chiefi  and  they  nppear  ever  ready  ulerwards  to  credit  evil  reports  of 
him. 

That  an  independent  chief  should  be  obliged  to  conform  to  transitory 
notions  upon  such  an  occasion,  is  absolutely  ridiculous ;  and  the  justness 
of  the  following  remark  from  him  was  enough  to  have  shamed  qood  men 
into  their  senses.  He  said,  "  When  your  people  come  to  me  they  are  per- 
mitted to  u$e  their  ownfaahioiu,  and  I  expect  the  same  liberty  when  I  come 
to  uou.^ 

In  1642,  Connecticut  became  very  suspicious  of  Miantunnomoh,  and 
urged  Massachusetts  to  join  them  in  a  war  against  him.  Their  fears  no 
doubt  ^w  out  of  the  consideration  of  the  probable  issue  of  a  war  with 
Uneat  m  his  favor,  which  waa  now  on  the  point  of  breaking  out.  Even 
Massachusetts  did  not  think  their  suspicions  well  founded ;  yet,  according 
to  their  request,  they  sent  to  Miantunnomoh,  who,  aa  usual,  gave  them  aat- 
iafhctory  answers,  and,  agreeably  to  their  request,  came  again  to  Boston. 
Two  days  were  employed  by  the  court  of  Massachusetts  in  deliberating 
with  him,  and  we  are  astonished  at  the  wisdom  of  the  great  chief,  even 
aa  reported  by  his  enemies. 

■  Thai  a  aimple  man  of  nature,  who  never  knew  courts  or  law,  should 
cause  such  acknowledgments  as  follow,  fh)m  the  eivUixed  and  m  e,  will 
always  be  contemplated  with  intense  admiration.  "When  he  came," 
aays  WinBurop,  "  the  court  was  assembled,  and  before  his  admission,  we 
considered  how  to  treat  with  him,  for  we  knew  him  to  be  a  very  subtle 
man."  When  he  was  admitted,  "  he  was  set  down  at  the  lower  end  of 
the  table,  over  against  the  governor,''  but  would  not  at  any  time  speak 
upon  business  unless  some  of  his  counsellors  were  present ;  saying,  <*  he 
would  have  them  present,  that  they  might  bear  witness  with  him,  at  his 
return  home,  of  all  his  sayings."  The  same  author  further  says,  "  In  all 
bis  answers  he  was  very  deliberate,  and  showed  good  understanding  in 
the  principles  of  justice  and  equity,  and  ingenuity  withal." 

He  now  asked  for  his  accusers,  urging,  that  if  they  could  not  establish 
ttmt  allegations,  they  ought  to  suffer  what  he  expected  to,  if  they  did ; 

*  WinUvroffi  Journal. 


[Book  0. 

good  illuaira- 
oua  or  preju- 

»loning  to  cut 
t  of  Mnigra, 
the  matter,  he 
cauae  he  was 
ed  with  their 
to  Doflton,  for 
r.  fViUiom$  to 
yet  he  came, 
cted  best  the 
I  a  Pei]uot  in- 
i  Biirroundnd 
being  as  res- 
a  dishonor  to 
'  the  govem- 
hidley.  It  is 
leir  proceed- 
ihow  him  no 
he  had  done, 
y  did."*  By 
f  a  powurfiil 
il  repcfts  of 

to  transiioiy 
!  the  justness 
ed  gootl  men 
they  are  ptr- 
wKen  I  come 

nnotnohj  and 
leir  fears  no 
a  war  with 
out.  Even 
Bt,  according 
ve  them  sat- 
I  to  Boston, 
deliberating 
;  chief,  even 

law,  Hhould 
id  wi  e,  will 

he  came," 
mission,  we 

very  subtle 
*-er  end  of 
time  speak 
saying,  «  he 
him,  at  his 
ays,  "  In  all 
'Standing  in 

lot  establish 
f  they  did ; 


Cmap.  IV.]    MIANTUNNOMOH  CHARGED  WITH  A   .ON8PIRACY.        63 

but  the  court  said  lAcy  k$uw  of  none,  that  iis  they  knew  not  whom  tber 
were,  ami  thervfore  gave  no  rrrdit  to  the  rrports  until  they  had  adviwd 
him  ac«rordin^  to  a  former  agreenicnL     lie  then  said,  "  If  you  did  not 

K've  credit  to  it,  why  then  did  you  diau-m  the  Indians?"  Maaachusetts 
iviug  just  tlien  disarmed  some  of  the  Merriinacks  under  some  preteoce. 
**  He  gave  divers  reasons,"  nays  Gov.  fftnMrop,*  "  why  we  shoukl  hold 
him  free  of  any  such  conspiracy,  and  why  wc  should  conceive  it  was  a 
report  raiM>d  by  UncoM,  6ic.  and  therefore  offered  to  meet  Unea$,  and 
wouki  prove  to  his  face  his  treachery  against  the  English,  Alc,  and  told 
us  he  wouU  come  to  us  at  any  time,"  although  he  said  some  had  tried  to 
dissuade  him,  aaying  that  the  English  would  |Hit  him  to  death,  yet  he 
feared  nothing,  as  he  was  innocent  of  the  charges  against  hiiii.f 

The  punishment  due  to  those  who  had  raised  (he  accusations,  bore 
heavily  upon  his  breast,  and  "  he  put  it  to  our  consideration  wliat  damage 
it  bad  been  to  him,  in  tfiat  he  was  forced  to  keep  bis  men  at  home,  and 
not  suflbr  them  to  go  forth  on  hunting,  ice^  till  ne  had  given  the  English 
satisfiiction."  After  two  days  spent  in  talk,  the  council  issued  to  the  sat- 
isfaction of  the  English. 

During  the  council,  a  table  was  set  by  itself  for  the  Indians,  which  Mi- 
antunnomoh  appears  not  to  have  liked,  and  "  would  not  eat,  until  somo 
food  had  been  sent  him  from  that  of  the  governor's." 

That  wisdcm  seems  to  have  dictated  to  Massachusetts,  >n  her  auswer 
to  Connecticut,  must  be  acknowledged ;  but  as  justice  to  Miantunnomoh 
abundantly  demanded  such  deckion,  credit  in  this  case  is  due  only  to 
them,  as  to  him  who  does  a  good  act  because  it  was  his  interest  8o  to  do. 
They  urged  Connecticut  not  to  commence  war  alone,  "  alleging  how  dis- 
honorable it  would  be  to  us  all,  that,  while  we  were  upon  treaty  witi.  the 
Indians,  they  should  make  war  upon  them  ;  for  they  would  account  their 
act  as  our  own,  seeing  we  had  formerly  professed  to  the  Indians,  that  we 
were  all  as  one  ;  and  in  our  last  message  to  Miantunnomoh,  had  remem- 
bered him  again  of  the  same,  and  he  bad  answered  that  he  did  so  account 
us.  UpoL  receipt  of  tliis  our  answer,  they  forbare  to  enter  into  a  war, 
but  (it  seemed)  unwillingly,  nnd  as  not  well  pleased  with  us."  The  main 
considerations  which  caused  Massachusetts  to  decide  against  war  was, 
"That  all  those  infornutions  [furnished  by  Connecticut]  might  arise  from 
a  false  ground,  and  out  of  the  enmity  which  was  between  the  Narraganset 
and  Mohigan"  saehem&  This  wm  no  doubt  one  of  the  real  causes,  and 
had  JiKaniumunnoh  overcome  Uncaa,  the  English  would,  from  policy,  as 
gladly  have  leagued  with  him  as  with  the  Tatter,  for  it  was  constantly 
pleacled  in  those  days,  that  their  safety  must  depend  on  a  union  with 
some  of  the  most  powerfiil  tribes. 

There  can  be  no  doubt,  on  fairly  examining  the  case,  that  Unccu  used 
many  arts,  to  influence  the  English  in  his  favor,  and  against  his  enemy. 
In  the  progress  of  the  war  between  the  two  great  chiefs,  the  English 
acted  precisely  as  the  Indians  have  been  always  said  to  do — stood  aloof, 
and  watched  the  scale  of  victory,  determined  to  join  the  conquerors :  and 
we  will  here  digress  for  a  moment,  to  introduce  a  character,  more  fully 
to  illustrate  the  cause  of  the  operations  of  the  English  against  the  chief 
of  the  Narragansets. 

Miardunnotnoh  hod  a  wretched  enemy  in  JVaiandance,  a  Long  Island 
sachem,  who  had  astisted  in  the  destruction  of  the  Pequots,  at  their  last 
retreat    He  revealed  the  plots  and  plans  of  Mianlunnomoh ;  and,  says 

*  Se«  book  iii.  chap.  vii. 

t  Here,  (he  reader  may  w!th  propriety  exclaim,  was  another  Michael  Strvetus : — 
"  Pourquoy,  Messeifrneurs,je  demande  que  numJoMix  accusateur  toil  puni  poena  talioois," 
&.C.    Roscoe's  Leo  X.  iv.  467. 


^*. 


;«;; 


Mf.VNTl'NNOMOH. 


[Book  II. 


TAtm  Gftrdtner,  *•  ho  told  me  nwiiv  vrnw  n^o,"  m  all  thn  plofn  of  the  Nar- 
rnt{iiii!«!tM  lind  l)f<4>ii  (lim-ovi<ml,  tlii\v  iiow  totichidrd  to  l«-l  the  Engliah 
alono  until  ihcv  IkkI  <lrHtroyed  I'nra.i  nriil  iiiiii-<«'ir,  iIh-ii,  with  the  amist- 
nnce  of  th«*  jflolinwkit,  "and  Indians  lic>ond  tiin  Dutch,  and  all  the 
nortlirni  and  i-aNtiTn  Indiatm,  would  ruHily  destroy  ua,  man  and 
riiotlntrN  Bon." 

Mr.  (tordfmr  next  rclntoM  thnt  he  met  with  Atiardunnotnoh  at  Meanticut, 
IVaiandance^s  fonntry,  nn  tlin  eant  end  of  f.on:;  Inland.  That  Miantun- 
lutmoh  wiiK  there,  as  Wttiandame  said,  to  lurnk  np  tho  interconrae  with 
lhi>.-:(i  InilianN.  Thore  w«:ru  othero  with  MianUmnomoh,  and  what  they 
Nai<l  to  ff'aiandanci'.  wiih  iin  follows : — 

"  Yhh  mutt  ffivr  no  more  tontnpum  to  the  I'lnglinhyfor  they  an  no  aaehems, 
nor  none  of  their  r'nMrtn  shall  le  in  their  f>Care  iflkry  die.  They  have  no 
tr^ute  given  them.  Therr  ».♦  but  one  king  in  England,  who  ia  over  them  all, 
and  if  you  ihould  tend  him  U)0,lK)0  fathom  of  wampum,  he  would  not  give 
you  a  kn\fe  for  it,  nor  thank  you.  Then  said  fraiandance,  "  They  will 
come  and  kill  ua  all, ;  s  they  did  the  Puquita;"  but  replied  the  Narragan- 
aeta,  "  A*o,  the  Pequots  gave  them  ivampum  and  heaver,  which  they  loved  ao 
well,  but  they  aent  it  them  again,  and  killed  them  because  they  had  kiUed  an 
Englishman ;  but  you  have  killed  none,  therefore  give  them  nothing." 

Some  time  atXi^r  Miantunnomoh  went  ngain  "  with  a  troop  of  men  to  the 
aame  place,  and,  iuRtcid  of  receiving  presents  as  formerly,  he  gave  prea- 
ents  to  ffaiandance  and  hia  people,  and  made  the  following  speech : — 

"  BroUiera,  we  muat  be  one  as  the  English  are,  or  uv  akall  soon  aU  be  de- 
atroiyed.  You  know  our  fathers  had  plenty  of  deer  and  skins,  and  our  plains 
were  full  of  deer  and  of  turkeys,  and  our  coves  and  rivers  loere  full  offu^h. 
But,  brothers,  since  these  linglish  have  iteiied  upon  our  country,  they  cut 
down  the  grass  with  scythes,  and  the  trees  toith  axes.  Their  cores  and  horses 
eat  up  the  grass,  and  their  hogs  spoil  our  beds  of  clams ;  and  finally  toe  shall 
starve  to  death !  therefore,  stand  not  in  your  own  light,  I  beseech  yott,  biU  re- 
solve tvith  us  to  act  like  men.  Ml  the  sachems  both  to  the  east  and  west  have 
joined  with  us,  and  we  are  all  resolved  to  fall  upon  them,  at  a  day  appointed, 
and  therefore  I  have  come  secretly  to  you,  because  you  can  persuade  tiie  In- 
diana to  do  what  you  wiU.  Brothers,  I  will  send  over  50  Indians  to  Manissea, 
and  90  to  you  from  thence,  and  take  an  100  of  Southampton  Indiana  wiOi 
an  100  qfyour  oum  here.  Jlnd,  when  you  aee  the  three  firea  that  wiU  he 
made  at  the  end  of  iO  daya  hence,  in  a  dear  night,  then  act  eu  we  act,  and 
the  next  dtm  fall  on  and  kill  men,  women  and  children ;  but  no  cows ;  they 
muat  be  kilted  aa  we  need  them  for  provisiona,  till  the  deer  come  again." 

To  this  speech  all  the  old  men  said,  "  Wurregen^  L  u.  <*It  is  well.** 
But  this  great  plot,  if  the  account  given  by  Waiandarnee  be  true,  was  by 
him  brought  to  the  knowledge  of  the  English,  and  so  failed.  "And  the 
plotter,"  says  Gardener,  "  next  spring  aller,  did  as  Ahab  did  at  Ramoth- 
Gilead. — So  he  to  M uhegan,*  and  there  had  hia  fall."f 

The  war  brought  on  Itetween  Uncos  and  Mianiwmomoh  was  not  with- 
in the  jurisdiction  of  the  English,  nor  is  it  to  Ite  ex|)ected  that  they  could 
with  certainty  detennine  the  justness  of  its  cause.  The  broil  had  long 
existed,  but  the  open  rupture  was  brought  on  by  Uncas'  making  war 
upon  Sequasson,  one  of  the  suchems  under  Miantunnomoh.  The  English 
accounts  say,  (and  we  have  ho  uther,)  that  about  1000  Mrarriors  were 
raised  by  Miantunnomoh,  who  came  upon  Utwaa  unprepared,  having  only 
about  400  men ;  yet,  after  an  obstinate  battle,  in  which  many  were  killed 

*  This  goes  to  show  that  Miontimnomoh  was  not  killed  above  Hartford,  as  Winthrop 
slates ;  for  Ihe  country  at  some  diittnnce  from  Ibe  mouth  of  Pequot  River  was  caJled 
Mohtgan.    It  probably  included  Windsor.  >  . 

t  3  Col.  Mai.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  155.  «■ 


lal 


[Book  If. 

n  of  thfl  Nar> 
the  English 

lii  tho  ami«t- 
and  all  the 

ii    man    and 

It  Meanticut, 
int  Miantun- 
'conrae  with 
i  what  thejr 

»  no  tackema, 
'^htyhavt  no 
>ver  them  aU^ 
^^  not  rive 
"They  will 
I!  Narragon. 
hey  loved  ao 
id  kiUed  an 

men  to  the 

gave  prea- 
Bech: — 
t  alt  be  de- 
i  our  plains 
m  o/Jhh, 
'ry,  they  ctd 
'  and  noraea 
ily  m  ahall 
tou,  but  re- 
'  toeat  have 

appointed, 
»te  the  In- 

Maniaaea, 
tHana  with 
^a  wiU  be 
e  act,  and 
oiea;  they 
lin." 

S    WM,I..'» 

e,  was  by 
An^  the 
Ramoth- 

lot  with- 
ley  could 
lad  long 

ing  war 

English 
•rs  were 
ing  only 
re  killed 


Winthrop 
'U  called 


Cmkt.  IV.] 


MIANTVNNOMOH. 


iMi  both  aidea,  the  Narragannela  were  put  to  flight,  and  AfumhituwaioA 
taken  prisoner ;  that  he  eti«l«-avnred  to  rave  biiitsplf  by  flight,  but  having 
on  a  coat  of  mail,  was  known  from  the  rest,  and  seizetl  ny  two*  of  hS 
own  men,  who  lio|M.>d  by  lhi>ir  tn-achery  to  nave  their  own  Uvea.  Whera- 
n|K)n  they  immediately  delivered  biiii  up  to  the  conqueror.  Vneaa  slew 
them  both  instantly ;  probably  with  his  own  hand.  This  specimen  of 
his  bravery  must  iinve  bad  a  salutary  efli>ct  on  all  such  as  afterwanli 
chanced  to  think  of  acting  the  part  of  traiton  in  their  wan ;  at  leaat 
among  the  Narragansela. 

Being  brought  before  Vneaa,  ho  remained  without  speaking  a  word, 
imtil  iJneaa  8|toke  to  him,  and  said,  ^  If  j^  had  taken  me,  I  would  have 
buought  you  for  my  lift"  He  then  tooK  his  prisoner  to  Hartford,  and  at 
his  renucHt  led  him  a  priaonor  with  the  English,  until  the  mind  of  the 
Uniteu  Colonies  should  be  known  as  to  what  disposition  should  be  made 
of  him. 

The  sorrowful  part  of  the  tale  is  yet  to  be  told.  The  commissi  mers  of 
the  United  Colonies  having  convened  at  Boston,  **  taking  into  serious 
consideration,  they  say,  what  was  safest  and  best  to  be  done,  were  all  of 
opinion  that  it  would  not  be  safe  to  set  him  at  liberty,  neither  had  we 
sufficient  ground  for  us  to  put  him  to  death."!  The  awful  design  of  put- 
ting to  death  their  friend  they  had  not  ;^et  fixed  upon,  but  calling  to  their 
aid  in  council,  "Jive  qf  the  moat  judicioua  cldera^  "  thty  all  agreed  that 
he  ought  to  be  put  to  death."  This  was  the  final  decision,  and,  to  complete 
the  deed  of  darkness,  secrecy  was  enjoined  upon  all.  And  their  deter- 
mination  was  to  be  made  known  to  Uncaa  privately,  with  direction  that 
he  should  execute  him  within  his  own  jurimliction  and  without  torture. 

We  will  now  go  to  the  record,  which  will  enable  us  to  judge  of  the 
justness  of  this  matter.  When  the  English  bad  determined  that  Uneaa 
should  execute  Miantunnomoh,  Uncaa  whs  ordered  to  be  sent  for  to  Hart- 
ford, "with  some  considerable  number  of  his  best  and  trustiest  men," 
to  tdce  him  to  a  place  for  execution,  "  carrying  him  into  the  next  part  of 
his  own  government,  and  there  put  him  to  death :  provided  that  some 
discreet  and  faithful  persons  of  the  English  accompany  them,  and  we 
the  execution,  for  our  more  full  satisfaction ;  and  that  the  EngUah  meddle 
not  with  the  head  or  body  at  all.**! 

The  commissioners,  at  the  same  time,  ordered  "  that  Hartford  ibmish 
Uncaa  with  a  competent  strength  of  English  to  defend  him  against  any 
present  fury  or  assault,  of  the  Nanohi^gunsetts  or  any  other."  And  "that 
in  case  Uneaa  shall  refuse  to  execute  justice  upon  Myantenomo,  that  then 
Afyantenomo  be  sent  by  sea  to  the  Massachusetts,  there  to  be  kept  in  ea(e 
durance  till  the  commissioners  may  consider  further  how  to  dispose  of 

bim."t 

Here  then  we  see  fully  developed  the  real  state  of  the  case.  The 
Mohegans  had  by  accident  captured  Miantunnomoh,  after  which  event 
they  were  more  in  fear  of  his  nation  than  before ;  which  proves  beyond 
doubt,  that  thev  would  never  have  dared  to  put  him  to  death,  had  they 
not  been  promised  the  protection  of  the  English. 

No  one  can  read  this  account  without  being  reminded  of  the  fate  of 
Abpofeon.  We  do  not  say  that  the  English  of  New  England  dreaded 
the  power  of  Jlftaniunnomoh  as  much  os  those  of  Old  England  did  that  of 
Mtpoleon  afterward) ;  but  that  both  were  sacrificed  in  consequence  uf  the 

*  In  the  rerords,  {Hazard,  ii.  48.)  but  one  person  is  mentioned  as  havinjir  taken  Mian- 
ttttmomoh,  whose  name  was  Tantoqueson,  and  there  he  is  called  a  MohM^  captain. 
That  therefore  the  Narragansets  tried  to  kill  him ;  caaie  upon  him  once  in  the  nieht,  and 
danirerously  wounded  him,  as  he  lay  in  his  wigwam  asleep.  See  note  in  the  Life  of 
NiAret. 

t  Winlhrop,  ii.  131.  t  Records  of  the  U.  C<A<me$. 

6» 


fW. 


06 


MIANTUNNOiMOH. 


[Boos  n. 


Cal 


fears  of  those  into  wiioae  power  the  fortune  of  wars  cast  them,  will  not, 
wo  presume,  l)e  denied. 

When  the  determination  of  the  commissionera  and  elders  was  made 
known  to  Uncaa,  lie  "  rcadil^y-  undertook  the  execution,  and  tukina  Jlfuzn- 
tunnomoh  along  with  him,  in  the  way  between  Haitford  and  Windsor, 
(where  Uncos  hath  some  men  dwell,)  Uncas^  brother,  following  after 
MiarUunnomoh,  clave  his  head  with  an  hatchet."*  Mather  says,  they 
"very  fairly  cut  off  his  head."t 

Dr.  TntmbuUl  records  an  account  of  cannibalism,  at  this  time,  which 
Wd  ought  to  caution  the  render  against  receiving  as  true  history,  as  it  no 
doubt  rests  on  the  authority  of  tradition,  wh'ch  is  wont  to  transfer  even 
the  transactions  of  one  continent  to  another.  It  is  this: — "  Uncos  cut  out 
a  large  piece  of  his  shoulder,  and  ate  it  in  savage  t  riumph ;"  saying,  '*  •  it 
was  tne  sweetest  meat  he  ever  ate ;  it  made  his  heart  strong.'  "§ 

We  are  nov/  certain  that  what  Dr.  Trumbvll  has  given  us  as  unq[ues- 
tionable  history,  from  a  " ninniiscript  of  Mr.  HyM"  is  only  tradition, 
(laving  been  put  in  possession  of  a  copy  of  that  manuscript,||  we  deem  it 
highly  important  that  it  should  be  laid  before  the  world,  that  its  true 
weight  may  be  considered  by  all  who  would  be  correctly  informed  in 
this  important  transaction. 

By  way  of  preliminary  to  his  communication,  Mr.  ^rfesays,  "The  fol- 
lowing facts  being  communicated  to  mc  from  some  the  ancient  fathers  of 
this  town,  who  were  contemporary  wi'h  f/ncaa,"  &c.  "  That  Iwfore  the 
settlement  of  Norwich,  the  sachem  of  the  Narraganset  tribe  [Miantunno- 
moh\  had  a  personal  quarrel  with  Uncas,  and  proclaimed  war  xvith  the 
Moheg[an]s:  and  marched  with  an  army  of  900  fighting  men,  equipped 
with  bows  and  arrows  and  hatchets.  Uncos  be[ing]  infoiTned  by  spies 
of  their  march  towards  his  seat,  Uncas  called  his  warriors  together,  about 
600,  stout,  hard  men,  light  of  foot,  and  skilled  in  the  use  of  the  how;  and, 
upon  a  conference,  tineas  told  his  men  that  it  would  not  do  to  let  y<^ 
iVarragansets  come  to  their  town,  but  they  must  go  and  meet  them.  Ac- 
cordingly, they  marched,  and  about  three  miles,  on  a  large  plain,  the 
armies  met,  and  both  halted  within  bow-shot.  A  parley  was  sounded, 
and  gallant  Uncas  proposed  a  conference  with  the  Narraganset  sachem, 
who  agreed.  And  being  met,  Uncas  saith  to  his  enemy  word[sl  to  this 
effect :  '  You  have  got  a  number  of  brave  men  unth  you,  ana  so  have  1.  ^nt 
U  a  pity  that  such  brave  men  should  be  killed  for  a  quarrel  between  you  and 
/?  Cmy  come  like  a  man,  as  you  pretend  to  be,  ana  we  icUl  Jight  it  out.  ^' 
you  kill  me,  my  men  shall  be  yours ;  but  if  I  kUl  you,  your  men  shcdl  he 
mint*  Upon  which  the  Narraganset  sachem  repLed :  *  My  men  came  to 
fyfhi,  and  they  shall  Jight.' 

*  Witahrop's  Journal,  ii,  134.  As  to  the  place  of  MianiuHnomoh's  execution,  Win- 
ihrop  seems  to  have  been  in  a  mistake.  It  is  not  very  likely  tiiat  he  was  taken  in  tbe 
opposite  direction,  from  Vncas's  own  ninitry,  as  Windsor  was  from  Hartford.  It  is 
also  unlikely  thai  Uncas  had  men  dwell  so  far  from  his  country  upon  the  Thames. 

A  gentleman  who  lately  visited  his  sepulchre,  says  the  wandering  Indians  have  made 
a  heap  of  stones  tjpon  his  frave.  It  is  a  well-known  custom  of  tne  race,  to  add  to  a 
monumental  pi!u  of  the  dead  whenever  they  pass  by  it.  See  3  Col.  Mats.  Hiat.  Soc.  iii. 
135.  and  Jefferton's  Notes.  QjT  Some  wretchedly  ignorant  neighbors  to  this  sacred  pile 
(whites  I  suppose)  have  not  loiiz  since  taken  stones  from  it  to  make  wall !  but  «nough 
remain  to  mark  the  spot.    It  is  m  the  east  part  of  Norwich.     Cols.  Rid. 

1  Magnalia.  %  History  of  Connecticut,  i.  139. 

*  ^  That  this  is  tradition,  may  be  inferred  from  the  circumstance  of  an  eminently  ob- 
Kure  writer's  publishing  nearly  the  aamn  story,  which  he  says,  in  his  book,  took  ulace 
upon  the  death  of  PhUip.  Oneko,  he  sa^-s,  cut  out  a  pound  of  Philip's  bleeding  body 
and  ate  it.  The  book  is  by  one  Henry  TrumbtJl,  and  purports  to  be  a  history  of  the 
discovery  of  America,  th->  InHlan  wars,  dte.  The  reader  will  find  it  about  stalls  by  the 
street  sine,  but  r»rely  in  a  respectable  book-store.  It  has  been  forced  through  many 
editions,  but  there  is  scarce  a  word  of  true  history  in  it. 

I  By  Rev.  Wm.  Ely  of  Connecticut. 


# 


taA*.  IV.l 


NINIGRET. 


<9 


«  Uneaa  having  before  told  his  men,  that  if  his  enemy  sbould  refim  to 
fight  him,  he  would  fall  down,  and  then  they  were  to  discharge  their 
artillery  [arrows]  on  them,  and  fall  right  on  them  as  fast  as  they  could  f 
this  was  done,  and  the  Mohegans  rushed  iii)on  Miantvnnomoh*$  army 
"  like  lions,"  put  thotri  to  flight,  and  killed  "  a  number  on  the  ^not.^  Th< 
«*  pursued  the  rest,  driving  some  down  ledges  of  rocks."  The  foremi>s>t 
ofUncaa's  men  got  ahead  of  J^ardunnomoh,  and  impeded  his  flight,  drhw- 
ing  him  back  as  they  passed  him,  "to  give  Uneas  opportunity  to  take  him 
himself." 

**  In  the  pursuit,  at  a  place  now  called  SUiem^a  Platn,  Uneoi  took  him 
by  the  shoulder.  lie  then  set  down,  knowing  C7fie<u.  Unctu  then  gate 
a  whoop,  and  his  men  returned  to  him ;  and  m  a  council  then  held,  'tWM 
concluded  by  them,  that  (Thccu,  with  a  guard,  should  carry  said  ?achem  to 
HfJtford,  to  the  governor  and  masistrates,  (it  being  before  the  charter,) 
to  advise  what  they  should  do  with  him."  "  Uneaa  was  told  by  them,  as 
there  was  no  war  with  the  English  and  Narraganseta,  it  waa  not  propM 
for  them  to  intermeddle,  in  the  affair,  and  advised  him  to  take  his  own 
way.  Accordingly,  they  brought  said  Narraganset  sachem  back  to  th6 
flame  spot  of  ground  where  he  was  took :  where  Uneat  killed  him,  and 
cut  out  a  large  piece  of  his  shoulder,  roasted,  and  eat  it ;  and  said, '  R 
was  the  sweetest  meet*  he  ever  eat ;  it  made  him  have  strong  hart!  There 
they  bury  him,  and  made  a  pillar,  which  I  have  seen  but  a  few  years 
alnce." 

This  communication  was  in  the  form  of  a  letter,  and  dated  at  Norwich, 
9  Oct.  1769,  and  signed  Richard  Hide.  The  just  remark  of  Mr.  Ely  upon 
it  I  cannot  withhold,  in  justice  to  my  subject. 

"The  above  *  Manuscript  of  Mr.  Hyde^  as  a  tradition,  is  a  valuable 
paper,  and  worthy  of  preservation ;  yet,  being  written  125  years  afler  the 
event  which  it  describes,  it  is  surprising  that  Dr.  Trumhxdl  should  have 
inserted  it,  in  his  History  of  Connecticut,  in  its  principal  particuhirs,  as 
matter  of  fact."t 

In  the  proceedings  of  the  commissionent  of  the  United  Colonies,  tite 
main  facts  in  reference  to  the  death  of  Miantrmnomoh,  contained  in  the 
alx>ve  account,  are  corroborated.  The  records  of  the  commissioners  say, 
that  Uneas,  before  the  battle,  told  JlfScmfunnomoA,  that  he  had  many  ways 
sought  his  life,  and  now,  if  he  dared,  he  would  figiit  him  in  single  combat ; 
but  that  Miantunnomoh  "presuming  upon  his  numbers  of  men,  would 
have  nothing  but  a  batde."! 

It  does  not  appear  from  these  records,  that  Uncas  had  npy  idea  of  put- 
ting Mianlunnomah  to  death,  but  to  extort  a  great  price  from  his  country- 
men, for  his  ransom.  That  a  large  amount  in  wampum  was  collected 
for  this  puriwse,  appears  certain,  But  before  it  was  paid,  Uncas  received 
the  decision  of  the  English,  and  then  pretended  that  he  had  made  no 
such  agreement,  or  that  the  quantity  or  quality  was  not  as  agreed  upoti, 
as  will  more  at  length  be  seen  in  the  life  of  Uncas.    We  come  now  to 

JS/inigret,  often  called  Mnicrajl,  and  SDmetimes  J^Tenekunat,^  JViniglud, 
JVeneg'rfett,  and  written  almobt  as  many  other  ways  as  times  mentioned, 
by  some  early  writers.  Janemo  was  th;i  first  imrne  by  wliich  he  was 
known  to  the  English.  He  was  generally  styled  sachem  of  the  Nienticks, 
a  tribe  of  the  Narragansets,  whose  principal  residence  was  af  Wokapaug, 
now  Westerly,  in  Rhode  Island.    He  was  cousin  to  Mianiunnomoh,\\  and 

*  Trumbull  says  meat,  but  the  MS.  is  plain,  and  means  meal. 
t  Manuscript  letter,  1  Mar.  1833. 
i  See  Hazard's  Historical  Collections,  ii.  7,  10. 
Q  So  written  by  Roger  Williamit. 

^  Prince  says  he  was  uncle  to  Mianluniwmoh,  {Chronotogi/,  ii.  c'J.)  S'Ut  that  ccuUI  not 
have  been. 


n 


NINIORET. 


[Boob  n. 


ia  commonly  mentioned  in  history  as  the  chief  sachem  of  the  Nianticks, 
which  always  made  a  part  of  the  great  nation  of  tlie.  Narraganseta. 
Mnigret  married  a  sister  of  CaahawathM,  otherwise  called  Harmon  Gamt, 
who  was  his  uncle. 

The  relation  in  which  the  Nianticks  stood  to  the  Narragansets  is  plain, 
from  the  representation  given  by  Mianlunnomoh  to  the  government  of 
Massachusetts,  in  1642.  In  treating  with  him,  at  that  time,  Gov.  WinUirop 
•ays,  "Some  difficulty  we  had,  to  bring  him  to  desert  the  Nianticks,  if  we 
had  just  cause  of  war  with  them.  They  were,"  he  said,  ^  as  his  own 
flesh,  btoing  allied  by  continua||pntermarriages,  &c.  But  at  last  he  conde- 
scended, that  if  they  should  do  us  wrong,  as  he  could  not  draw  them  to 
£'ve  us  satisfaction  for,  nor  himself  could  satisfy,  as  if  it  were  for  blood, 
c.  then  he  would  leave  them  to  us." 

In  1637,  "JMtanhtnnomoA  came  to  Boston.  The  governor,  deputy  and 
treasurer  treated  with  him,  and  they  parted  upon  fair  terms."  "We 
gave  bira  leave  to  right  himself  for  the  wrongs  which  Janemoh  and  We- 
qua$h  Cook  had  done  him ;  and,  for  the  wrong  they  had  done  us,  we 
woald  right  ourselves,  in  our  own  time."*  Hence  it  ap|)ears  that  at  this 
period  they  were  not  so  closely  allied  as  thev  were  afterwards. 

The  next  year,  Janemo  was  complained  of  by  the  Long  Island  Indians, 
who  paid  tribute  to  the  English,  that  he  had  committed  some  robberies 
upon  them.  Capt.  Maaon  was  sent  from  Connecticut  with  seven  men  to 
require  satisfaction.  Janemo  went  immediately  to  tha  English,  and  the 
matter  was  amicably  settled.f 

When  it  was  rumored  that  MiaiUunnomoh  was  plotting  to  cut  off  the 
English,  and  using  his  endeavors  to  unite  other  tribes  in  the  enterprise, 
the  English  sent  deputies  to  him,  to  learn  the  truth  of  the  report,  as  will 
be  found  elsewhere  fully  stated.  The  deputies  were  well  satisfied  with 
the  carriage  of  Jttkmtunnomoh,  but  ^Janemoh,  the  Niantick  sachem, 
carried  himself  proudly,  and  refused  to  come  to  us,  or  to  yield  to  any 
thing ;  only,  he  said,  he  would  not  harm  us,  except  we  invaded  him.*^ 
Thus  we  cannot  but  form  an  exalted  opinion  of  ^nigret  in  the  person 
of  Janemo. 

We  hear  little  of  Mn^ret  until  after  the  death  of  Miantunnomoh.  In 
1644,  the  N&rragansets  and  Nianticks  united  against  the  Mohegans,  and 
fbr  some  time  obliged  Uncaa  to  confine  himself  and  men  to  his  fort. 

This  afiair  prorably  took  place  early  in  the  spring,  and  we  have  else- 
where given  all  the  particulars  of  it,  both  authentic  and  traditionary.  It 
appears,  by  a  letter  mim  Tho.  Peters,  addressed  to  Gov.  Winthrop,  written 
about  the  time,  that  there  had  been  some  hard  fighting;  and  that  tho  Mo- 
hegans  had  been  sadly  beaten  by  the  Narragansets.    Mr.  Peters  writes : — 

"  I,  with  your  son,  [John  Wirdhrop  of  Con.,]  were  at  Unccu^  fort,  where 
I  dressed  seventeen  men,  and  left  plasters  to  dress  beventeen  more,  who 
were  wounded  in  Uncos'  brother's  wigwam  before  we  came.  Two  cap- 
tains and  one  common  soldier  were  buried,  and  since  we  came  thence 
two  captains  and  one  common  man  more,  are  dead  also,  most  of  which 
are  wounded  with  bullets.  Uncas  and  his  brother  told  me,  the  Narragan- 
sets had  30  guns  which  won  them  the  day,  else  would  not  enre  a  rush 
for  them.  They  drew  Uncaa'  forces  out  by  a  wile,  of  40  appearing  only, 
but  a  thousand  [lay  hid]  in  ambush,  who  pursued  Uncos''  men  into  their 
own  land,  where  the  Imttle  was  fought  vario  marte,  till  God  put  fresh 
spirit  into  the  Moheagnes,  and  so  drave  the  Narragansets  back  again." 
So  it  seems  that  Uncas  had  been  taken  in  his  own  [)lay.  The  letter  goes 
on : — ""Twould  pity  your  hearts  to  see  them  [Uncaa^  men]  lie,  like  so  many 
uew  circumcised  Sechemites,  in  their  blood.    Sir,  whatever  information 


•  WinUirop'i  Journal,  i.  243. 


t  Ibid.  267. 


t  Ibid.  ii.  8. 


[Book  U. 

le  Nianttclu, 
farragansets. 
rmon  Garret^ 

sets  is  plain, 
eminent  of 
)v.  fFinthrop 
nticks,  if  we 
ad  his  own 
it  he  conde- 
aw  them  to 
«  for  blood, 

deputy  and 
ms.''  « We 
oh  and  Se- 
lene us,  we 
that  at  this 

nd  Indians, 
le  robberies 
iren  men  to 
sh,  and  the 

cut  off  the 
enterprise, 
)ort,  as  will 
tisfied  with 
k  sachem, 
ield  to  any 
ded  him.'7 
the  person 

lomo^  In 
egans,  and 
fort. 

have  else- 
oiiary.  It 
»p,  written 
It  the  Mo- 
writes  : — 
ort,  where 
nore,  who 
~'\vo  cap- 
ne  thence 
of  which 
Varragan- 
re  a  rush 
ring  only, 
into  their 
put  fresh 
again." 
tter  goes 
!  so  many 
brmation 


8. 


Chap.  IV.] 


NINIGRET. 


you  have,  I  dare  boldly  say,  the  Narragansets  first  brake  the  contract 
tliey  made  with  tiie  English  last  year,  for  I  helped  to  cure  one  TWi- 
ijuieaon,  a  Moheague  captain,  who  first  fingered  [laid  hands  on]  Jlfum/MO- 
mto.  t:^me  cunning  squaws  of  Narraganset  led  two  of  them  to  T^ntir 
ipiieson'a  wigwam,  where,  in  the  night,  they  struck  him  on  the  breast 
tiirough  the  coat  with  an  hatchet,  and  had  he  not  fenced  it  with  his  arm, 
no  hope  rouUl  be  bad  of  his  life,"  &c.* 

"■  The  English  thought  it  their  concern,"  says  Dr.  /.  Maihtr,\  "■  not  to 
suffer  him  to  be  swallowed  up  by  those  adversaries,  since  be  had,  (thou^ 
tor  his  own  ends,)  approved  himself  faithflil  to  the  English  from  time  to 
time."    An  army  was  accordingly  raised  for  the  relief  of  Unca$.    ^  But 
OS  they  were  just  marching  out  of  Boston,  many  of  the  principal  Narra> 
ganset  In  Hans,  \a.  Pesaecut,  Mtxano,t  and  nUtuoaah,  sagamores,  and 
Awaaequin,  deputy  for  tlie  Nianticks ;  these,  with  a  large  train,  came  to 
Boston,  suing  for  peace,  being  willing  to  submit  to  what  terms  the  Eng*  - 
lish  should  see  cause  to  impose  upon  them.    It  was  demanded  of  them 
that  they  should  defray  the  charges  they  had  put  the  English  to,§  and 
that  the  sachems  should  send  their  sons  to  be  kept  as  hostages  in  tiie 
hands  of  the  English,  until  such  time  as  the  money  should  be  paid." 
Afler  remarking  that  from  this  time  the  Narragansets  harbored  venom  in 
their  hearts  against  the  English,  Mr.  Mather  proceeds: — **  In  the  first  place^ 
they  endeavored  to  play  kgerdemain  in  their  sending  hostages ;  for,  in* 
stead  of  sachems'  children,  they  thought  to  send  some  other,  and  to  mak« 
the  English  believe  that  those  base  papooaea  were  of  a  royal  progeny ; 
but  they  had  those  to  deal  with,  who  were  too  wise  to  be  so  eluded. 
Afler  the  expected  hostages  were  in  the  hands  of  the  English,  the  Nar- 
rngansets,  notwithstanding  that,  were  slow  in  the  performance  of  what 
tiitiy  stood  engaged  for.    And  when,  upon  an  impartial  discharge  of  the 
debt,  their  hostages  were  restored  to  them,  they  became  more  backward 
than  formerly,  until  they  were,  by  hostile  preparations,  ajnin  and  again 
terrified  into  better  obedience.    At  last,  Capt.  AUurton,  of  Dorchester,  was 
sent  with  a  small  party||  of  English  soldiers  to  demand  what  waa  due. 
He  at  first  entered  into  the  wi^am,  where  old  Mnigrtt  resided,  widi 
only  two  or  three  soldiers,  appomting  the  rest  by  degrees  to  follow  him, 
two  or  three  dropping  in  at  once ;  when  his  small  company  were  come 
ibout  him,  the  Indians  in  the  mean  time  supposing  that  there  had  been 
many  more  behind,  he  caught  Ihe  sachem  by  the  hair  of  his  head,  and 
setting  a  pistol  to  his  breast,  protesting  whoever  escaped  he  should  siftely 
die,  if  he  did  not  forthwith  comply  with  what  was  required.    Hereupon 
a  great  trembling  and  consternation  surprised  the  Indians;  albeit,  multi- 
tudes  of  them  were  then  present,  with  spiked  arrows  at  their  bow-strings 
ready  to  let  fly.    The  event  was,  the  Indians  submitted,  and  not  one  drop 
of  blood  was  shed."!    This,  it  must  be  confessed,  was  a  high-handed  pro- 
ceeding. 

^  Some  space  after  that,  Ninigret  was  raising  new  trouble  against  us, 

ij 

*  Winthrop's  Jour.  ii.  380,  381.  f  Relation,  fi8. 

X  The  editor  of  Johnson's  Wonder-working  Providence,  in  Col.  Mats.  Hist.  Soe. 
makes  a  great  mistake  in  noting  this  chief  as  Bfianturmomoh.  Mriksali,  Mixanno, 
Meika,  &.C.  are  names  of  the  same  person,  who  was  the  eldest  son  of  Canomcus, 
Afler  the  death  of  his  father,  he  was  enief  sachrm  of  the  Narragansets.  He  married  a 
sister  of  Ninigret,  who  was  "  a  woman  of  great  power,"  and  no  other  than  the  famous 
Quaiapen,  at  one  time  called  Matantuck,  from  wnich,  probably,  was  derived  Magmu. 
By  gome  writers  mistaking  him  for  Miantumutmoh,  an  error  has  spread,  that  has  occa- 
sioned much  confusion  in  accounts  of  their  genealogy. 

^  A  yearly  tribute  in  wampum  was  agreed  upon.  Manuscript  Narrative  of  the  Rev. 
T.  Cohhet,  which  places  the  affair  in  1645. 

I  Twenty,  savs  a  MS.  document  among  our  state  papers.  , 

Relation  of  the  Troubles,  fa-..  4to,  1677. 


70 


NINIGRET. 


[Boob  II. 


oniony  his  Nianticks  and  other  Iiitlinns ;  hut  upon  the  speedy  sending 
up  ot  Capt.  Davis,  w  ith  u  purty  of  hoi-se  to  reduce  him  to  the  former 
l>eac(!,  will),  upon  the  news  of  the  captain's  approach,  wu  put  into  such 
a  panic  fear,  that  lie  dunit  'lot  come  out  of  his  wigwam  to  treat  with  the 
captain,  till  secured  of  his  life  by  him,  which  he  was,  if  he  quietly  yield- 
ed to  his  message,  aoout  which  he  was  sent  from  the  Bay.  To  which  he 
fr<eely  consenting,  that  storm  was  graciously  blown  over.  * 

Thus  liaving,  through  these  extracts,  summarily  glanced  at  some  prom- 
inent passages  in  the  life  of  ^fSnigret,  we  will  now  go  more  into  partic- 
ulars. 

The  case  of  the  Narragansets,  at  the  period  of  the  treaty  before  spoken 
of,  hod  become  rathc-r  desperate ;  two  years  having  pansed  since  they 
ainreed  to  pay  2000  fathom  of  ''good  white  wampum,"  as  a  remuneration 
for  the  trouole  and  damage  they  had  caused  the  English  and  Mohegans, 
and  they  were  now  pressed  to  fulfil  their  engagements.  Ninigret,  then 
called  Janemo,  was  not  at  Boston  at  that  time,  but  Aunuaaquen  was  his 
deputy,  ond  signed  the  treaty  then  made,  with  Pessacus  and  others.  At 
their  meeting,  m  July,  1647,  Pesiaetu  and  others,  chiefs  of  the  Narragan- 
sets and  Nianticks,  were  sent  to  by  the  English  commissioners,  as  will 
be  found  in  the  life  of  Feaaacus.  Being  warned  to  come  to  Boston,  Pea- 
foetw,  not  being  willing  to  get  any  further  into  trouble  by  being  obliged 
to  sign  whatever  articles  the  English  might  draw  up,  feigned  himself 
sick,  and  told  the  messengers  he  had  agreed  to  leave  all  the  business  to 
Mn^pret.  This  seems  to  have  been  well  understood,  and  we  shall  next 
see  with  what  grace  Ninigret  acted  his  port  with  ^he  commissioners,  at 
Boston.    Their  record  runs  thus : — 

**  August  3d,  [1647,]  JVinegratt,  with  some  of  the  Nyantick  Indians  and 
two  of  Peataelea  men,  came  to  Boston,  and  desiring  Mr.  John  WitUhrop, 
that  caine  from  Pequatt  plantation,  might  be  present,  they  were  admitted. 
The  commissioners  asked  JSKnegratt  for  whom  he  came,  whither  as  a 
publick  person  on  the  behalf  of  Peaaack^a  and  the  rest  of  the  Narragan- 
sets' confederates,  or  only  for  himself  as  a  particular  sagamore  ?  He  at 
first  answered  that  he  had  spoken  with  Peaaack,  but  had  no  such  com- 
miaaon  from  him ;"  and  sud  there  had  not  been  so  good  understanding 
between  them  as  he  desired ;  but  from  Mr.  Winthrop^*  testimony,  and  the 
answer  Thoa,  Stanton  and  Benedict  .Arnold  brotignt  from  Peaao/cua,  and 
also  the  testimony  of  PeaaactW  two  men,  ''it  appeared  to  the  commis- 
siontftv  that  whatever  form'\lity  might  be  wanting  in  PeaaacKa  expressions 
to  Mnegratt,  yet  Peaaack  had  fully  engaged  himself  to  stand  to  whatso- 
ever AtnegTott  should  conclude."  Therefore  they  proceeded  to  demand 
of  him  why  the  wampum  had  not  been  paid,  and  why  the  covenant  had 
not  been  observed  in  other  particulars.  Ninigret  pretended  he  did  not 
know  what  covenants  had  been  made.  He  was  then  reminded  that  his 
deputy  executed  the  covenant,  and  that  a  copy  was  carried  into  his 
country,  and  his  ignorance  of  it  was  no  excuse  for  him,  for  Mr.  WiUiama 
was  at  all  times  ready  to  explain  it,  if  he  had  taken  the  pains  to  request 
it  of  him.     "  There  could,  therefore,  be  no  truth  in  his  uiiswere." 

I/lnigret  next  demanded,  ^^  For  what  are  the  .Yarraganaeta  to  poyso 
much  toampum  ?  /  know  not  that  they  are  indebted  to  the  Engliah !"  The 
commissioners  then  repeated  the  old  charges — the  breach  of  covenant, 
ill  treating  messengers,  and  what  he  had  said  himself  to  the  English 
messengers,  namely,  that  he  knew  the  English  would  try  to  bring  about  a 
peace  at  their  meeting  at  Hartford,  but  ho  was  resolved  on  war,  nor 
would  he  inquire  who  began  it — that  if  the  English  did  not  withdraw 
their  men  from  assisting  Uncaa,  he  would  kill  them  and  their  cattle,  &c. 

*  Co«*f<'«  MS.  Narralive. 


J\ 


[Book  II. 

«dy  sending 
the  former 
ut  into  such 
eat  with  the 
uietly  yield- 
'o  which  he 

lome  prom- 
into  partic- 

fore  spoken 
since  they 
muneratioD 
Mohegana, 
lignt,  then 
i«n  was  his 
others.    At 
Narragan- 
ers,  as  will 
oston,  Pes- 
ing  obliged 
id  himself 
business  to 
I  shall  next 
ssioners,  at 

idians  and 
WitUhropy 
I  admitted, 
ither  as  a 
Narragan- 
»  ?    He  at 
such  com- 
erstanding 
y,  and  the 
focM,  and 
)  commis- 
cpressions 
D  whatso- 
9  demand 
nant  had 
le  did  not 
I  that  his 
into  his 
WiUiama 
o  request 


Chap.  IV.] 


NINIORET 


n 


yori 


so 
he 
!ovenant, 
English 
r  about  a 
war,  nor 
'ithdraw 
ttle,  &,c. 


According  tu  the  records  of  the  conuniaMonen,  ^fbugnt  did  not  deny 
these  charges  with  a  very  good  ftce.  He  said,  however,  their  meaaengers 
prcvoked  him  to  say  what  he  did. 

In  order  to  waive  the  criminatiof  discourse,  MngrH  called  for  doeu- 
menta ;  or  wished  the  English  to  make  a  statement  of  their  aocouat 
against  him,  that  he  might  know**  how  the  reckonince  stood."  The 
English  answered  that  they  had  received  of  PeMoeiw  170 /Mom  «ff  woai- 
pum  at  one  time :— A Aerwards  soaie  kettka  and  about  15  fathom  mart, 
**  which  beinse  a  contemptiblt  tome,  was  refused."  As  to  the  kettles,  they 
aaid,  **  The  Narraganaet  messengers  had  aouM  them  to  Mr.  Sftriauitoii,*  a 
brasier  in  Boston,"  for  a  shilling  a  pound.  Their  wei^t  was  965  A*., 
(not  altogether  so  contemptible  as  one  might  be  led  to  imagine,)  which 
came  to  14£.  5«.,  and  the  wampum  to  4£.  4t.  6d.\  Of  the  amount  in 
Mr.  Shrimpton's  hands,  the  messengers  took  up  1£.  probably  to  defiay 
their  necessary  expenses  while  at  Boston.  The  remainder  an  English- 
man attached  to  satisfy  '*for  goods  stollen  from  him  by  a  Narraganaet 
Indian." 

^nigrtt  said  the  attachment  was  not  valid,  **for  that  neither  the  kettles 
nor  wampum  did  belonge  to  Peuacka  himaelf,  nor  to  the  Indian  that  had 
atolleu  the  goods,"  and  uierefore  must  be  deducted  from  the  amount  now 
due.  "  The  commissioners  thought  it  not  fit  to  press  the  attachment," 
but  reckoned  the  kettles  and  wampum  at  70  ftthom,  and  acknowled^ 
the  receipt  of  240  fathom,  [in  all,]  besides  a  parcel  sent  by  ^fimgrd  han- 
self  to  the  governor ;  and  though  this  was  sent  as  a  present,  yet,  as  it  was 
not  accept^  by  the  governor,  they  left  it  to  JVInigref  to  say  whether  it 
should  be  now  so  considered,  or  whether  it  should  be  taken  iu  payment 
of  the  debt.  JVtmJgret  said  the  goverbor  should  do  aa  he  pleased  about 
it  It  was  then  inquired  how  much  he  had  sent ;  (it  be*  j^  deposited  in 
Cutahamokin^a  hands,  as  we  have  elsewhere  stated ;)  he  aaid  he  had  sent 
30  fathom  of  black,  and  45  of  white,  in  value  together  105  fathom.  Cut- 
ihamokin  was  sent  for  to  state  what  he  had  received  in  trust.  He  had 
produced  two  girdles,  **  with  a  string  of  wampum,  all  which  himself 
rated  at  45  &thom,  affirming  he  had  received  no  more,  except  8*.  which 
he  had  used,  and  would  repay.  He  was  brought  before  Mnignt  and 
questioned,  as  there  appeared  a  great  difference  m  their  accounts.  **He 
at  first  persisted,  says  our  record,  and  added  to  his  lyes,  but  was  at  last 
convinced  [confronted]  by  JVdngre^  and  his  messengers  who  then  brought 
the  present,  and  besides  Cutthamokin  had  sent  him  at  the  same  time  10 
ftthom  as  a  present  also.  It  still  remained  to  be  settled  whether  this 
wampum  should  be  received  as  a  part  of  the  debt,  or  as  a  present,  and 
Nin^ret  was  urged  to  say  how  it  should  be.  With  great  magnanhni^ 
he  answered : — 

**  Mf  tongue  akdl  not  Mte  my  KeaH,  ff^ihaher  the  debt  he  paid  or  not,  i 
intended  Ua$a  preaent  to  the  goremor." 

It  is  impleasant  to  contrast  the  characters  of  the  two  chieft,  Cutahamo' 
kin  and  Jrinigrel,  because  the  fonner  had  long  had  the  advantage  of  a 
civilized  nei^borfaood,  and  the  latter  was  from  the  depths  of  the  forest, 
where  he  saw  an  Englishman  but  seldom.  We  could  say  much  upon  it, 
but  as  it  is  thought  by  many  that  such  disquisitioits  are  unprofitable,  we 
decline  going  into  them  here. 

What  we  have  related  seems  to  have  finished  the  business  of  the  day, 
and  doubtless  the  shades  of  night  were  very  welcome  to  Cutakamokin. 
The  next  day,  Mnigret  came  into  court,  with  the  deputies  of  Peaaacua, 
and  spoke  to  the  following  effect : — 

<  *  Samuei  8hrimpton,  probably,  who  boughl  •  house  and  lands  of  Ephraim  TWikt 
^raaier,  situated  in  Boston,  in  1671. 
t  Hence  4£.  4<.  U.  •(- 1 A  s=  fit.  lAd.  =  value  of  a  fathom  of  wampum  in  1647. 


f. 


7a 


MINKJRET. 


fBo«K  U. 


**Bff(on  I  came  ken  I  txpteUd  the  burden  had  been  tkroum  upon  ae,  Pea- 
MWM  not  htniMi/f  done  tvkat  he  agntd  to  do.    Hotcever,  I  have  contidend 

rn  the  tnatti  q/*  1645,  and  am  ntolved  to  j^tpc  the  Englieh  eati^attion  m 
tttiM*.  /  wiU  aend  aome  of  muf  men  immediatdy  to  Muragantd  and 
MSmntiek,  to  raitt  the  waa^^um  now  due  to  them,  and  hope  to  hear  what  thev 
imB  do  in  three  doyi.  in  fen  done  I  think  the  vBamaum  will  arrivt,  and  I  wM 
tkig  here  wM  U  tomee.  I  toiU  tdl  tkia  to  the  yiamueanaet  can/idendea. 
Btd  if  there  ihouU  not  enough  at  thit  time  he  raited,  Imeire  aome  /orbtar- 
tmee  aa  to  (tme,  aa  I  auurtuou  that  the  remainder  judl  be  Aurtlg  paid,  and 
y»M  ahaU  aee  me  true  to  tkt  BngKA,  henetforth." 

Thk  apeech  gave  the  comtninionen  great  satisfactioii,  aud  they  pro- 
oeeded  to  other  buBinen. 

The  mesaongera  sent  out  by  Ahugrd  did  not  return  ao  aoon  aa  yns 
expected,  but  on  the  16  Auguat,  notice  waa  given  of  their  arrival ;  sadly, 
however,  to  the  disappointment  of  the  commiasiooers,  for  they  broudit 
only  900  fathom  of  wampum.  The  feelings  of  the  cou/t  wem  aomewnat 
changed,  and  they  rather  sternly  demanded  "  What  the  reason  waa,  that, 
ao  much  bein^;  due,  ao  little  waa  brought,  and  from  whom  thia  200  fathom 
oame."  AfSmgrtt  answered  that  he  was  disappointed  that  more  had  not 
been  brought,  but  said,  if  he  had  been  at  home  more  would  have  Iteeo 
obtained :  that  100  &thom  waa  sent  by  Peaaaeua,  and  the  other  100  by  hi" 
people. 

'Ihe  commiaatoners  aay,  that "  not  thinking  it  meet  to  begin  a  present 
war,  if  satia&ction,  (though  witl'.  a  little  forbearance,  may  be  had  other- 
wise,)" told  JV&iuret,  that  erinca  he  had  said  the  wampum  would  have 
been  nithered  and  paid  if  he  had  be<>u  at  home  himself^  they  would  now 

Eive  hini  30  days  to  so  and  get  it  in ;  and  if  he  could  not  procure  enough 
^  y  500  iathono,  atill  Uiey  would  not  molest  him  until  "next  spring  plant- 
ing time."  That  as  so  much  was  still  due,  they  would  reckon  thie  pres- 
ent before  mentioned,  but  if  they  did  not  bring  1000  fiithom  in  twenty 
days,  the  coinmisaioners  would  send  no  more  messengers  into  his  country, 
**Diit  take  course  to  right  themselves.*'  That  if  mey  were**  forced  to 
seek  satisfaction  by  arms,  he  and  his  confederates  must  not  expect  to 
make  their  peace,  as  lately  they  had  done,  by  a  little  wampum.  In  the 
mean  time,  thoui^h  for  breach  of  covenants  the^  might  put  their  hostages 
to  death,  yet  thr>  commisdoners  would  forthwith  deliver  the  children  to 
//iMIfrtt,*  expecting  from  him  the  more  care  to  see  engagements  fully 
satisfied.  A.zid  if  they  find  him  real  in  his  performancej  they  will  charge 
al  former  neglects  upon  Peaaaeua,"  and  "m  such  case  they  expect  from 
Mngret  his  best  assistance,  when  he  shall  be  required  to  recover  the 
whora  remainder' from  him.  All  which  Ninigret  cheerfully  accepted,  and 
promised  to  perform  accordingly." 

Nonnthsianding  all  their  promises,  the  Norragansets  had  not  discharged 
their  debt  at  the  end  of  two  years  more,  though  in  that  time  they  had 
paid  about  1100  fathom  of  wampum.  At  their  meeting  this  year,  1649, 
at  Boston,  "  the  commissioners  wem  minded  of  the  continued  complaint 
of  Uneaa"  against  the  Narragansets,  .hat  thev  were  <*  sdll  vndermining 
his  peace  aikl  seeking  his  ruine,"  and  had  lately  endeavored  **  to  bring  in 
the  Mowhaukes  vppou  him,"  which  failing,  thiey  next  tried  to  take  away 
his  life  by  witchcrait  A  Narraganset  Indian,  named  CtiUaqam,  **  in  an 
ilnglish  vessel,  in  Mohegan  River,  rvn  a  sword  into  his  brrast,  wherby 
nee  receeved,  to  all  appearance,  a  mortal  wound,  which  murtherus  aete 


CMAr-l 

the  I 
by  th4 
kiel 
ap>v'afc 
loguel 


«*he 

«butl 

Mobe| 

him, 

aon.  u' 

often 

waspi 

num, 

given  I 

ditiou 


*  Glad,  no  doubt,  to  rid  themselves  of  the  expense  of  keeping  tbem ;  for  it  must  be 
faamnbered,  that  the  English  took  them  upon  the  condition  (hat  they  shouid  support 
them  at  their  own  expense. 


fBooK  U 

'P»nme,Pe$. 
*>e  totuidtnd 

^vluU  Mm 
M«  onrf  /  up^ 

'>'<»*  forbtar- 

Ml  they  pro. 

>oon  as  was 
ival;  sadiv, 
ley  brougbt 
!  somewhat 
1  waa,  that, 
300  lathom 
>re  had  not 
have  lieen 
100  by  hi" 

»  a  present 
'lad  othel^ 
ould  have 
^ould  now 
re  enough 
"ing  plant- 
>  thepres- 
in  twenty 
» country, 
forced  to 
expect  to 
In  the 


CkAP.  IV.] 


NimoRrr. 


lUdren  to 

il  charge 
ect  fh>iii 
>ver  the 
rted,and 

chai^ 
hey  had 
ir,  1649, 
mplaint 
rmining 
iring  in 
eaway 
in  an 
«rherby 
US  acte 


■HIM  be 
support 


the  asmlant  dion  eonfesMd  hec  was,  for  a  eonsiderabie  sum  of  waropuoi, 
by  the  fiiarragBnsett  and  Nianiieko  sac  Items,  hired  to  attempu" 

Ilieanwhile  Ainigret,  ii.iderstandiug  what  was  to  be  ur^  against  him, 
apiV^ared  siid.^.  nly  at  ikieton  before  tiie  conuniMioiiers.  Tlie  old  cata- 
logue of  delinquencies  was  read  over  to  him,  witli  several  new  ones 
appended.  As  it  respected  CtUtaquin'i  attempt  upon  ttie  life  of  Uneog, 
Jfmigrd  said  that  neither  he  nor  Putactu  had  any  hand  in  it,  but  that 
*^he[Cutitujuin]  wc»  drawn  thereunto  by  torture  from  the  MohegaiM ;" 
"but  he  was  told,  tliat  the  assailant,  l)efore  be  came  into  the  hands  of  the 
Mohegans,  presently  af\er  the  fact  was  committed,  layed  the  charge  upon 
him,  with  the  rest,  which  he  confirmed,  the  day  following,  to  Capt.  Ma- 
aim,  in  the  presence  of  the  English  that  were  in  the  bark  with  iimi,  and 
often  rviterntet^  it  at  Hartford,  though  since  he  hath  denied  it :  that  he 
w«  preserrsd  to  Uneaa  untlor  the  notion  of  one  appertaining  to  V$iame- 
qmn,  whertby  he  was  acknowledged  as  his  friend,  and  no  provocation 
given  him."  CuUaquin  had  affirmed,  it  was  saic',  that  his  desperate  con- 
dition caused  him  to  attempt  the  life  of  Uneas,  "through  his  great 
engagement  to  the  said  sachems,  having  received  a  considerable  quabtity 
of  wanripum,  which  he  had  spent,  who  otherwise  would  have  taken  away 
his  life.'' 

The  judgment  of  the  court  was,  that  the  sachems  were  guilty,  and  we 
next  find  them  engaged  in  settling  the  old  account  of  wampum,  fibd- 
gret  had  got  the  comiaissiouers  debited  more  than  they  at  first  were 
willing  to  allow.  Thev  say  that  it  appeared  by  the  auditor's  acc3unt, 
that  no  more  than  1529i  fathom  hath  been  credited,  "  nor  could  JVtn^grd 
by  an^  evidence  mako  any  more  to  appear,  only  he  alleged  that  arnut 
600  fathom  was  paid  by  measure  which  he  accouuted  by  tale,  wherein 
there  was  considerable  difference.  The  commissioners,  not  willing  to 
adhere  to  any  strict  terms  in  that  particular,  (and  though  by  agreement  it 
to  be  paid  by  measure  and  not  by  tale,)  were  willing  to  allow  6B 


fathom  and  half  in  that  respect,  so  that  there  remuns  due  408  fatliom. 
But  Mlnignt  persisting  in  his  former  affirmacion,  and  not  endeavored  to 
give  any  reasonable  satisfaction  to  the  commissionera  in  the  premises,  a 
small  inconsiderable  parcel  of  beaver  being  all  that  was  tendered  to 
them,  though  they  understood  be  was  better  provided."  They  therefore 
gave  him  to  understand  that  thev  were  altogether  dissatisfied,  and  that 
he  mi^ht  go  his  own  way,  as  they  were  determined  to  protect  Uneo$ 
accordmg  to  their  treaty  with  him. 

The  commissioners  now  expressed  the  opinion  among  themselves, 
that  affaire  looked  rather  turbulent,  and  advised  that  each  colony  should 
hold  itself  in  readiness  to  act  as  circumstances  might  require,  **  whieh 
they  the  rather  present  to  consideration,  from  on  information  they 
received  since  theur  sitting,  of  a  marriage  shortly  intended  betwixt  Afot- 
grd't  daughter,  and  a  brother  or  brother's  son  of  Saaaaqwu,  the  molig- 
niuit,  furious  Pequot,  whereby  probably  their  aims  are  to  gather  together, 
and  reunite  the  scattered  conquered  Pequates  into  one  body,  and  set  them 
up  egain  as  a  distinct  nation,  which  hath  always  been  witnessed  against 
by  the  English,  and  may  hazard  the  peace  of  the  colonies." 

The  four  years  next  succeeding  are  full  of  events,  but  as  theyhappened 
chiefly  among  the  Indians  themselves,  it  is  very  difficult  to  learn  the 
particulars.  Mnigref  claimed  dominion  of  the  Indians  of  a  part  of  Long 
Island,  as  did  his  predecessore ;  but  those  Indians,  seeing  the  Englim 
domineering  over  the  Narragansets,  became  altogether  independent  «r 
them,  and  even  waged  wars  upon  them. 

^scassaaotiek  was  at  this  period  the  chief  of  those  Indiana,  a  warlike 
and  courageous  chief,  but  as  treacherous  and  barbarous  as  he  was  brave. 
These  idonders  had  firom  the  time  of  the  Pequot  troubles  been  protected 


;«&: 


74 


NINIGRET^WAIANDANCE. 


(BookO. 


Chap. 


by  the  English,  which  mucn  inpmapd  their  iasolencft.  Not  only  had 
^/hugrtt,  and  the  met  of  tlio  Narraganaels,  miflfered  from  hk  tmuloi,  but 
the  Mohegaiis  had  also,  as  we  dhall  more  fiiliy  niake  >l*pev  hereafter. 

When  the  Enghsh  comniissionere  had  iiiet  at  HartNMd  m  1<>50,  Umua 
came  witii  a  coin;>laint  to  ithem,  "thn;  the  Mohanaick  sachem,  in  Loos 
bland,  hnd  killed  mm  of  hi«  men ;  bewitched  diuera  others  and  hiiuself 
also,*  and  desired  fho  commtvionent  thni.  bee  might  be  righted  tfaerin.  An 
because  the  saiti  sachem  of  Lon^  Island  was  net  th«re  to  answer  for 
himself,"  several  Englislinicii  were  appointed  to  examine  into  it,  and  if 
they  found  him  guilty  to  let  hiiii  know  tliat  they  "  will  bring  trouble  upon 
themselves." 

At  the  same  meeting  an  order  was  passed, "that  20 men  well  armed  be 
sent  out  of  the  jurisdiction  of  tht>  Massachusetts  to  PrsskiUy  to  demand 
the  said  wampum,  [then  in  nrrci\r«s]  which  is  908  fathom ;"  hut  in  case 
they  could  not  get  the  wampum,  diey  were  ordered  "to  take  the  aam^ 
or  the  vallew  thcrof,  in  the  liest  and  most  suitable  goods  they  can  find." 
Or,  if  they  could  not  find  enough  to  satisfy  all  demands,  they  wera 
ordered  to  seize  and  "  bring  away  either  Peasacua  or  his  ciildrer.,  or  such 
other  considerable  sachem  or  jiersons,  as  they  prize,  and  may  mjre  prob- 
ably bow  them  to  rcacuii." 

From  Peasacits,  they  we-^  ordered  to  go  to  ^bt^nty  and  inform  him 
that  the  commissioners  had  heard  "/Aof  he  Itad  gmem  hia  dm^der  in  tmr- 
riage  to  Saaecos  his  bnther,  who  f^ttthera  Pequota  wuUr  Ana,  at  j^  eittcr  Ac 
taould  become  their  aachem,  or  agmn  poaseaa  the  Pemutt  tmaitryf^  which  was 
contrary  to  "  engagements,"  and  what  they  would  not  allow,  and  he  must 
inform  them  whether  it  were  so.  To  inform  him  also  that  ffk^aaak 
QhA  "  complains  of  sundry  wrongs."  And  that,  as  to  his  hunting  in  the 
Pequot  country,  to  inform  him  he  had  no  right  to  do  so^  as  that  countir 
belonged  to  the  English.  The  termination  of  this  expeidition,  in  whieo 
Mmgret  was  taken  "  by  the  hair."  has  beeu  previously  owntioned  io  our 
extract  from  Dr.  Mather. 

We  have  in  the  life  of  JUionfuimoiiioA  given  some  account  of  the  acts 
of  a  chief  called  Waiandanee,  '><«pecially  relating  to  tlie  disot^anizatioD 
of  the  plans  of  that  great  chief!  We  come,  in  this  place,  to  a  parallel 
act  in  relation  to  Mmgret.  About  a  year  afler  the  death  of  Jfiawfaimo- 
moA,  Mnigret  undertook  to  organize  a'  plan  for  expatriating  the  Engiisb  • 
and  sent  a  messenger  to  Wdiandmne^  the  Long  Isfand  sachem,  to  engage 
him  in  it  Instead  of  listening  to  his  message,  IPUojufanee  seized  upon 
MngrePa  messenger,  bound  him,  and  sent  him  to  Capt.  Gonleiwr  at 
Saybrook  fort  From  thence  he  was  sent,  under  a  guard  of  10  men,  for 
Hartford.  But  they  were  wind-bound  in  their  passages,  and  were  obliged 
to  put  in  to  Shelter  Island,  where  an  old  sachem  livM,  who  was  IFowi*- 
dmue*a  elder  brother.  Here  they  let  NhugrtPa  ambaaaador  escape,  and 
thus  he  had  knowledge  that  his  plan  was  overthrown. 

Since  we  have  here  introduced  the  sachem  IFoMMfance,  we  wiD  add 
the  account  of  his  last  acts  and  death.  One  WiUiaatt  limtummd  being 
killed  "  by  a  giant-like  Indian"  near  New  Yoric,  about  1637,  Capt  ikardaur 
told  fFaiandanee  that  he  must  kill  that  Indian ;  but  this  bemg  against  the 
advice  of  the  great  sachem,  his  brother,  he  declined  it,  uid  told  the 
captain  that  that  Indian  was  a  mighty  great  man,  and  no  man  dared 
meddle  with  him,  and  that  he  had  many  friends  Some  time  after,  he 
killed  another,  one  T^mcu  /brritigfon,  and  in  the  mean  time,  Waiandanee^a 
brother  having  died,  he  undertook  his  execution,  which  he  accomplished. 
This  was  his  last  act  in  the  service  of  the  English ;  **£»■  in  the  time  of  a 
great  mortality  among  them,  he  died,  but  it  was  by  poison ;  also  two 

*  This  was  doublleis  as  Irae  iis  weie  most  ofliis  chaiges  against  Ike  Namcaasels. 


,'\ 


(Book  H. 

Not  only  hMi 
hid  ifwulttv  but 
r  beivafter. 
in  l(»0,  C/lMw 
siieni,  in  Looc 
I  and  hiiuMtf 
idtlwriu.  Bill 
to  answer  for 

into  it,  and  if 
r  trouble  upon 

itpII  armed  be 
lu,  to  demand 
;"  but  in  caae 
>ke  tlicaanw, 
ley  can  find." 
B,  they  were 
dren,  or  such 
y  mare  prob* 

inform  him 
gUeri^mmt- 
tti/dtterAc 
"  which  wu 
and  he  must 
bat  mqmaak 
jnlinj  in  the 
that  countnr 
in,  in  which 
ioned  in  our 

t  of  the  acts 
nrganization 
toaparallel 
^Mthmno- 
he  Engiisb; 
It,  to  engage 
leized  upoD 
Banfencr  at 
10inen,ibr 
'ere  obliged 
ras  fFaiam- 
e8cape,aiid 

r«  win  add 
■mrf  being 
tGondemr 
against  the 
i  told  the 
nan  dared 
e  after,  he 
ricDidlBiioe'* 
nnpKshed. 
'  time  of  • 
also  two 


Cmap.  IV.  I 


NINIGRET.— MEXAM. 


7S 


lagaaMts. 


thirds  of  the  Indians  upon  Long  laiand  diod,  else  the  Narragansets  had 
not  made  such  havoc  here  ns  they  have." 

^inigrtt  passed  the  winter  of  Ui52 — 3  among  the  Dutch  of  New- York. 
This  caused  the  English  great  suHpicion,  C8|ieeially  ns  they  were  enemies 
to  the  Dutch  at  that  time ;  and  several  8agt.<..ores  who  resided  near  the 
Dut'  h  had  repoitcd  that  the  Dutch  govsnior  was  trying  to  hire  them  to 
cut  oif  the  hnglish ;  consequently,  there  was  a  8|iecitu  meeting  of  the 
English  commissioners  at  Bcston,  in  April,  1653,  occasioned  by  a  rumor 
that  the  Narragansets  had  leagued  with  the  Dutch  to  break  up  the  Eng- 
lish settlements.  Wheit.upon  a  letter  was  sent  by  them  to  their  agent  at 
Narra^ inset,  Thomaa  Stanton,  containing  "  divera  queries,"  by  him  to  be 
interpreted  "  to  JVinegrett,  Ptaricxu  and  A^^Jaam,  three  of  the  chiefcst 
Narraganset  sacher.ts,"  and  their  answers  to  be  immediately  olttaiDed 
and  reported  lo  'aa  commissioners. 

The  questions  ^j  be  put  to  the  sachems  were  in  eubetance  as  fol- 
lows:— 1.  Wh'-Uier  the  Dutch  had  engaged  them*  to  tight  against  the 
English. — ^3.  Whether  the  Dutch  governor  did  not  endeavor  such  a 
cokjspiracy. — 3.  Whether  they  had  not  received  arms  and  unitinna 
of  w&r  from  the  Dutch. — 4.  What  other  Indians  are  engaged  in  the 
plot— 5.  Whether,  contrary  to  their  engagement,  they  were  resolved  to 
fight  agai.ist  the  English.— -6.  If  they  ere  so  resolved,  tohal  thty  think  the 
Engliui  will  do. — 7.  Whether  they  l.ad  not  better  be  true  to  the  English. ' 
— 8.  Similar  to  the  first. — 9.  What  were  their  grounds  of  wnr  against  the 
English. — 10.  Whether  they  had  not  better  come  or  send  messengers  to 
treat  with  the  English. — 11.  Whether  they  had  hired  the  Mohawks  to 
help  them. 

"  The  answare  of  the  sachems,  viz.  JVimigreit,  Pessecvis  and  Mixam. 
vnto  the  queries  and  letters  sent  by  the  messengers,  Surjeani  fVaite  and 
Sarjeant  John  BamU,  the  18th  of  the  second  month,  1653." 

Mexam  seems  to  have  been  tlie  first  that  answered ;  and  of  the  first 
query  he  said : — 

**  I  speak  unfewntdlyyfrom  my  heart,  and  aay,  mlihovt  diasimxdalion,  tluzt 
I  know  of  no  »uck  plot  againtt  Oie  Englith,  my  friends ;  implicating  either 
the  Dutch  governor  or  any  other  person.  Thovgh  I  he  poor,  it  is  not  goods, 
gytw,  powder  nor  shot,  thtU  shall  draw  me  to  such  a  plot  as  this  against  the 
English,  mif  friends.^  ff  the  Dutch  goverrwr  had  made  known  any  such 
tnlCTi/ion  to  mi-,  I  would  have  told  it,  wiUiout  delay,  to  the  English,  myfiiends. 
With  respect  to  your  second  question,  I  answer,  No.  Whcf  do  the  English 
aaehems,  my  fnends,  think  of  us  ?—do  they  think  we  should  prefer  goods, 
guns,  powder  and  shot,  hrfore  our  lives  ?  our  means  of  living  ?  outh  of  us 
and  ours  ?  As  to  the  ith  query,  I  speak  from  my  heart,  and  say,  J  know  qf 
no  such  plot  hy  the  Dutch  governor.  There  may  come  fidse  netos  and  report^ 
against  us ;  let  them  say  wuU  they  wiU,  they  w-e  false.  It  is  unnecessary  to 
«ay  more.  But  in.  srMper  to  the  lOlh  query  I  wiu  say.  It  is  just  messengers 
should  he  sent  to  ireai  with  the  English  sachems,  but  as  for  myself,  I  am  old, 
and  canmit  travel  tun  days  together,  but  a  man  shall  be  sent  to  speak  ivith  the 
sachems.     Ihave  sent  to  Mr.  Smith,  and  Voll|  his  man,  to  speak  to  Mr.  Brown, 

*  The  third  pcrscn  singular,  he,  is  used  throughout,  iti  the  original,  as  it  was  supposed 
by  the  propoonders  that  each  chief  would  be  nuestioned  separately. 

t  Every  o:;e  must  be  forcibly  rep'.indnd  of  the  answer  given  by  one  of  our  rcvolution- 
a^  wortlnes,  Joseph  Reed,  Esq.,  to  a  British  agent,  on  reading  this  answer  of  the  chief 
Mexam,  though  not  under  circumstances  exacny  similar.  Mr.  Reed  was  promised  a 
fortune  if  he 'would  exert  himself  on  the  side  of  the  king.  Viewing  it  in  the  li^ht  of  a 
bribe,  he  replied :  "lam  not  tcorlh  jntrchasing,  but,  sucli  as  I  am,  the  king  ot  Gre/it 
Britain  is  not  rich  enough  to  do  it."  Dr.  Gordon's  America,  ii!  172.  ed.  London,  4 
vols.  8  vo.  1788. 

\  Vatlenline  Whitman,  an  interpreter,  elsewhere  named.  • 


76 


NFNK;  UET.— Pl'-iSAt -'US. 


[Book  II. 


and  to  Mg  to  Ami,  UuU  I  love  tlu  Enf(lvih  taehemM,  and  all  Enf^hmtn  im 
he  liau :  Jhul  dcnire  Mr.  Brown  to  tdl  tiie  amliemt  of  the  fiflnjf,  that  tkt 
cAi'/i  that  i.i  now  Iioni,  or  lluzt  I'.t  to  Lc  born  in  (tine  lo  came,  ahall  tee  no  war 
made  hij  tu  nfaiuat  the  Unf^ligh." 

Ptxaaciu  H|Kikp  t(»  this*  |)iir|MN(e  :— 

"  /  am  ver»f  thanl^f'xd  lo  (A«;«r  tufo  nun  that  camrj'iom  the  MaataehuaetU,  and 
hynu  TlioinaH,  and  to  yon  Poll,*  and  to  yoti  Mr.  Hiiiith.yo*  "  'ome 

to  fur  an  from  the  Hay  to  bring  us  thit  mtasage,  and  to  xnj  j  them 

thintfB  tve  knew  »  ><  of  More.  Aafor  the  governor  of  the  Duiii;  uw  are  loath 
lo  invent  any  fiitseho^il  of  kirn,  tfwvgh  we  be  far  from  him,  to  please  the 
Kngliiiky  or  any  others  that  bring  Iheae  reports,  for  what  I  apeak  with  my 
mouth  I  apfiik  from  my  heart.  The  Dutch  governor  did  never  propound 
any  such  >iiing  unto  na.  Do  you  think  we  are  mad')  and  that  we  have  for- 
gotten our  toriting  that  toe  had  in  the  Bay,  which  doth  bind  ru  to  the  EngHah, 
ourfrienda,  in  a  way  of  frieniiship  ?  ^iall  we  throw  aicay  that  writing  and 
ouraelvea  too  ?  Have  we  not  reason  in  m  ?  How  can  the  Dutch  shelter  tta, 
being  ao  remote,  (gainst  the  power  of  the  English,  our  friends — we  living 
clote  bjf  the  doora  of  the  Engliah,  onr  friends?  We  do  prqfeaa,  we  abhor 
aueh  thxnga." 

I^aHtly,  we  comn  to  th«  chief  actor  in  this  afTuir,  JVinigret.  He  takes  up 
each  query  in  onler,  and  nnaworH  it,  whicli,  for  brevity's  sake,  we  will  give 
in  a  little  more  condensed  form,  omitting  nothing,  however,  that  con  in 
any  degree  add  to  our  acquaintanre  with  the  great  chief.  He  thus  com- 
mences : — 

"  /  utterly  deny  thcU  there  has  been  any  agreement  made  between  the  Dutch 
gmemor  and  myself,  to  fi^ht  against '  the  English.  I  did  never  hear  the 
Dutchmen  aay  Ihey  would  go  and  fight  against  the  English  ;  neither  did  1 
hear  the  Indians  say  they  would  join  toith  them.  But,  while  1  was  there  at 
the  Indian  wigwams,  there  came  some  Indians  tnal  iold  me  there  was  a  ship 
come  in  from  Holland,  which  did  report  the  English  and  Dutch  were  fighting 
together  in  their  own  country,  ami  there  were  several  oilier  ships  coming  with 
ammunition  to  fight  against  the  English  here,  and  that  there  would  be  a  greai 
blmo  given  to  the  English  when  they  came.  But  this  I  Juidfrom  the  Indiana, 
and  now  true  it  is  I  cannot  tell.  I  know  not  of  any  wrong  the  Er^lish  have 
done  me,  theiefore  why  ahouid  I  fight  against  them  ?  frhy  do  the  En^iah 
aaehema  oak  me  the  same  questions  over  and  over  again  ?  Do  they  thirdc  we 
are  mad — and  wotdd,for  a  few  guns  and  swords,  sell  our  lives,  and  the  Uvea 
of  our  wives  and  children  ?  .as  to  their  tenth  question,  it  being  indifferently 
spoken,  whether  I  mav  go  or  send,  though  I  know  nothing  mme\f,  wherein  I 
have  wronged  the  English,  to  prevciU  mt  {(oing ;  yet,  q«  /  aatd  before,  it 
being  left  to  my  choice,  that  is,  it  being  indifferent  to  the  commissioners, 
whevwr  I  will  send  some  one  to  speak  with  them,  I  will  send."] 

To  the  letters  which  the  English  messengers  carried  to  the  sachenrw, 
Mexam  and  Pesaacus  said,  "  fVe  desire  there  may  be  no  mistcdce,  but  that  toe 
may  be  understood,  and  that  there  may  be  a  true  umkrstanding  on  both  sides. 
fVe  desire  to  know  where  you  had  this  news,  that  thire  was  such  a  league 
made  betwixt  the  Dutch  and  us,  and  also  to  know  our  accusers." 

JSfinigret,  though  of  the  most  importance  in  this  affair,  is  last  mentioned 
jn  the  records,  and  his  answer  to  the  letter  brought  him  by  the  commis- 
sioners is  as  follows : — 


•  So  printed  in  Hazard,  but  probably  means  the  same  as  VoU ;  V,  in  the  latter  case, 
having  been  taken  for  P.     We  have  known  such  instances. 


0ll4V. 

ekuaeti 
inquir 
the  D 
way  on 
there 
alrfoit 
has  b^ 
atPo 


Botton  latoyer. 
word. 


ir  a  ptuxk  exist  any  where,  wo  apprehend  it  is  in  some  mystifying 


IBowB  II. 

^ay>  that  Iht 
■tf  fee  no  uor 


rhtuttU,and 
rome 
J  tkue 
•*«  are  loath 
o  please  the 
tok  with  my 
fr  propound 
'«  have  for- 

vnjhng  and 
h  shelter  tu, 
— «« living 
»,  tve  abhor 

ic  tukea  up 
ve  will  give 
hat  can  in 
thus  com- 

i  the  Dutch 
er  hear  tite 
ithcr  did  I 
103  there  at 
709  a  ship 
^re^ghting 
mtng  irift 
be  a  ereai 

^Itsh  have 
te  Erurliah 
y  thivic  we 
d  the  Uvea 
differently 
wherein  1 
pefore,  it 
liaaionera, 

sachemc^  ' 
d  that  toe 
oth  sides, 
a  league    « 

entioned 
commis- 


tler  case, 

/'would 
Philadel- 
5  even  a 
ysli/ying 


ONAr.  IV] 


NINinRET— AWA8IIAW. 


"  You  an  kindty  welcome  lo  ut,  and  I  kindly  thank  the  taehema  of  Ma 
ekuttUt  that  they  should  thitJt  of  me  na  one  of  the  aaehema  worthy  lo  b« 
inquired  rf  eonctming  this  matter.  Had  any  of  the  other  saehems  been  at 
the  IhdcH,  I  should  have  fared  their  folly  might  have  done  some  hurt,  <ma 
way  or  other,  bid  they  have  not  been  there.  I  am  the  man.  I  have  been 
there  mysty.  I  alone  am  ansioerablc  for  tchat  I  have  dune.  Jhid,  as  I  have 
alreathf  declared,  I  do  utterly  deny  and  protest  that  I  knotv  of  no  such  plot  a$ 
has  been  iij.prehended.  frhat  u  the  story  of  these  great  rumors  that  I  hear 
at  Pocatocke — that  I  should  be  cut  off,  and  that  the  English  had  a  quami 
against  me  if  I  know  of  no  such  eaxue  at  aUfor  my  part.  la  it  beeauae  I 
xaent  thither  to  take  physic  for  my  health  f  or  what  is  the  cause  ?  I  found  no 
such  etitertainment  from  the  Dutch  governor,  when  I  was  there,  as  to  give  nte 
any  encouragement  to  alir  me  up  to  such  a  league  against  the  English,  my 
frtends.  R  was  winter  time,  and  I  stood,  a  great  part  of  a  wiriter  day, 
knocking  at  the  govemor'a  door,  and  he  would  neither  open  it,  nor  siffer  othen 
lo  open  it,  to  let  me  in,  I  was  not  wont  to  find  such  carriage  from  the  Er^- 
liah,  myfrienda." 

Not  long  after  the  return  of  the  English  inewengera,  who  brought  the 
above  relation  of  their  mission,  JiwaslMW  arrived  at  Boston,  as  "  messen- 
ger" of  Mn^rel,  PeMoetM  and  .MeTam,  with  "three  or  four"  others.  An 
inquisition  was  immediately  held  over  him,  and,  from  his  eroM-examina- 
tion,  we  gather  the  following  answers : — 

"  Ninigret  told  me  that  he  went  to  the  Dutch  to  be  cured  of  his  disease,  hear- 
ing there  was  q  Frenchman  there  that  could  cure  him ;  and  Mr.  John  Winthrop 
knew  of  his  going.  He  carried  30  fathom  of  wampum,  gave  the  doctor  10, 
and  the  Dutch  governor  15,  who,  in  lieu  thereof,  f^nve  him  coats  tvith  sUevta, 
but  not  one  gtm,  tjuntgh  the  Indiana  there  gave  htm  two  guna.  That,  tMiZe 
Ninigret  toaa  there,  he  crossed  Hudson's  River,  and  there  an  Indian  told  him 
abotd  the  arrival  of  the  Dutch  ships.  JIs  lo  the  com  sent  to  the  Dutch  by 
Ninigret,  it  teas  oriy  to  pay  his  paasa^e,  the  Dutch  having  brotight  him  home 
tn  a  vesseL  Five  men  went  tmlh  Ninigret.  Four  came  home  wUh  him  m 
the  veaael,  and  one  came  by  land  before.  One  of  his  company  was  a  Mohef^an, 
and  one  a  Conecticotl  Inman,  toho  lived  on  the  other  stele  of  Hudson's  Rtver. 
A  canoe  waafumiahed  tcith  60  fathom  of  wampum,  afler  Ninigret's  return 
from  Monhatoea,  to  be  aent  there  to  pay  for  the  two  guna,  btU  six  fathom  of  it 
was  to  have  been  paid  to  the  doctor,  wmch  waa  then  due  to  him.  There  were 
tn  it,  alao,  two  rvKcoon  coats,  and  tteo  beaver  akina,  and  aeven  Indiana  to  go 
voith  it.     They  and  the  canoe  were  captured  by  Uncns." 

An  Indian  named  ^^  J^ewcom-Matuxea,  sometimes  of  Rhode  Island,** 
was  one  that  accompanied  Awashaw.  "  One  John  Lightfoot,  of  Boston,** 
said  Matuxea  told  him,  in  Dutch,  (he  had  lived  among  them  at  Sotuhhold, 
and  learned  their  language,)  that  the  Dutchmen  would  "cut  off"  the 
English  of  Long  Island.    ".Vetocom  also  confesseth  [to  him]  that  JVTni- 

Set  said  that  he  heard  that  some  ships  were  to  come  from  Holland  to  the 
onhattoes  to  cut  off  the  English."  "That  an  Indian  told  him  that  the 
Dutch  would  come  against  the  English,  and  cut  them  off,  hut  they  would 
save  the  women  and  children  and  guns,  for  themselves.  But  Capt.  Sim- 
kins  and  the  said  Lightfoot  do  l)oth  affirm  that  the  said  .Yewcom  told  them 
that  the  Dutchmen  told  him,  as  before  [stated,]  though  he  now  puts  it  offi 
and  saith  an  Indian  told  him  so."  Simkins  affirmed  also  that  JS/hecom 
told  him  that  if  he  would  go  and  serve  the  Dutch,  they  woidd  give  him  a 
100£ayear. 

On  examining  .^Trwcom,  the  commissioners  gave  it  as  their  opinion  that 
he  was  guilty  of  perfidy,  and  that  they  should  not  have  let  him  escape 
without  punishment,  but  for  his  being  considered  as  an  ambassador. 
They,  therefore,  desired  Awaahaw  to  inform  Nxnigrei  of  it,  that  he  might 
send  him  to  them  again,  "the  better  to  clear  hiinaelf."  This  we  appre- 
7* 


#- 


iNINiailET— IJ.NCASVS   I'KHFIOY. 


(Book  II. 


Cma*. 


bsnd  wu  uoi  iluuf.  Jiwanhaiv  next  notified  tlio  court  that  he  had  not 
done  with  thorn,  "  when  u|M)it  lio  ^vn^  m  at  lor  to  it|M'uk  what  he  lutd 
fiirthor  lu  |>ru(Niiiii<l."  Ho  iIuiiihii(I<:iI  Iiow  iIh  y  <-ariiu  Uy  ih«!ir  iiitbriiM- 
lioo  "of  uli  them)  thiiiKH  luuchiii^'  JViniitrel."  Thoy  aaid  I'roiii  Mveral 
ludiaiM,  parlicularlif  *H\  t  Monh*!aK<i  Iii<litiii  and  tti«  NurraKuiiMtt  Indian, 
which  wire  IkxIi  taki;h  by  Utuaa  \\w  \w\\,  who  hud  ronluBacd  the  plot 
buforo  Mr.  Haitits  at  ilartford."  Jlivattuiw  iiIho  deiimndt-d  restitution  of 
Uie  wain|Hiin  laio-u  by  Uikob.  Tho  couiiniiitiionerM  told  him  that  tlwy 
bad  not  aa  yet  uiKkratoiHl  of  thu  trutii  of  that  action,  hut  when  they 
bad  tborouf^hly  examined  it,  lie  hIiouKI  have  an  nnswer. 

So,  all  thiM  lugitiJatinK  wait  alHiut  Mnigret'a  ffoinff  to  the  Dutch ;  foi  ua 
to  a  plot  Uiero  appears  no  evidence  ot  any ;  hut  when  Uncaa  had  com- 
mitted a  great  depredation  ufion  JViniffrct,  why — "  that  altered  the  caie" 
— they  must  inquire  into  it,  which  doulitlefM  was  all  right  no  far,  but  if  a 
like  complaint  find  been  prttferred  aguinHt  JVinigrcl  by  Uncaa,  we  have 
reason  to  think  it  would  have  been  tbrthwith  "  in(|uired  into,"  at  least, 
without  an  \f. 

A  Btor^,  it  cannot  be  called  evidence,  told  by  Unca$,  relating  to  Mni- 
ffreiV  visit  to  the  Dutch,  is  recorded  by  the  conmiissioners,  and  whioh, 
if  it  amount  to  any  tiling,  goes  to  prove  himself  guilty,  and  is  indeed  an 
acknowledgment  of  his  own  porhdy  in  taking  JVinigre/'tf  boat  and  goods 
as  charged  by  Jlwaahaw.    It  is  as  follows : — 

"  Uncos,  the  Mohegan  sachem,  c^me  lately  to  Mr.  Haina^  house  at  Hart- 
ford, and  informo<i  him  that  ^inniffrett,  sachem  of  the  Niantick  Narra- 
Stnsetts,  went  this  winter  to  the  Moidmtoes"  and  made  a  league  with  tbe 
utcb  governor,  and  for  a  large  present  of  wampum  received  20  guns 
«Dd  a  gpeat  box  of  powder  acid  bidlets.  ^Wnigret  told  him  of  tbe  great 
iniuries  be  had  sustained  from  U>icaa  and  the  Bnglisb.  That  on  tbe 
otber  side  of  Hudson's  River,  ^nigret  had  a  conlerence  with  a  great 
oiany  Indian  sagamores,  and  desired  tbcir  aid  to  cut  off  the  Mohegaiw 
and  English.  Also,  that,  about  two  years  since,  .\1[it^rel  "  sent  to  the 
Monheage  sachem,  and  gav.~  him  a  resent  of  wampum,  pressing  bim 
to  procure  a  man  skilful  in  magic  workings,  and  an  artist  in  iwisoniug, 
ana  sepd  unto  bim ;  and  he  should  receive  more  on  buodredtb  fatbom 
of  wampum,  which  was  to  have  been  conveyed  to  the  Monheage  sachem, 
and  tbe  powaugh  at  the  return  of  bim  tliat  was  to  bring  the  poisoB. 
Uncaa  having  intelligence  of  these  things,  caused  a  narrow  watch  to  be 
set,  by  sea  and  land,  for  the  apprehending  of  those  persons ;  and  accord- 
ingly took  them  returning  in  a  canoe  to  the  number  of  seven :  whereof 
four  of  them  were  Narragansets,  two  strangei-s  and  one  Pequatt.  This 
was  done  in  bis  absence,  while  he  was  with  Mr.  Hainea,  at  Conecticott, 
and  carried  by  those  of  his  men  that  took  them  to  Mohegen.  Being 
there  examined,  two  of  them,  the  [Wampeage*]  sachem's  brother,  aoa 
one  Narraganset  freely  confessed  t!ie  whole  plot  formerly  expressed,  aod 
that  one  of  their  company  was  that  powaugh  and  prisoner,  pointing  owt 
die  man.  Upon  this,  bis  men  in  a  rage  slew  him,  fearing,  as  he  said| 
least  be  should  make  an  esca{)e,  or  otherwise  do  either  mischief  to  Uncof 
or  the  English,  in  case  they  should  carry  him  with  the  rest  before  them, 
to  Conecticott  to  be  further  examined.  And  being  brought  to  Conecticott 
before  Mr.  Hainea,  and  examined,  did  assert  these  particulars." 

An  Indian  squaw  also  informed  "an  inhabitant  of  Wethersfield,  that 
the  Dutch  and  Indians  generally  were"  confederating  to  cut  off  the 
English,  and  that  election  day,  [1654,1  was  the  time  set,  "  because  then  it 
is  apprehended  tbe  plantations  will  be  left  naked  and  unable  to  defend 
tbeoaaelves,  tbe  strength  of  tbe  English  colonies  being  gathered  from  tb^ 


aoqua 
how 
iMUf 
It  wl 

diing  ll 
off  th<r 
have 
teMiniil 
tbe  Ml 
into  <fi 
McA 
latter,] 


"•i>T-( 


*  See  declaration  onward  in  Ute  record*,  (Hoi  ii.  S22.) 


ilMIX    .,il-V< 


■f 


If 


(Boob  II. 

'in  had  not 
iiac  lie  luul 
<!ir  iiitbrnw. 
Willi  several 
ii)M!t  Indian, 
"d  llie  pJot 
!«itiition  of 
III  tiidt  they 
t  when  they 

Itch;  fo:  urn 
u  hud  com- 
[|  tlie  case" 
far,  but  if  a 
0*,  wo  iiave 
Of^at  least, 

itg  to  Mni- 

uud  whiofa, 

indeed  an 

:  and  goods 

iHe  at  Hart- 
ifk  Narra- 
Je  with  the 
lid  20  guns 
i'  the  great 
iut  on  the 
th  a  great 
Mohegans 
ieot  to  the 
sssing  him 
poisoning, 
Ith  fathom 
e  sachem, 
le  poison. 
atcD  to  be 
d  ancord- 

whereof 
itt  This 
•iiecticot^ 
I.  Beiiur 
'her,  aad 
SNed,  and 
iting  out 

lie  said| 
to  Viwi$ 
ire  theni,, 
nectico^ 

eld,  that 
off  th« 
B  then  it 
>  defend 
i^m  th^ 

I.'i    .il-XH 


CllA».  iV.1  NINIOUrr^ADDAM.  ?% 

wmral  towna.  And  the  aforeaud  squaw  advised  the  ssid  inhabitant*  to 
aoqwaiot  the  rest  of  the  Knciiah  with  it,  desiring  thev  would  remetaber 
how  dear  their  slighting  of  her  former  information  of  the  Pequola  com* 
ing  upon  the  English  cost  them."* 

It  would  seem,  from  a  careful  examination  of  the  rerords,  that  some* 
diing  had  been  suggested  either  by  the  Dutch  or  Indiiuis,  about  **  cutting 
off*  the  English,"  which  justice  to  JYtnigrtt  rvquires  us  to  statu,  might 
have  been  the  rase  without  hit  knowledge  or  purtici|Nitioii.  l>or,  tM 
testimony  of  the  messengers  of  "  nine  Indum  sagamores  who  live  about 
the  .Monhatoes**  no  how  implicates  him,  and,  therefore,  cannot  be  taken 
into  <f'u;junt,  any  more  than  what  an  Indian  named  itonn^sjoltc  told 
^ncko{1i  Tamur,  as  interpreted  by  another  Indian  called  Addam ;  tko 
latter,  thuu.^h  relating  to  Nimgnft  visit,  was  only  a  hearsay  afGiir.  Bai^ 
nuaoke  wuh  h  sagamore  of  Long  Island. 

Addam  kiho  interpreted  the  story  of  another  Indian,  called  Pvwontgt^ 
**who  saith  he  came  from  the  Indians  who  dwell  over  the  river,  ovef 
,  against  the  Monhatoes,  where  the  plot  is  a  working,  that  was  this:  that 
tbie  Dutchmen  asked  the  Indians  whether  thev  would  leave  tjiem  at  the 
hot  cast,  or  stand  up  with  them.  And  told  the  Indians  they  should  fear 
nothing,  and  not  be  discouraged  because  the  plot  was  iliscovered,"  &c. 

Mdam  the  interpreter  had  also  a  story  to  tell.  He  said,  "  this  spring 
[1653,  O.  S.]  the  Dutch  governor  went  to  Fort  Aurania,  [since  AlbanyJ 
and  first  went  to  a  place  called  Jickicksacky  [Ilackinsack,]  u  great  place 
of  Indiana,  from  thence  to  Monnesick,  [Mintsiuk,]  thence  to  Opingona, 
thence  to  Warranoke,  thence  to  Fort  Aurania:  And  so  far  hu  went  in 
his  own  person.  From  thence  be  sent  to  Pocomtock,  [D«>crfield,  on  the 
Connecticut,]  and  he  carried  with  him  many  note  of  scwan,  thut  is,  bags 
of  wampani,  and  delivered  them  to  the  sagamores  of  the  places,  and 
they  were  to  distribute  them  amongst  their  men  ;  and  wuhnl  he  carried 
powder,  shot,  cloth,  lead  and  guns;  and  told  them  he  would  get  all  the 
great  Indians  under  him,  and  the  English  should  have  the  wum  of  the 
Indians,  and  he  would  have  those  sagamores  with  their  men  to  cut  off 
the  English,  and  to  be  at  his  command  wbeiiever  he  hud  use  of  them, 
and  he  was  tu  find  them  powder  and  shot  till  he  had  need  of  them. 
Furtlier,  he  sent  one  Ciovert,  a  Dutchman,  to  Marsey,  on  Long  Island,  to 
JVlttanoAom,  the  sagamore,  to  assist  him  and  to  do  for  him  whut  he  would 
have  [him]  do :  But  the  sagamore  told  him  he  would  have  nothing  to 
[do]  with  It :  whereupon  Govert  gave  the  sagamore  a  great  kettle  to  be 
silent.  NUkMoham  told  him  he  had  but  20  men,  and  the  English  had 
never  done  him  wrong,  [and]  he  ha<l  no  cause  to  fight  against  them. 
Further,  he. saith  that  JsinntffrM,  the  fiscal,!  and  the  DuK'h  governor 
were  up  two  days  in  a  close  room,  with  other  sagamores  ;  and  tnero  was 
no  speaking  with  any  of  them  except  when  they  cunic  for  a  coal  of  fire^ 

*  Referring  to  an  aflair  of  1637,  which  Dr.  /.  Afut/wr  relates  as  follows:  "  Tn  the 
interim,  [while  Capt.  Mason  was  protcrting  Snybrook  fort,]  many  of  tho  I'oqiiods  went 
to  a  place  ftow  called  Wethemjield  on  Connecticut  River,  ami  havine  coiiredurated  with 
the  Indians  of  that  place,  (as  it  was  ^nerally  thought,)  thoj^  laiu  in  ainlnish  for  the 
English  people  of  that  place,  and  divers  of  them  goiiiff  to  tliuir  labor  in  a  large  field 
adjoining  to  the  town,  were  set  upoa  l>y  the  Indians,  Nine  uf  the  Eiijjlish  were  slain 
upon  the  place,  and  some  horses,  and  two  young  women  were  tiikeii  ca|)live."  Relation 
of  the  Troubles,  &c.  S!6. — Dr.  Tiiimbull  says  this  happened  in  .April.     Wis*.  Coil.  i.  T7. 

The  cause  of  this  act  of  the  Pcqnols,  according  to  IVinthrop,  i.  2C0,  was  this.  An 
Indian  called  Seqiiin  had  given  the  English  landis  at  Wciiierslicid,  ihut  lie  nii^ht  live 
by  them  and  be  protected  from  other  Indians.  But  when  ht;  came  tlierc,  and  had  set 
down  his  wigwam,  the  English  drove  him  away  by  force.  .\nd  heiirc  it  was  supposed 
(hat  he  had  plotted  their  destruction,  as  above  related,  with  the  Peijiiots. 

t  A  Dittrii  officer,  whose  duty  is  similar  to  that  of  treasurer  among  llic  English. 

i  To  light  their  pipes,  doubtless — the  Dutch  agreeing  well,  in  (he  paiticular  of  smoking, 
wiik  Ike  udiaiu. 


8b 


NINIORET.— ASCASSASOnCK'S  WAR. 


[Book  IL 


CHArJ 


or  the  like.  Aod  much  sewsTi  wiw  seen  at  that  time  in  Mu»egnf$  hand, 
and  he  carried  none  away  with  him ;"  and  that  Romutaeoke  told  him  that 
the  governor  bid  him  fly  fur  liis  life,  for  the  plot  was  now  discovered. 

Nevertheless,  as  for  any  positive  testimony  that  J^mgnt  was  plotting 
against  the  English,  there  is  none.  That  he  was  in  a  room  to  avoid  com- 
pany, while  his  physician  was  attending  him,  is  very  prohable. 

In  a  long  letter,  dated  26th  May,  1653,  which  the  governor  of  New 
Amsterdam,  PtUr  StuyvesaiU,  wrote  to  the  English,  is  the  following  pas- 
sage : — "  It  is  in  part  true,  as  your  worships  conclude,  that,  about  Januaiy, 
there  camo  a  strange  Indian  from  the  north,  called  JVinnigrett,  com> 
mander  of  the  Narragansets.  But  he  came  hither  with  a  pass  from  Mr. 
John  Winiknp.  Upon  which  pass,  as  we  remen.ber,  the  occasion  of  his 
coming  was  expressed,  namely,  to  be  cured  and  healed ;  and  if,  upon 
the  other  side  of  the  river,  there  hath  been  any  assembly  or  meeting 
of  the  Indians,  or  of  their  sagamores,  we  know  not  [of  it.]  We  heard 
that  he  hath  been  upon  Long  Island,  about  Nayacke,  where  he  hath  been 
for  the  most  part  of  the  winter,  and  hpth  had  several  Indians  with  him, 
but  what  he  hath  negotiated  with  them  remains  to  us  unknown :  only 
this  we  know,  that  what  your  worships  lay  unto  our  charge  are  &lse 
reports,  and  feigned  informations." 

The  war  with  Ascassasutk,  of  which  we  shall  give  all  the  particulars  in 
our  possession,  was  the  next  affair  of  any  considerable  moment  in  the 
Dfe  of  Nlnytret. 

In  1654,  the  government  of  Rhode  Island  communicated  to  Massachu- 
setts, that  the  last  summer  Ninigni,  without  any  cause,  "that  he  doth  so 
much  as  allege,  fell  upon  the  Long  Island  Indians,  our  friends  and  tributa- 
ries," and  killed  many  of  them,  and  took  others  prisoners,  and  would  not 
restore  them.  "  This  summer  he  hath  made  two  assaults  upon  them ;  in 
one  whereof  he  killed  a  man  and  woman,  that  lived  upon  the  land  of  the 
English,  and  within  one  of  their  townships ;  and  anotlier  Indian,  that 
kept  the  cows  of  the  English."  He  had  drawn  many  of  the  foreign 
Indians  down  from  Connecticut  and  Hudson  Rivers,  who  rendezvoused 
upon  Winthrop's  Island,  where  they  killed  some  of  his  cattle.*  This 
war  began  in  1653,  and  continued  "  several  years."f 

The  commibjioners  of  the  United  Colonies  seemed  blind  to  all  complaints 
against  Vnccu ;  but  the  Narragansets  were  watched  and  harassed  without 
ceasing.  Wherever  we  meet  with  an  unpublished  document  of  those 
times,  the  fact  is  very  apparent.  The  chief  of  the  writers  of  ibe  histoiy 
of  that  period  copy  from  the  records  of  the  United  Colonies,  which  ac- 
counts for  their  making  out  a  good  case  for  the  English  and  Mohegans. 
The  spirit  which  actuated  the  grave  commissioners  is  easily  discovered, 
and  I  need  only  refer  my  readers  to  the  case  of  Miantunnomoh.  Despe- 
rate errors  require  others,  oftentimes  still  more  desperate,  until  the  first 
appear  small  compared  with  the  magnitude  of  the  last !  It  is  all  along 
discoverable,  that  those  venerable  records  are  made  up  fixim  one  kind  of 
evidence,  and  that  when  a  Narraganset  appeared  in  his  own  defence,  uo 
many  of  his  enemies  stood  ready  to  give  him  the  lie,  that  his  indignant 
spirit  could  not  stoop  to  contradict  or  parley  with  them ;  and  thus  his 
assumed  guilt  passed  on  for  history.  The  long-silenced  and  bome-down 
friend  of  the  Indians  of  Mooaehausic,^  no  longer  sleeps.  Amidst  his 
toils  and  perils,  he  found  time  to  raise  his  pen  in  their  defence ;  and 
though  his  letters  for  a  season  slept  with  him,  tliey  are  now  awaking  at 
tlie  voice  of  day. 

When  the  English  had  resolved,  in  1654,  to  send  a  force  against  the 
Narragansets,  because  they  had  had  difficulties  and  wars  with  Jlaccutasd' 

» 
*  JIfantMcnpt  ibvM\ents.  \  Ww>d!»  Hist.  Long  Island.  \  Providence. 


*r 


Ciur.iy.] 


NINIGRET.— ASCASHASOnCK'S  WAR. 


(ie,  «s  we  have  related,  Mr.  ffyiiama  expressed  his  views  of  the  matter 
ia  a  letter  to  the  governor  of  MoBsachusetts  as  follows : — '*The  causn  and 
root  «^all  the  present  mischiefe  is  the  pride  of  two  barbarians,  Aca$aai6- 
tick,  the  Long  Island  sachem,  and  Aeneihinai  of  the  Narigenaet.  The 
former  is  proud  and  foolish,  the  latter  is  proud  and  fierce.  I  have  not 
seen  him  these  many  years,  yet,  fh)m  tli«ir  sober  men,  I  hear  he  pleads, 
tat.  that  ^»ca$t<u6tick,  a  very  inferior  sachem,  (bearing  himself  upon  the 
Gnglish,)  bath  slain  three  or  four  of  his  people,  and  since  that  sent  him 
chulenges  and  darings  to  fight  and  mend  himself.  2d.  He,  ATenehmat 
consulted  by  solemn  messengers,  with  the  chief  of  the  English  ^vemoia, 
iVIaj.  Endicot,  then  governor  of  the  Massachusetts,  who  sent  him  an  ua- 

f»licit  consent  to  right  himself:  upon  which  they  all  plead  that  the  Eng- 
iah  have  just  occasion  of  displeasure.  3d.  After  he  had  taken  revenge 
upon  the  Long  Islanders,  and  brought  away  about  14  captives,  (divers  of 
them  chief  women^  yet  he  restored  them  all  again,  upon  the  mediation 
and  desire  of  the  English.  4th.  After  this  peace  [was]  made,  the  Lons 
Islanders  pretending  to  visit  Nenekunai  at  Block  bland,  slaughtered  tn 
his  Narragansets  near  30  persons,  at  midnight ;  two  of  them  of  great 
note,  especially  Wepiteammoek^a  son,  to  whom  ATmdtunat  was  uncle.  5th. 
In  the  prosecution  of  this  war,  although  he  had  drawn  down  the  inlanden 
to  his  assistance,  yet,  upon  protestation  of  the  English  against  his  pro* 
ceedings,  he  retreated  and  dissolved  his  army."* 

The  great  Indian  apostle  lookea  not  so  much  into  these  particolara, 
being  entirely  engaged  in  the  cause  of  the  praying  Indians ;  but  yet  we 
occasionally  meet  with  him,  and  will  here  introduce  him,  as  an  evidence 
against  the  proceeding  of  Uncas,  and  his  friends  the  commissioners: 

"  The'  case  of  the  Nipmuk  Indians,  so  far  as  by  the  best  and  moat 
ri-udible  intelligence,  I  have  understood,  presented  to  the  honored  general 
court,  [of  Massachusetts,]  I.  Unccu  his  men,  at  unawares,  set  upon  aa 
unarmed  poor  people,  and  slew  eight  persons,  and  carried  captive  twenty- 
four  women  and  children.  2.  Some  of  these  were  subjects  to  Mnsaa 
chusetts  goverament,  by  being  the  subjects  of  JoncM.f  3.  They  sued  for 
relief  to  the  worshipful  governor  and  magistrates.  4.  They  were  pleased 
to  send,  (by  some  ludians,)  a  commission  to  Capt.  J9eiwton,  [of  Stoning- 
ton,l  to  demand  these  captives.  5.  Unccu  his  answer  was,  (as  I  heard,) 
insolent.  6.  They  did  not  only  abuse  the  women  by  filthiness,  but  have, 
since  this  demand,  sold  away  (as  I  hear)  some  or  all  of  those  captives. 
7.  The  poor  bereaved  Indians  wait  to  see  what  you  please  to  do.  8.  You 
were  pleased  to  tell  them,  you  would  present  it  to  the  free  court,  and 
they  should  expect  their  answer  from  them,  which  they  now  wait  for. 
9.  Abieerq/t,  yea,  all  tho  Indians  of  the  country,  wait  to  see  the  issue  of 
this  matter.'*t 

This  memorial  is  dated  12th  Mav,  1659,  and  erigned  by  John  Eliot  f 
from  which  it  is  evident  there  had  been  great  delay  in  relieving  those 
distressed  by  the  haughty  Uncat.  And  yet,  whether  he  was  caused  to 
make  remuneration  in  any  way,  we  do  not  find. 

In  1660, "  the  general  court  of  Connecticut  did,  by  their  letters  directed 
to  the  commissioners  of  the  other  colonies,  this  last  summer,  represent 
an  intolerable  affront  done  bv  the  Narraganset  Indians,  and  the  same 
was  now  complained  of  by  the  English  living  at  a  new  plantation  at 
Mohegan,  viz:  that  some  Indians  did,  in  the  dead  time  of  the  night,  shoot 
eight  Dullets  into  an  English  house,  and  fired  the  same ;  wherein  five 
Englishmen  were  asleep.  Of  which  insoJency  the  Narra^anset  sachema 
have  BO  far  taken  notice,  as  to  send  a  slight  excuse  by  Maj.  .^Acrfon,  that 


*  From  the  original  Utter,  in  manuscript,  among'  the  files  in  our  slate-house. 
i  Hon  o(  Chikateuibut.  t  Manuacript  Hele  paper. 


88 


NINIGRET. 


[Book  n. 


C«4rJ 


they  did  ii«ither  consent  to  nor  allow  of  such  practices,  hut  make  no  ten- 
der of  satiHfuction."*  But  they  asked  the  privilege  to  meet  the  commia- 
siooers  at  their  next  session,  at  whicii  time  ti\ey  gave  them  to  iHideratand 
that  satisfiiction  should  be  made.  This  could  not  have  been  other  than 
a  reasonable  request,  hut  it  was  not  granted ;  and  messengers  were  forth- 
with ordered  to  ''repair  to  J\/lnigret,  Pesakiu,  IVoquaeanoote,  and  the 
rest  of  the  Narraganset  sachems,'^to  demand  "  at  least  four  of  the  chief 
of  them  that  shot  into  the  English  house."  And  in  case  tliey  should  not 
be  delivered,  to  demand  five  hundred  fathoms  of  wampum.  They  were 
directed,  in  particular,  to  "  charge  ^inigret  with  breach  of  covenant,  and 
high  neglect  of  their  order,  sent  them  by  Maj.  WUlard,  six  years  since, 
not  to  invade  tho  Long  Island  Indians ;  and  [that  they]  do  account  the 
surprising  the  Long  Island  Indians  at  Gull  Island,  and  murdering  of 
them,  to  be  an  insolent  carriage  to  the  English,  and  a  l)arbarous  and  in- 
human act."  These  are  only  a  few  of  the  most  prominent  charges,  and 
dve  hundred  and  niiiety-fivef  fathoms  of  wampum  was  the  price  demand- 
ed for  them;  and  "the  general  court  of  Connecticut  is  desired  and  em- 
fjowered  to  send  a  convenient  company  of  men,  under  some  discreet 
leader,  to  force  satisfaction  of  the  same  above  said,  and  the  charges  of 
recovering  the  same ;  and  in  case  the  persons  be  delivered,  they  shall  be 
sent  to  Barbadoes,"!  and  sold  for  slaves. 

It  appears  that  the  force  sent  by  Connecticut  could  not  collect  the 
wampum,  nor  secure  the  offenders ;  but  for  the  payment,  condescended 
to  take  a  mortgage  of  all  the  Narraganset  country,  vvith  the  provision  that 
it  should  be  void,  if  it  were  paid  in  four  months.  Qumofuus,^  J^feneglud-, 
and  ScuUup,^  signed  the  deed. 

Ninigr^  did  not  engage  with  the  other  Narraganset  chiefs,  in  Philip's 
war.  Dr.  Mather^  calls  nun  »n  "old  crafly  sachem,  who  had  with  some 
of  bis  men  withdrawn  himself  from  the  rest."  He  must  at  this  time  have 
been  ''an  old  sachem,"  for  we  meet  with  him  as  a  chief,  as  early  as 
1632. 

Although  J^nigret  was  not  personally  engaged  in  Philip's  war,  still  he 
must  have  suffered  considerably  from  it;  oflen  being  obliged  to  send 
his  people  to  the  English,  to  gratify  some  whim  or  caprice,  and  at  other 
times  to  appear  himself.  On  10  Sept.  1675,  eight  of  his  men  came  as 
ambaasadord  to  Boston,  "  having  a  certificate  from  Capt.  Smith,"**  who 
owned  a  large  estate  in  Narraganset.  Afler  having  finished  their  business, 
tbe^  received  a  pass  from  the  authorities  to  return  to  their  own  country. 
This  certificate  or  pass  was  fastened  to  a  staff  and  carried  by  one  in  front 
of  the  rest.  As  they  were  going  out  of  Boston  "a  back  way,^' 
met  them,  and  seized  upon  him  that  carried  the  pass.  These  men 
brothers,  who  had  had  a  brother  killed  by  Philip's  men  s6me  time  before. 
This  Indian  they  accused  of  killing  him,  and  in  court  swore  to  his  identi- 
ty, i^  nd  he  was  in  a  few  days  hanged.ff 

Notwithstanding  these  aflairs,  another  embassy  was  soon  afler  sent  to 
Boston.  Ou  tho  15  Sept.  "the  authority  of  Boston  sent  a  party"  to  order 
JVinigret  to  appear  there  in  persuu,  to  give  an  account  of  his  sheltering 

*  Record  of  the  United  Colonics,  in  Haxitrd. 

t  Tlie  additional  ninety-five  was  for  another  ollonce,  viz.  "  for  tlio  insolenrics  com- 
mitted at  Mr.  Brewiter's,  in  killing  an  Indian  servant  at  Mrs.  Jirrwsler's  feot,  to  her 
great  aflriglitment,  and  stealing  corn,  Ace,  and  other  afTronts."      Hazard,  ii.  433. 

t  Records  of  the  United  Colonies,  in  Hazard. 

\  The  same  called  Qitfquegiinent,  the  son  of  Magmu.  Newcom  and  Awashars  were 
witnesses.     The  deed  itself  may  be  seen  on  tile  among  our  f(tate  Papers. 

N  Grandson  of  Cimonicus,  son  of  Magnus,  and  brother  of  Quequfgunent. 

lr  Brief  History,  20. 

**  Capt.  Ricliard  Smith,  probably,  wlio  settled  quite  early  in  that  country.  Wo  find 
him  there  15  years  before  tliu.  if  Present  State,  &c.,  14. 


"  two  men 
were 


woult] 
"livit 
tages'l 
A  son 
beingi 

Ca^ 
were 
ance  i 
Sutv 

Th< 
this 


[Book  n. 

lake  no  ten- 
the  eointnis- 
iiiideratand 
otiier  than 
were  forth- 
*»e,  and  the 
if  the  chief 
'  Bhuuid  not 
They  were 
venant,  and 
'ears  since, 
iccount  the 
rderinjr  of 


Chap.  IV.l 


NINIQRET. 


:m 


>us  and  in- 
bar/^es,  and 
ce  deniand- 
d  and  em- 
le  discreet 
charges  of 
By  shall  be 

collect  the 
^descended 
vision  that 
JVeneglud^ 

n  Phaip'g 
vith  some 

time  have 
18  early  as 

ar,  still  he 
d  to  send 
1  at  other 

came  as 
4,"»*  who 
'  business, 

country, 
e  in  front 
two  men 
len  were 
»e  before. 
lis  identi- 

r  8t<nt  to 

to  order 

heltering 


icics  com- 
■<•(,  lo  her 
433. 

hart  wfn 

Wofiud 
.,14. 


Quaiapen,  the  aquaw-sachem  of  Norrasanaet  He  not  word  that  he 
would^conie,  "  provided  he  might  be  safely  returned  bock."  Mr.  Smith, 
**  living  near  him,  offered  himself  wife  and  children,  and  estate,  oa  hoo- 
tages*^  for  his  safe  retuin,  and  the  embassy  forthwith  departed  forBootoD. 
A  son,*  however,  of  Ain^grei,  was  deputed  prime  minister,  "he  himaelf  ' 
being  very  aged." 

Capt.  Snwi  accompanied  them,  and  when  they  came  to  Roxbury  they 
were  met  by  a  company  of  English  soldiers,  whose  martial  appear- 
ance so  frightened  them,  that,  had  it  not  been  for  the  presence  of  Mr. 
Smith,  they  would  htive  es4-a[ied  as  from  an  enemy. 

They  remained  at  Boston  several  days,  until  ^  by  degrees  they  came  to 
this  agreemeut :  That  they  were  to  deliver  the  squaw-sachem  within 
so  many  days  at  Boston ;  and  the  league  of  peace  was  then  by  them  con- 
firmed, which  was  much  to  the  general  satiNfaction ;  but  manj  had  hard 
thoughts  of  theu),  fearing  they  will  at  last  ()rove  trcacherous."t 

^nigret  was  opposed  to  Christianity ;  not  iierbaps  so  much  from  a 
disbelief  of  it,  as  trom  a  dislike  of  the  practices  of  those  who  professed  iL 
When  Mr.  Mayhew  desired  Ninigret  to  allow  him  to  preach  to  his  people, 
the  sagacious  chief  "  bid  him  go  and  niako  the  Englioh  good  first,  and 
chid  Mr.  Mayhew  for  hindering  him  from  his  business  andlabor.'t 

There  were  other  Niantick  sachems  of  this  name,  who  succeeded 
Mnigret. 

According  to  the  author  of  the  "  Memoir  of  the  Mohegatw^,"  one 
would  suppose  he  was  ulivc  in  1716,  as  that  writer  himaelf  supposed ;  but 
if  the  anecdote  there  given  be  true,  it  related  doubtless  to  Charles  JV\tnt- 
gret,  who,  I  suppose,  was  his  son.  He  is  mentioned  by  Mason,  in  his  his- 
tory of  the  Pequot  war,  as  having  received  a  part  of  the  goods  taken  from 
Capt.  Stone,  at  the  time  he  was  killed  by  the  Pequots,  in  1634.  The  time 
of  his  death  has  not  been  ascertained. 

The  burying-places  of  the  family  o£J\/inigret  are  in  Charlestown,  R.  I. 
It  is  said  that  the  old  chief  was  buried  at  a  place  called  Burying  Hill,  '*a 
mile  from  the  street."  A  stone  in  one  of  the  places  of  iuterment  has 
this  inscription : — 

"  Here  kth  the  Body  of  Georve,  the  son  of  Charles  Ninitptt,  King  of  ffie 
Mitives,  and  of  Hannah  his  Wxfe.    Died  Decemb':  j/'.  22, 1 732 :  aged  6  mo." 

"  George,  the  last  king,  was  brother  of  Mary  Sachem,  who  is  now,  [1832,] 
sole  heir  to  the  crown.    Mary  does  not  know  her  age ;  but  from  data 

g'ven  by  her  husband,  John  Harry,  she  must  be  about  66.  Her  mother's 
ther  was  Geora-e  ^inigret.  Thomas  his  son  was  the  next  king. 
Esther,  sister  of  Thomas.  George,  the  brother  of  Mary  above  named,  and 
the  last  king  crowned,  died  aged  about  20  years.  Ueorge  was  son  of 
Esther.    Mary  has  daughters,  but  no  8ons."|| 

On  a  division  of  the  captive  Pequots,  in  1637,  Ninigret  wte  to  hare 
twenty,  "  when  he  should  satisfy  for  a  mare  of  Eltiveed^  Pomroye's  killed 
by  his  men."  This  remained  unsettled  in  1659,  a  space  of  twenty-two 
years.  This  debt  certainly  tvas  outlawed!  Poiiuin,  or  Poquoiam,  was  the 
name  of  the  man  who  killed  the  mare.** 

He  was  a  Pequot,  and  brother-in-law  to  Miantunnomoh,  and  was  among 
those  captives  assigned  to  him  at  their  final  dispersion,  when  the  Pequot 
war  was  ended  ;  at  which  time  Pomeroy  states  "  all  sorts  of  horses  were 
at  an  high  price."  Miantunruimoh  had  agreed  to  pay  the  demand,  but 
his  death  prevented  him.  Ninigrd  was  called  upon,  as  he  inherited  a 
considerable  part  of  MiaxdunnomoKs  estate,  especially  his  part  of  the 


# 


•  Probably  Catapazat. 

t  Doug;la8  s  Summary,  ii,  118. 

I  MS.  rommiiniralion  of  Rev.  Wm.  Ely. 

1  Familiarly  called  EUy,  probably  from  Elheood. 


t  Present  State,  ul  supra. 

^  In  1  Cot.  Masi.  Hist.  8oc.  ix.  83. 

••  Hazard,  ii.  188, 189. 


y 


PE8SACUS. 


Poos  b. 


ClBA* 


Feqaata,  of  whom  PoftioioM  wh  one.    He  was  afterwards  cAlled  a  Nian- 
tlek  and  tralur  to  Mn^^ret* 

PetaaetUf  often  mentioned  in  thenreceding  pageci,  though  under  a 
rmmof  of  name%  was  bom  about  1633,  and,  consequently,  was  about  90 
yam  of  nge  when  his  brother,  Miantuimonwh,  was  killed.f  The  aame 
arbitrarv  course,  as  we  have  seen  already  in  the  present  chanter,  was 
punued  towards  him  by  the  English,  as  had  been  Iwfore  to  Jmantunno- 
nttky  and  stiH  continued  towards  J^finigret,  and  other  Narraganset  chiefi. 
Mr.  Cohbetl  makes  this  record  of  him :  "  In  the  year  1645,  proud  Peaaa- 
cuf  with  his  Narragnnsets,  with  whom  Ninigret  und  his  Niantigs  join ; 
M  as  to  provoke  the  English  to  a  just  war  against  them.  And,  accord- 
in^y,  forces  were  sent  ft  >m  all  the  towns  to  meet  at  Boston,  and  did  so, 
aira  had  a  party  of  fifty  hone  to  go  with  them  under  Mr.  Leveret,  as  the 
oaptain  of  the  horee."  Edward  CUbhoru  was  commander  in  chief,  and 
Mr.  Thompton,  pastor  of  the  church  in  Braintree,  '*  was  to  sound  the 
lilver  trumpet  along  with  his  army.''^  But  they  were  met  bv  deputies 
iirom  P^nurtu  and  the  other  chieft,  and  an  accomoisdation  took  place,  as 
menttoned  in  the  dccount  ofAftnigret. 

The  commissionen,  having  met  at  New  Haven  in  Sept  1646,  expected, 
according  to  the  treitty  made  at  Boston  with  the  Narragansets,  as 
pattioulartzed  in  the  life  of  Unctu,  that  they  would  now  meet  them  here 
to  settle  the  remaining  difficulties  with  that  chief.  But  the  time  having 
nearly  expired,  and  none  appearing,  "  the  commissioners  did  seriously 
consider  what  course  should  be  taken  witli  them.  They  called  to  minde 
their  breach  of  couenant  in  all  the  articles,  that  when  alraue  1300  fadome 
of  Wampan  was  due  they  Bent,  as  if  they  would  put  a  scome  vpon  the 
[English,]  30  ihthome^  and  a  few  old  kettles."  The  Narragansets  said  it 
was  owing  to  the  backwardness  of  the  Ninnticks  that  the  wampum  had 
not  been  paid,  and  the  Nianticks  laid  it  to  the  Narragansets.  One  hun- 
dred fathom  had  been  sent  to  the  governor  of  Massachusetts  as  a  present 
by  the  Nianticks,  they  promising  <*to  send  what  was  due  to  the  '  ilonles 
uery  speedily,"  but  he  would  not  accept  of  it.  He  told  them  they  might 
leave  it  with  Cwhaniakin,  and  when  they  had  peTformed  the  rest  "of  their 
agreement, "  he  would  consider  of  it"  The  commissioners  had  under- 
stood, that,  in  the  mean  time,  the  Narraganset  sachems  had  raised  watn> 
pum  among  their  men,  "and  by  i^od  euidenoe  it  appeared,  that  bv 
presents  of  wampum,  they  are  praotisinge  with  the  Mohawkes,  and  witn 
the  Indyans  in  those  parts,  to  engage  them  in  some  designe  against  the 
SngUsh  and  FhciM."  Thereft>re,  "the  commissioners  hnue  a  cieare  way 
open  to  right  themselues,  accordingo  to  iustice  by  war ;  yet  to  shew  how 
kiffhl|r  they  prize  peace  with  all  men,  and  particularly  to  manifest  their 
foroearance  and  long  suiferinge  to  these  barbarians,  it  was  agreede,  that 
first  the  forementioned  present  should  be  returned,"  and  then  a  declara- 
tion of  war  to  fbllow. 

At  the  same  court,  complaint  was  brought  a|!;ain^  the  people  of  Peata- 
«tU  by  "  Mr.  Pelham  on  behalf  of  Ricfuard  Woodiy  and  Mr.  Pinchean^ 
[JWncJwm,]  that  they  had  committed  sundry  thefts.  Mr.  Brown,  on  be- 
half of  Wm.  Smim  of  Rehoboth,  preferreid  a  similar  charge ;  but  the 
Indians  having  no  knowledge  of  the  procedure,  it  was  suspended. 

Thus  the  Narragansets  were  suffered  to  rpi^ain  unmolested  until  thfe 
next  year,  and  we  do  not  hear  that  the  story  aboiit  their  hiring  the  Md^ 
hawks  and  others  to  assist  them  against  Unttu  and  the  English,  turned 
out  to  be  any  thing  else  but  a  aort  of  bugbcur,  probably  invented  by  the 

*  See  Hasard,  ii.  IM. 

t  MB.  letter,  inbieribed  with  the  mark  of  the  sachem  Ptimham,  on  file  at  out  capital, 
(Mass.) 
|i  MS.  Narralive.  <i  Mather*!  R«)atioit,  aad  Hasatd 


beii 

tber 

Wo 

why 

not  c| 

and  t| 

refus 

cons 

sage 


PooM  ft. 

AlledaNiaa- 

igh  under  a 
ras  about  20 
The  same 
chapter,  waa 
Jtnantunno- 
anset  chieft. 
)roiid  Petsa- 
iantigs  join ; 
ind,  accord- 
<uid  did  so, 
neret,  as  the 
n  chief,  and 
>  sound  the 
bv  deputies 
>ok  place,  as 

i6,  expected, 
igansets,  as 
:  them  here 
lime  liaving 
id  seriously 
ed  to  minde 
300  fadome 
le  vpon  the 
Dsets  said  it 
ampum  had 
One  hun- 
ts a  present 
he  '  )lon'es 
they  might 
•est  of  their 
tiad  under- 
lised  waMfi- 
d,  that  by 
and  with 
mnat  the 
leare  way 
shew  hour 
lifest  tlielr 
reede,  that 
declara- 

of  Pwjo- 
Puicham," 
w»,  on  be- 
but  the 
N. 
until  tht) 
the  Mb^ 
h,  turned 
>d  by  the 

Mt  «B|3ital, 


Ciur.lV.)  FESSACUS.  M 

Mobegana.  '*One  jmncipall  cause  of  the  eoroianoimm  nieetioge  to- 
gether at  diis  time,  [26  July,  1647,]  being,"  say  the  records,  "to  consider 
what  course  should  be  held  with  the  Narragansct  Indyaus ;"  the  cbargaa 
being  at  this  time  much  the  same  as  at  the  previous  nieetinr.  It  waa 
therefore  ordereu  that  jitamat  •Stanton,  Baudkl  JhnoU,  and  Sergeant 
tf^aUe  should  be  sent  to  Pt«tackM,  ^mtgraU  and  fTektoaidk,  to  Enow 
why  they  had  not  paid  the  wampum  as  they  asreed,  am*,  why  they  did 
not  come  to  New  Haven ;  and  that  now  they  micnt  meet  Vncia  at  Boston ; 
and  therefore  were  advised  to  attend  there  without  delay;  but  "^  they 
refuse  or  delay,  they  intend  to  send  no  more,"  and  they  must  abide  the 
consequences.  When  the  English  messengers  had  delivered  their  mes- 
sage to  Pttsaeus,  he  spoke  to  uiem  as  follows : — 

"  TTie  reason  /  did  tut  meet  the  EngliA  Mchems  at  AVtr  Haven  last  year, 
is,  thet/  did  not  nol^  me,  B  is  true  I  have  broken  my  covenant  these  two 
years,  and  that  now  is,  and  constanUy  has  been,  the  grwofmy  spirit.  JInd 
the  reason  I  do  not  meet  them  now  at  Boston  is  b€cause  1  am  stck.  JffI  were 
but  prdty  wdl  I  woutd  ro.  I  have  sent  wuimind  in  full  to  Ninigrat,ani( 
what  he  does  I  will  abim  by.  I  have  sent  Powpynaniett  and  Pomunuiks  to 
to  and  hear,  and  teti^  tiiat  I  have  betru^ed  my  JvU  mind  with  Nenegratt. 
rou  bnoiw  weU,  however,  lAof  token  /  made  that  covenant  two  years  ago,  I 
did  U  in  fear  of  the  asrmy  that  I  did  see ;  and  though  tte  Englisk  kept  their 
4Mvenant  with  me,  yH  they  were  ready  to  go  to  Maraganset  and  kiU  me,  and 
the  comtnissioners  said  Ouy  woM  do  tt,  if  I  did  not  sign  what  they  htkl 
uritlen." 

Moymno,  another  chief,  said  he  had  confided  the  bustneas  with  A&i^grct 
last  spring,  and  would  now  abide  by  whatever  he  should  do. 

when  the  English  messengers  returned  and  made  known  what  had 
been  done,  the  commissmnen  said  that  Pestociu'  speech  contained  "seu- 
erall  passages  of  vntruth  and  guile,  and  Fthey]  were  vnsatisQred." 

What  measures  the  English  took  **  to  right  tnemselues,"  or  whether  any, 
immediately,  is  not  very  distinctly  stated;  but  the  next  year,  1648,  there 
were  some  military  moveqaents  of  the  E&gliah  towards  his  country,  oc- 
casioned by  the  non-payment  of  the  tribute,  and  some  other  less  important 
matters.  Pessaeus,  having  knowledge  of  their  approach,  fled  to  R.  Idand. 
"Mniero/!  entertained  them  courteourihr,  (there  they  staid  the  LordVi 
day,)  and  came  back  with  them  to  Mr.  IPIUmmu*,  and  then  Pessaeus  and 
Oononiciu'  son,  being  delivered  of  their  fear,  came  to  them ;  and  being 
demanded  about  buring  the  Mohawks  against  C^neat,  they  solemnly 
denied  it ;  only  they  confessed,  that  the  Mohaw^  being  a  great  sachem, 
and  their  ancient  mend,  and  being  come  so  near  them,  they  sent  some 
90  huhom  of  wampum  for  him  to  tread  upon,  as  the  manner  of  Iitdians 
is."*  The  matter  seems  to  have  rested  here ;  PesMKus,  as  unial, 
having  promised  what  was  desired. 

This  chief  was  killed  by  the  Mohawks,  as  we  have  stated  in  the  life  of 
CImometM.  His  life  was  ajMwne  of  almost  perpetual  troubles.  As  late 
as  Peptember,  1668,  his  name  stands  firat  anaong  othera  of  his  nation,  in  a 
complaint  sent  to  them  by  Massachusetts.  The  messengers  sent  with  it 
were  Rick'.  ^<^Capt  W.  ^r^fM,  and  Capt  Sam".  Mosely;aadititm 
in  terms  thus: — 

**  Whereas  Cutt  Wm.  Hudson  and  John  Viall  of  Boston,  in  the  name 
of  themselves  ana  others,  proprietors  of  lands  and  fiurms  in  the  Narraganset 
country,  have  complained  unto  us,  [the  court  of  Mass.,]  of  the  great  inso* 
lenoies  and  injuries  offered  unto  them  and  their  people  by  several,  as 
bummg  their  hay,  killing  sundry  horses,  and  in  specnl  manner,  about 
one  month  since,  forced  some  of  their  people  from  their  labors  in  mowing 


8 


M 


UlfCAS. 


[Booc  II. 


fTBHi  upon  their  own  land,  ami  aamulted  othen  in  the  higli  way,  aa  they 
rodo  about  their  oocasiona ;  liy  tiirowiiig  many  atones  at  them  and  their 
horaea,  and  beating  :h«ir  horses  oa  thry  rode  upon  them,"  &-c.  The  re- 
monatnuice  thp<i  goes  on  warning  them  to  deaiai^  or  otherwise  they  might 
expect  aeveriiy.  Had  Mostly  lieen  as  well  known  then  among  the  In- 
diana, as  he  *faB  ailerwards,  his  presence  would  doubtless  Iwive  been 
enough  to  have  caused  quicuiess,  as  perhaps  it  did  even  at  this  time. 


CHAPTER  V. 


Craf.  VI 

undermj 
Aarrf,  wf 
he  was  I 
than  tiic 

Unca\ 
and  w» 
upon  hll 
enemies 

Froiril 
we  do 
ofUrwB 
some  wl 
iiport  fol 


"  So  iwiA  aid  blaek  a  atonn  behind  tkf  v  low>id, 
On  winji  of  A«i  thro'  dinnal  waataa  Uiey  auarM. 


Umcas — Hia  character — ConnecHons — Gtography  qfAe  Mohegan  country 
— Genera/  accoutil  qfthat  nation — Uncaa  joins  the  Enf[lish  agtdnst  the 
Pequata — Capturea  a  ckitf  at  Sachem^s  Head — Visits  Boston — His 
apeeeh  to  Gov.  Ifintkrop — Specimen  of  the  Mohegan  langvutge — Sequas^ 
•on — The  wai"  betveen  Uncas  and  Jmantunnomoh — Examination  of  its 
eause-^The  Mu-.t^ansets  determine  to  avenge  their  aaehem^s  death — 
Purees  raised  io  protect  Uncaa — Peasacus — Great  distress  of  Uncaa — 
Timely  relief  from  Connecticut — Treaty  of  1645 — Drequent  con^Urinta 
against  Uncaa — fFequaah — Obechickwod — ffooaameqmn. 

Uneaa,  sachem  of  the  Mohegaus,  of  whom  we  have  already  had  occa- 
iion  to  say  considerable,  has  len  no  very  favorable  character  upon  record. 
HiB  life  is  a  series  of  chaDges,  without  any  of  those  brilliant  acts  of  mag- 
Binimity,  which  throw  a  veil  over  numerous  errors.  Mr.  GooiUn  sivea 
uH  this  character  of  him  in  the  year  1674:  (Mr.  Jamea  Fitch  having/peen 
■ent  aboHt  this  time  to  preach  among  the  Mohe^ans :)  "  I  am  opt,  to  fear, 
■ays  he,  that  a  great  obstruction  unto  his  labors  is  in  the  sachem  of  those 
Indians,  whose  name  is  Unkaa ;  an  old  and  wicked,  wilful  man,  a  drunk- 
ard, and  otherwise  very  vicious ;  who  hath  always  been  an  opposer  and 


[Boo«fl. 

lli  way,  as  they 
them  and  their 
"  &c.  The  re. 
wise  they  miffht 
among  the  In- 
less  have  been 
t  thia  time. 


Chap.  V.J 


UNCA8. 


87 


underminer  of  praying  to  God."*  Nevertheless,  the  .haritoble  Mr.  Hub- 
bard, when  he  wrote  liis  Narrative,  seems  to  have  had  some  hopes  that 
he  was  a  Christian,  with  nboiit  the  same  grounds,  nay  hetter,  perhaps, 
than  tiioBc  on  wliirh  Bishop  tVarbvrton  declared  Pope  to  be  Mich. 

Uncas  lived  to  a  great  age.  He  wus  a  sarhem  lietore  the  Pequot  wan, 
and  was  aiive  in  1660.  At  this  time,  Mr.  Hubbard  makes  this  Vemark 
upon  htm:  **  He  is  alive  and  well,  and  may  probably  Uve'to  see  all  hb 
enemies  buried  before  bim."t 

From  an  epitaph  on  one  of  his  sons,  copied  in  the  Historical  Colleetiom, 
we  do  not  infer,  as  the  writer  therH  seems  to  have  done,  "  that  the  race 
of  Uncas"  was  "  obnoxious  in  collonial  history  ;"  but  rather  at'ribute  it  to 
some  waggish  Englishman,  who  had  no  other  design  than  that  of  making 
sport  for  himself  and  others.     It  is  upon  his  tomb-stone,  and  is  as  follows: 


m 


itPtpult.' 


¥» 


k^fon  cottn^ 
ih  agtdnHihe 
Boston— Hi3 
toge — Sequas- 
ination  of  its 
lem'a  dtath— 
»  of  Uncas — 
rU  comfiaints 

dy  had  occa- 
upon  record, 
act*  of  mag- 
Gooldn  ffives 
having  Deen 
i^t;  to  ifear, 
era  of  those 
an,  a  drunk- 
oppoeer  and 


''  Here  lies  the  body  of  Sunseeto 

'''  Own  son  to  Uncai  grandson  to  OnekoX 

Wlio  were  the  famous  sarhems  of  Moheoah 

But  now  they  are  all  dead  I  think  it  it  werheegen."^ 

The  connections  of  Uncaa  were  somewhat  numerous,  and  the  names 
of  several  of  them  will  lie  found  as  we  proceed  with  his  life,  and  else- 
where.    Oneko  his  son  was  the  most  noted  of  them. 

Uncas  was  originally  a  Pequot,  and  one  of  the  26  war  captains  of  that 
famous  but  ill-fated  nation.  Upon  some  intestine  commotions,  he  revolted 
against  his.sachem,  and  set  up  for  himself.  This  took  place  about  the 
time  that  nation  became  known  to  the  English,  perhaps  in  1634  or  5. 

By  the  revolt  of  Uncas,  the  Pequot  territories  became  divided,  and  that 
part  culled  Moheag,  or  Mohegan,  fell  generally  under  his  dominion,  and 
extended  from  near  the  Connecticut  River  on  the  south  to  a  space  of 
disputed  country  on  the  north,  next  the  Narragansets.  By  a  recuricnce 
to  our  account  of  the  dominions  of  the  Pequots  and  Narragansets,  n 
pretty  clear  idea  may  be  had  of  all  three. 

This  sachem  seems  early  to  have  courted  the  favor  of  the  English, 
which  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  was  occasioned  by  the  fear  he  was  in 
from  his  potent  and  warlike  neighbors,  both  on  the  north  and  on  the 
south.  In  May,  1637,  he  was  prevailed  upon  to  join  the  English  in  their 
war  upon  the  Pequots.  Knowing  the  relation  in  which  he  stood  to  them, 
the  English  at  first  were  nearly  as  afraid  of  Uncas  and  his  men,  as  they 
were  of  the  Pequots.  But  when,  on  the  '"  if  the  same  month,  they  had 
arrived  at  Saybrook  fort,  a  circumstance  hi. ,  >ened  that  tended  much  to 
remove  their'siispicions,  and  is  related  by  Di.  Mather  as  follows;  "Some 
of  Uncas  his  men  being  then  at  Saybrook,  in  order  to  assisting  the  English 
against  the  Pequots,  espied  seven  Indians,  and  slily  encompassing  them, 
slew  five  of  them,  and  took  one  prisoner,  and  brought  him  to  the  English 
fort,  which  was  great  satisfaction  and  encouragement  to  the  English ; 
wh6,  I)e(bre  that  exploit,  had  many  fears  touching  the  fidelity  of  the 
Moheag  Indians.  He  whom  they  took  prisoner  was  a  perfidious  villain, 
one  that  could  speak  English  well,  having  in  time^  past  lived  in  the  fort, 

•  1  Cd.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  i.  208.  Moheek,  since  Mmitville,  Ct.,  about  10  miles  north  of 
New  London,  is  the  place  "  where  Unkas,  and  his  sons,  and  Wamtiw,  are  sacliems." 
Ibid. 

t  Hist.  New.  Eng.  464.—"  Although  he  be  a  friend  to  the  English,  yet  he  and  all  his 
men  continue  pagans  still,"  1676.   Dr. /,  J)fa</i?r,  Brief  Hist.  45. 

%  The  writer  or  sculptor  no  doubt  meant  the  contrary  of  this,  if  indeed  he  may  be 
said  to  have  meant  any  thing. 

&  A  genuine  Indian  word,  and,  as  it  is  used  here,  means,  simply,  well.  "Then  they 
bid  ino  slir  my  instep,  to  see  if  that  were  frozen:  I  did  so,  When  they  saw  tliat,  Ihcy 
said  that  was  imrr^en."    Slockwell's  Nar,  of  his  Cdplivity  among  the  Indian*  in  1677. 


UNCAS. 


fiiooK  n. 


and  knowlti^  uU  Ui«  English  tlu^re,  luul  been  at  die  iilaugLtering  of  all 
the  English  tliat  were  slaughtered  thei'eabouta.  He  was  a  coDtiuual  way 
about  the  fort,  inronning  Saaaaeui  of  wliat  he  eouM  learn.  Wheo  tua 
bloody  Jruilur  wus  executed,  hid  liiubs  were  by  violence  |iuUed  from  one 
another,  and  burned  to  ushes.  Some  of  the  Indian  executionets  barfaa- 
rotiply  taking  his  flesh,  they  gave  it  to  one  another,  and  did  oat  it,  withal 
sin^ng  alMtut  the  fire."* 

Notwitlistanding,  both  Uncaa  and  JlfuraliaiiMMnafc  wore  accused  of  bar- 
boring  Aigitivo  Pe(|uot8,  after  the  MyiOic  figfat,  as  our  accounts  will  abun- 
dantly prove.  It  18  true  they  had  agreed  nut  to  harbor  tbem,  but  perbaps 
the  philantliropist  will  not  judge  them  bainder  for  enipf  on  the  scon  of 
mercy,  than  their  English  ft-ieuds  fur  their  striedy  religious  pecseTeranoe 
in  revengt'. 

A  traditionary  e<tory  of  Uncas  jpureuing,  overtaking,  and  executing  • 
Pequot  suclicni,  as  given  in  the  Historicu  Collectionai,  may  not  be  un- 
qualifiedly true.  It  wos  after  Mystic  fight,  and  is  as  folh>ws :  Most  of 
tiie  English  forces  pursued  the  fugitives  by  water,  westward,  while  some 
followed  hy  land  with  Uneiu  and  his  Indians.  At  a  point  of  land  in 
Guilford,  they  came  upon  a  great  Pequot  sachem,  and  a  few  of  his  men. 
Knowing  they  wt>re  pursued,  they  hod  gone  into  an  adiaoent  poiinsula, 
"  hoping  their  pursuers  would  have  pa»ed  by  them.  But  Umeaa  knew 
Indian's  craft,  uml  ordered  some  of  his  men  to^seaieh  that  point  The 
Pequots  perceiving  that  they  were  pursued,  swam  over  the  mouth  of  the 
harbor,  which  is  narrow.  But  they  were  waylaid,  and  taken  as  they 
landed.  The  sachem  was  sentenced  to  be  shot  to  death.  UmtoM  shot 
him  with  un  arrow,  cut  off  his  head,  and  stuck  it  up  in  the  crotch  of  a 
lai^  oak  tree  near  the  harbor,  where  the  skull  remained  for  a  great  many 
vears."f  This  was  the  ori^n  of  Sachem's  Hsao,  by  which  name  the 
harbor  of  Guilford  is  well  known  to  coasters. 

Dr.  Mather  records  the  expedition  of  the  English,  but  makes  no  men- 
tion of  Unceu.  He  says,  they  set  out  fitim  ^ybrook  fort,  and  **  sailed 
westward  in  pursuit  of  the  Pequots,  who  were  fled  that  way.  SuUng 
along  to  the  westward  of  Monouowuttuck,  the  wind  not  answering  their 
desires,  they  cost  anchor."  "Some  scattering  Pequots  were  thai  taken 
and  slain,  as  also  the  Pequot  sachem,  befwe  expressed^  had  his  head  cut 
ofl;  whence  that  place  did  bear  the  name  of  Sachem's  ^^An.*^ 

Uneas't  fear  of  the  Pequots  was  doubdeas  the  cause  of  his  noatili^  to 
them ;  and  when  he  saw  them  vanquisbed,  he  probably  began  to  nilent 
his  unprovoked  severity  towards  his  countrpateii,  many  of  whom  ware 
his  near  relations ;  and  this  may  account  Kur  his  endenvon  to  acreen 
some  of  tbem  from  their  moin  vindicdTe  enemiesL  The  nest  spring 
after  the  war,  <*  Unkut,  alias  Oioco,  the  Honahegan  sachem  in  the  twist 
of  Peguod  River,  came  to  Boston  with  Jf  moo.  He  came  from  Connecti- 
cut with  Mi'.  Hat/MSy  and  tendered  the  governor  a  present  of  20  ftthom 
of  wampum,  "f  his  was  at  court,  and  it  was  thought  fit  by  the  council  to 
refuse  it,  till  be  had  given  satisfaction  about  the  Peqaots  he  kept,  &c. 
Upon  this  he  was  much  dejected,  and  made  account  we  would  have 
killed  him ;  but,  two  days  after,  having  received  good  satisftedon  of  bis 
innocency,  &c.  and  he  promising  to  submit  to  the  order  of  the  English, 
touching  the  Pequots  he  had,  and  the  differences  between  the  Naragan- 
setts  and  him,  we  accepted  his  present.  And  about  half  an  hour  after, 
he  came  to  the  governor,"  and  made  the  following  speech.  Laying  his 
hand  upon  his  breast,  he  said, 

**  Thta  heart  ia  not  mine^  but  yours.    I  have  no  sun:  (key  art  oU  yourt. ' 

*  Relation  of  the  Troubles,  &c.  46. 

t  Hist.  OuUfard,  in  1  Col.  Mas*.  Hut.  Soe.  100.  t  His  naae  is  aol  acatioMd. 

^  Relation,  48.  ^ 


Obat. 

CbMi 

toarda] 
fuihii 

"Sol 
men's  I 
protect 

Fori 
aervadl 
in^t| 
totu-i 

IM-I 


,teek 


OBat.  ▼.] 


UNCAS. 


C»mmaHdmecM,>/dMcuUthin!f,Iu>UfdoU.  I  will  not  Mievt  tuu/ Mimu^ 
W9rd$  againtt  tkt  KnglUh,  If  any  man  shcdl  kilt  an  Engli$hman,  I  wUl 
pui  hitm  to  death,  teere  Kt  never  go  dear  to  nie." 

"  So  the  governor  gave  birii  n  fair  red  coat,  and  defrayed  h'w  and  his 
men's  diet,  and  gave  tlinm  com  to  relieve  them  homeward,  and  a  letter  of 
protection  to  all  men,  &c.  and  he  departed  very  joyfUI.*** 

For  the  gratification  of  the  curious,  we  give,  from  Dr.  Edwarda^i  "  Ob- 
servations on  the  Muhkekoneew  [Mohegan]  Language,"  the  Lord's  prayer 
in  ^at  dialect,  '^^ogh-nuh,  ne  spummuek  ot-e-on,  taugk  nuiu-weh  umeh 
telu-ko-»e-attk  n«-an-ne  an-nu-tooi-e-on.  Taugh  ne  aun-cku-tcut-am-mun 
wa-wek-tu-aedt  ma-weh  noh  pum-meh,  Ae  ae-noi-hit-teeh  mau-wek  auh 
an-neek  nok  Aiey  ote-c^e^,  ne  aun-ehu-wut-am-mun,  ne  au-noi-kit-teet 
neek  ;iaum-muA  ote-cheek.  Men-e-nau-nuk  noo-nooh  wuh-ham-auk  tmtogh 
wHk  uk-huy-u-tam-auk  nrum-mau-weh.  Ohq-u-ut-a-mou-we-nau-nuh  au- 
nfh  mu-tna-ehoi-e-au-kek  he  anneh  ohq-ti-ut-a-mou-WM-e-auk  num-peh 
■rnetk  mu-ma-ehtk  an-neh-o-quan-keei.  Cheen  hqvrvk'qvMv^-ehek-ti-n-kdi 
an-neh-e-htnau-nuh.  Pan-nee-u>eh  htou-toe-nau-nuh  neen  maum-tek-kek. 
Ke-ah  ng-u>thr-cheh  kwi-ou-toau-weh  mau-weh  noh  pum-meh;  kt-an^umi; 
en-tah  aw-aun  uhtin-noi-yu-umn  ne  au-noi-e-yon ;  lum-wee-weh  nt  iU-tti- 
noi-eeik" 

Vneaa  was  said  to  have  been  engaged  in  all  the  wars  against  his  coun- 
trymen, on  the  part  of  the  English,  during  his  life-time.|  He  shielded 
some  of  the  infant  settlements  of  Connecticut  in  times  of  troubles,  espe- 
cially Norwich.  To  the  inhabitants  of  this  town  the  Mohegans  seeined 
more  particularly  attached,  probably  flrom  the  circumstance  of  some  of 
its  settlers  having  relieved  them  when  besieged  by  J^nigret,  as  will  be 
found  related  in  the  ensuing  history.  The  remnant  of  the  Mohegans,  in 
1788,  was  settled  in  the  north-east  corner  of  New  London,  about  five  miieR 
south  of  Norv/ich ;  at  which  place  they  had  a  reservation. 

The  Mohegans  had  a  burying-place  called  the  Royal  burying'ground, 
and  this  was  set  apart  for  the  family  of  Uncat,  It  is  close  by  the  falls  of 
the  stream  caiied  Yantic  River,  in  Norwich  city ;  **  a  beautiful  and  romantic 
spot."  The  ground  containing  the  grave  of  Unea»  is  at  present  owned 
by  C.  Ooddardy  Esq.  of  Norwich.  This  gentleman  has,  very  laudably, 
caused  an  enclosure  to  be  set  about  it.t 

When  the  commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies  had  met  in  1643L 
complaint  was  made  to  them  by  Uncos,  that  Miaidunnomoh  had  employed 
a  Pequot  to  kill  him,  and  that  this  Pequot  was  one  of  his  o'rn  suojects. 
He  shot  Uneaa  with  an  arrow,  and,  not  doubting  but  that  he  had  accom- 
plished his  purpose,  "  fled  to  the  NanohiggansetB,  or  their  confederates," 
and  proclumed  that  he  had  killed  him.  "  But  when  it  was  known  Vnau 
was  not  dead,  though  wounded,  the  traitor  was  taught  to  say  that  Unctu 
had  cut  through  his  own  arm  with  a  flint,  and  hired  the  Pequot  to  say  he 
had  shot  and  killed  him.  MmmHnomo  being  sent  for  by  the  governor  of 
the  Massachusetts  upon  another  occasion,  brought  the  Pequot  with  him: 
but  when  this  disguise  would  not  serve,  and  that  the  English  out  of  bis 
[the  Pequot's]  own  mouth  found  him  guilty,  and  would  have  sent  him  to 
Uncus  his  sagamore  to  be  proceeded  against,  Muantinoma  desired  he 
might  not  be  taken  out  of  hit*  hands,  promising  [that]  he  would  send  [him] 
himself  to  Vncus  to  be  examined  and  punished ;  but,  contrary  tt>  bis 
promise,  and  fearing,  as  it  appears,  his  own  treachery  might  be  discouer- 
ed,  he  within  a  day  or  two  cut  off  the  Peacott's  head,  that  he  might  tell 
no  tales.  After  this  some  attempts  w«re  made  to  poison  Vncus,  and,  as  iS 
repotted,  to  take  away  his  life  by  sorcery.    That  being  discovered,  some 


•  Wiftthrop,  Jour.  i.  266-6. 
1 3  Ool.  Mom.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  136. 
8* 


'  f'SIB.  cbnAitunication  of  Rev.  Mr.  By. 


-^ 


ir(  (O 


■:*"y  . 


UNCAS. 


[Boob  11. 


of  SeauaaamCa  comimny,  an  Indian  mf^umore  allied  to,  and  an  intimata 
confederate  with  Myantinomo,  Hhot  at  Unctu  as  he  wan  goinff  down 
Conectacatt  River  with  a  nrrow  or  two.  Vnetu,  according  to  the  fomaid 
agreemeut,"  which  wan,  in  case  ordifficuhy  between  them,  that  the  Eng- 
Inh  iboulcl  be  applied  to  as  umpireH,  complained  to  them.  They  eii- 
deavored  to  bring  about  a  peace  between  Vntat  and  Seqututon;  but 
Seqiuuaon  would  near  to  no  overtures  of  the  kind,  and  intimated  that  he 
should  be  home  out  in  his  resolution  by  AHantunnomok,  The  result  was 
the  war  of  which  we  have  given  an  account  in  the  life  of  JUftonlunnomoA. 
We  have  also  spoken  there  of  the  aj^ncy  of  the  Hnglish  in  thn  affair  of 
Manlunnomoh''B  death  ;  but  that  no  light  may  lie  withheld  which  can  in 
■nv  way  reflect  upon  that  important  as  well  as  melancholy  event,  we 
will  give  all  that  the  commissioners  have  recorded  in  their  records  con- 
cerning it.  But  firstly,  we  should  notice,  that,  aAer  Miantunnomoh  was 
taken  prilBoner,  the  Indians  affirmed,  (the  aidheronts  of  Uneas  doubtless,) 
that  Jma/UunnomoA  had  engaged  the  Mohawks  to  join  him  in  his  wars, 
and  that  they  were  then  encsMipcd  only  a  day's  journey  from  the  Iron- 
tiers,  waiting  for  him  to  attain  his  liberty.  The  reconi  then  proceeds: — 
**  These  things  being  duly  weighed  and  considered,  the  commissioners 
apparently  see  that  Vncua  cannot  be  safe  while  MyanUtiomo  lives ;  but 
that,  eitlier  by  secret  treachery  or  open  force,  his  life  will  be  still  in  dan- 

ET.  Wherefore  they  think  he  may  justly  put  such  a  false  and  blood- 
irsty  enemy  to  death ;  but  in  his  own  jurisdiction,  not  in  the  English 
plantations.  And  advising  that,  in  the  manner  of  his  death,  all  mercy  and 
moderation  be  showed,  contrary  to  the  pracdce  of  the  Indians  who  ex- 
ercise tortures  and  cruelty.  And  Vnctu  having  hitherto  shown  himself  a 
fKend  to  the  English,  and  in  this  craving  their  advice ;  [therefore,]  if  the 
Nanohiggansitts  Indians  or  others  shall  unjustly  assault  Vncua  for  this 
execution,  upon  notice  and  request  the  Englisik  promise  to  assist  and 
protect  him,  as  far  as  they  may,  against  such  violence." 

We  presume  not  to  commentate  upon  this  affair,  but  we  would  ask 
whether  it  does  not  appear  as  proba..ie,  that  Unciu  had  concerted  the 
ptan  with  his  Pequot.  subject  for  the  destruction  of  JtfumfunnomoA,  as  that 
the  latter  had  plotita  for  the  destruction  of  the  former.  Else,  why  did 
Mianhttmomoh  put  the  Pequot  to  death  ?  The  commissioners  do  not  say 
that  the  Pequot  had  by  his  confession  any  how  implicated  MUmtunnonuh. 
Now,  if  this  Pequot  had  been  employed  by  him,  it  does  not  seem  at  all 
fikely  that  he  would  have  put  him  to  death,  especially  as  he  had  not  ac- 
cused him.  And,  on  the  other  hand,  if  he  had  acknowledged  himself 
guilty  of  attempting  the  life  of  his  ovra  sachem,  that  it  might  be  charged 
upon  others,  it  is  to  us  a  plain  reason  why  JiSatUunnomoh  should  put  him 
to  death,  being  fully  satisfied  of  his  guilt  upon  his  own  confession.  It 
may  be  concluded,  therefore,  that  the  plot  against  Uneas  was  of  his  own 
or  his  Pequot  subject's  planning.  The  Pequot's  going  over  to  Miantun- 
nomoh for  protection  is  no  evidence  of  that  chiers  participation  in  his  plot 
And  it  is  highly  probable  that,  after  they  had  left  the  English  court,  his 
crime  was  aggravated,  in  MiantunnomoVs  view,  by  some  new  confessioD 
or  discovery,  which  caused  him  to  be  forthwith  executed. 

As  though  well  assured  that  the  justness  of  their  interference  would  be 
caUed  in  question,  the  commissioners  shortly  after  added  another  clause 
to  their  records,  as  much  in  exoneration  of*  their  conduct  as  they  could 
find  words  in  which  to  express  themaelves.  They  argue  that,  "  whereas 
Uneas  was  advised  [by  them]  to  take  away  the  life  of  Miantunnomoh 
whose  lawful  captive  he  was,  they  [the  Narragansets]  may  well  under- 
Hand  that  this  is  without  violation  of  any  covenant  between  them  and 
us ;  for  Uncaa  being  in  confederation  with  us,  and  one  that  hath  diligently 
OMerved  bis  coveoants  befoie^mentioned,  for  aught  we  know,  and  requir- 


fBoo«  II. 

i  in  intimata 
ffoiuff  down 
aUieforonid 
that  the  £ng. 
1.    They  eu- 
TKoMoti;  but 
iiatod  that  he 
•e  result  was 
iaatunnomok. 
thn  affair  of 
hich  can  in 
>ly  event,  we 
vcords  cou> 
mnomoh  was 
f  doubtless,) 
in  bis  wan, 
in  the  Iron- 
proceeds  : — 
cnmissioners 

0  Jives;  but 
still  in  dan- 

and  blood- 
the  English 

1  mercy  and 
ns  who  ex- 
'n  himself  a 
fore,l  if  the 
iUB  for  this 

assist  and 

would  ask 
ncerted  the 
AoA,  as  that 
Be,  why  did 
do  not  say 
in/unnomoii. 
leem  at  all 
ad  not  ac- 
Bd  himself 
be  charged 
id  put  him 
ession.    It 
>f  his  own 

Mianhm- 
in  his  plot. 

court,  his 
confession 

would  be 
ler  clause 
fiey  could 
"  whereas 
tunnotnoh 
II  under- 
hem  and 
diligently 
drequir- 


CMAf .  v.] 


UNCAS. 


M 


iag  adviee  friMn  ua,  upon  serioua  consideration  of  the  premiMi,  rh.  Ui 
treacherous  and  murderous  disposition  against  Unea$,  tie.  and  bow  gritt 
a  disturber  be  bath  been  of  the  common  peace  of  the  whole  country,  w« 
could  not  in  respect  of  the  justice  of  the  caae,  safety  of  the  country,  and 
fiutbflilnem  of  our  friend,  do  otberwiae  than  anprove  of  the  lawftimcai  of 
his  death ;  which  agreeing  so  well  with  the  Indiana'  own  maonera,  mad 
concurring  with  the  practice  of  other  nations  with  whom  we  are  aoquaial* 
ed;  we  persuaded  ourselves,  however  bis  death  may  bo  grievous  at 
present,  yet  the  peaceable  firuita  of  it  will  yield  not  only  matter  of  mhtj 
to  the  Indians,  but  profit  to  all  that  inhabit  this  continenL" 

It  is  believed  that  the  reader  is  now  put  in  possession  of  *^«nf  tMof 
that  the  English  cjuld  say  for  themselves,  upon  the  execution  ofMUm^ 
tunnotnoh.  He  will  therefore  be  able  to  aecide,  whether,  as  we  have 
stated,  their  judgment  was  made  up  of  one  kind  of  evidence ;  and 
whether  the  Narragansets  bad  any  lawyers  to  advocate  their  cause  before 
the  commissiooera. 

After  Mianhianomoh  was  executed,  the  Narragaiuets  demanded  satie* 
faction  of  UneoM  for  the  money  they  had  raised  and  paid  for  the  redemp- 
tion of  their  chief.  This  demand  was  through  the  English  commission- 
ers ;  who,  when  they  were  met,  in  Sept.  1644,  deputed  Thoma*  Stonlon 
to  notify  both  parties  to  appear  before  them,  that  they  might  decide  upon 
the  case  according  to  the  evidence  which  nhouid  b«  produced. 

It  appeara  that  Kienemo,*  the  Niantick  sachem,  immedwtely  deputed 
fFeetounaat,  a  sachem,  Pawpiamet  and  Pummumahet  captains,  from  the 
NaiTH^^nsbts,  with  two  of  their  men,  to  mai<i*ain  their  action  before  the 
commissioners,  and  to  complain  of  some  in^ciences  of  Uneaa  besidefl.t 
On  a  Aill  hearing,  the  commissioners  say,  that  nothing  was  substantiated 
by  them.  "  Though,"  they  say,  **  several  discourses  had  passed  fVom  Unetu 
atad  his  men,  that  for  such  quantities  of  wampum  and  such  parcels  of  other 
goods  to  a  great  value,  there  might  have  been  some  probability  of  sparing 
his  life."  Hence  it  appears  that  Unttia  had  actually  entered  upon  a  ne- 
gotiation with  the  Narragansets,  as  in  the  life  of  Jmantunnomon  has  been 
stated ;  and  it  does  not,  it  is  thought,  require  but  a  slight  acquaintance 
with  the  ^neral  drift  of  these  affairs,  to  discern,  that  Unea»  had  encour- 
aged the  Narragansets  to  send  wampum,  that  is,  their  money,  pving  them 
to  understaid  that  he  would  not  bjs  hard  with  them  ;  in  so  far,  that  they 
had  trusted  to  his  generosity,  and  sent  him  a  considerable  amount  The 
very  face  of  it  shows  clearly,  that  it  was  a  trick  of  Uncaa  to  leave  the 
amount  indefinitely  stated,  which  gave  him  the  chance,  (that  a  knave 
will  always  seize  upon,)  to  act  according  to  the  caprice  of  bis  own  mind 
on  any  pretence  afterwards. 

The  commissioners  say  that  **  no  such  parcels  were  brought,"  though, 
in  a  few  lines  after,  in  their  records,  we  read :  "  And  for  that  wampums  and 
g6odB  sent,  [to  Uhceu,]  as  they  were  but  amall  parcels,  and  scarce  consid- 
erable for  such  a  purpose,"  namely  the  redemption  of  their  chief:  and 
still,  they  add  ;  "  But  Uncaa  denieth,  and  the  Narragansct  deputies  did 
not  alledge,  much  less  prove  that  any  ransom  was  agreed,  nor  so  much 
as  any  treaty  begun  to  redeem  their  imprisoned  sachem."  Therefore  it 
appears  quite  clear  that  Uncaa  had  all  the  English  in  his  favor,  who,  to 
preserve  his  friendship,  caressed  and  called  him  their  friend ;  while,  on 
tlie  other  hand,  the  agents  from  the  Narragansets  were  frowned  upon, 
■ 

*  The  same  afterwards  called  Mnigret.  Janenw  was  doubtless  the  pronunciation,  J 
beinr  at  that  time  pronounced ^i ;  therefore  Jianemo  might  have  been  sometimes  undcr- 
(tood  Kianemo. 

t  The  author  of  Tales  of  the  Indians  seems  dismally  confused  in  attempting  to  nar- 
rate these  affairs,  but  see  Ilaxard,  ii.  25  and  26. 


^ 


UNCA8. 


rBMi  iL 


mmI  no  doabt  lahnrad  antler  the  iluwlvuitafe  of  not  being  paraoiMlly 
known  to  ilm  Kngliidi. 

A»  to  th«  Koodh  which  Unraa  liad  nKseived,  the  coininiwioncn  mv,  "A 
part  of  ibeni  [wiin:]  (iisiKMUid  [of]  Inr  MianitinntnnoK  hiiiiMelf,  to  unea$* 
counaeMors  and  nnptuina,  fur  auux!  favor,  either  |Mu»t  or  hoped  fur,  and 
port  wrero  given  and  aeiit  to  Uncat,  and  to  his  im|(Iuw  for  priMerving  hia 
life  ao  kmg,  ami  uoing  him  courteoutiiy  durUtg  hin  imiiriaonnieiii.'' 

Ilare  eoiilcd  thin  matter;  but  lM;foru  the  NurraganM't  de|>utie«  left  the 
court,  tiM  Knglish  made  them  simi  an  agreoinent  titat  they  would  not 
iruku  war  upon  I/nciu, "  vntill  alter  the  next  planting  of  corn."  And 
0«>ei»  then,  ihat  thejr  abould  give  00  days' notice  to  the  En^liaii  before 
oommenciiig  hoaluitieH.  Also  tlwit  if  ''any  of  tlio  Nayantick  Pecotta 
ahould  make  auv  aaaaull  upon  Uncoi  or  any  of  his,  they  would  deliver 
them  up  to  the  hnglitth  to  \m  punished  according  to  their  demerits.  And 
that  tbey  would  not  use  any  means  to  procure  tiie  Mawliakes  to  come 
egainst  Uncaa  during  this  truce."  At  the  same  time  tlie  English  took 
due  eute  to  notify  the  Norroganset  commissioners,  by  way  of  awing  them 
into  terms,  that  if  they  did  molest  the  Mohegans,  all  ttie  English  would 
be  upon  them. 

The  date  of  this  agreement,  if  so  we  may  call  it,  ia, "  Hartford,  the  xviijtb 
of  Se|iteMil>er,  1G44,"  and  was  signed  by  four  Indians ;  one  besides  thooe 
named  al>ovo,  called  Ckimough. 

That  no  passage  might  hn  left  open  for  excuse,  in  case  of  war,  it  waa 
alao  mentioned,  that  "  proof  of  the  ransom  charged"  must  be  mu(le  satia- 
fiuEtory  to  the  English  before  war  was  begun. 

The  |)ower  of  Peaaacut  and  JSTinigret  at  this  time  waa  much  feared  by 
the  English,  and  they  were  ready  to  believe  any  reports  of  the  hoatile 
doings  of  the  Narragansets,  who,  since  the  subjection  of  the  Peqiiots,  had 
;nade  themselves  musters  of  all  their  neiglibors,  except  the  English,  as 
the  Pequots  had  dune  before  them.  The  Mohcguns  were  also  ai  great 
fear  of  them,  as  well  after  as  before  the  death  of  JVfiWnlunnomoA ;  but  for 
whose  misfortune  in  being  mode  a  prisoner  by  a  stratagem  of  Uiuaa,  or 
hia  captains,  the  English  might  have  seen  far  greater  troubles  from  them, 
than  they  did,  judging  from  the  known  abilities  of  that  great  chief. 

There  was  "a  meeting  extraorditiory"  of  the  commissioners  of  the 
United  Colonies,  in  July  1645,  at  Boston,  "concerning  the  French  busi- 
neas,  and  the  wars  between  Piaaicua  and  Vnciu  being  begun."  Their 
first  business  was  to  despatch  away  messengers  to  reouest  the  appearance 
of  the  head  men  of  the  belligerents  to  appear  themselves  at  Boston,  or  to 
send  some  of  their  chief  nicn^  that  the  difficulties  between  them  *  ht 
be  settled. 

These  metisengers,  Serj^eant  John  Damea,  [Davia  ?]  Benedict  Arnold, 
and  Francia  Smyth,  on  their  first  arrival  at  Narraganset,  were  welcomed 
by  the  sachems,  who  offere<l  them  guides  to  conduct  them  to  Uncaa; 
but,  either  having  understood  their  intentions,  or  judging  from  their  ap- 
pearance that  the  English  messengers  meant  them  no  good,  changed  their 
deportment  altogether,  and  in  the  mean  time  secretly  despatched  messen- 
gers to  the  Nianticks  before  them,  giving  them  to  understand  what  was 
going  forward.  After  this,  suy  the  messengers,  "there  was  nothing  but 
proud  and  insolent  passages  [from  Ninigrd.']  The  Indian  guides  which 
they  had  brought  with  them  from  Pumhain  and  Sokakanoco  were,  by 
frowns  and  threatening  8|)oeches,  discouraged,  and  returned ;  no  other 
guides  could  l)e  obtained."  The  sachems  said  they  knew,  by  what  was 
done  at  HartfonI  last  year,  that  the  English  would  urge  peace,  "  hut  they 
were  resolved,  they  said,  to  have  no  peace  vrilhout  Uncaa  hia  head."  As  to 
who  began  the  war,  they  cared  not,  but  they  were  resolved  to  continue 
it ;  that  if  the  English  did  not  withdraw  their  soldiers  from  Uncaa,  they 


Chai 

ahoul 


ausp 


i-ftv, 


(Booa  IL 

■V  panoodljr 

onrni  tay,  "A 
«lf,  If)  {/jwa** 
^P<!(1  fur,  and 
"»«'rving  hit 
rrn-in." 

uti(!«  liiA  tht 
>y  would  Dot 
corn."    And 
If  liali  before 
tick  Pecotta 
ould  deliver 
neritfl.    Anj 
|<i'8  to  come 
i^iigliHh  took 
awing  them 
igiiah  would 

1>  the  xviijth 
CHides  those 

war,  it  wae 
niade  satis- 

1  feared  by 
the  hostile 
eqiiota,  had 
English,  aa 
lo  111  great 
»A ;  but  for 
\  Uiwaa,  or 
>'uiii  them 
ief. 

'in  of  the 
inch  bu8i> 
Their 
[tpearance 
'ton,  or  to 
Bm     •  ht 

t  Arnold, 
vclcomed 
1   Vncas; 
their  ap- 
ged  their 
(nessen- 
fhat  was 
'ting  but 
s  which 
were,  by 
10  other 
^hat  was 
but  they 
'    As  to 
continue 
08,  they 


Cukr.  V.J 


UNCAA. 


ahouM  coniider  it  a  breach  of  former  covenact!%  and  would  procure  as 
many  Mohawka  as  tiie  English  had  soldiers  to  bring  against  them.  They 
reviled  Uncai  for  having  wounded  himself^  and  then  charging  it  ii))OB 
them,  nntl  said  he  was  nu  friend  of  the  Enslish,  but  wouM  now,  if  be 
dunt,  kill  the  English  iiiunengers,  and  lay  that  to  them.  Therefore,  not 
being  ultie  to  proceed,  thr  En^ish  messengers  returned  to  the  Narragan- 
setn,  aii<l  acquainted  Pettaeua  of  what  hadpassed,  desiring  iie  would  flir- 
nish  tlif ni  with  guides;  "he,  (in  scorn,  as  they  apprehended  it,)ofiiM«d 
them  iin  oM  Peacott  squaw.** 

Tho  im-Hscngers  now  thought  themselves  in  danger  of  being  massacred ; 
"three  Indians  with  liatchetB  standing  behind  the  Interpreter  in  a  suspi- 
cious niniiiicr,  while  ho  was  npeakins  with  Patocui,  anu  the  rest  frowning 
and  I'xpn-tksing  niitch  distemper  in  Uieir  countenance  and  carriage."  So, 
without  much  Ioms  of  time,  they  began  to  retrace  their  stepa.  Ou  leaving 
Puaarus,  they  told  him  they  should  lodge  at  an  English  trading  house 
not  fur  utf  diat  night,  and  if  he  wanted  to  send  any  word  to  the  English, 
ho  might  send  to  them.  In  the  morning,  he  invited  them  to  return,  ana 
said  he  would  fbrnish  them  with  guides  to  visit  Uneat,  but  he  would  not 
suspend  hostilities.  Not  daring  to  risk  the  journey,  the  messengers  re- 
turned  home.  Arnold,  the  interpreter,  testificid  that  this  was  a  true  rela- 
tion of  what  had  passed,  whicn  is  necessarv  to  be  borne  in  mind,  aa 
somi'tliing  may  appear,  as  we  proceed,  impeaching  the  veracity  of  .^moUL 

Meanwhile  the  commissioners  set  forth  an  armament  to  defend  Uneat, 
at  all  hazards.  To  justiA'  this  movement,  tliev  declare,  that,  "considering 
the  •rrcat  provocations  oncred,  and  the  necessity  we  should  be  put  unto  or 
making  war  upon  the  Narrohisgin,  &c.  and  being  also  carefbl  in  a  matter 
of  .su  great  weight  and  general  concernment  to  see  the  way  cleared  and 
to  ^ive  satisfaction  to  all  the  colonists,  did  think  fit  to  advise  with  such  of 
the  magistrates  and  elders  of  the  Massachusetts  as  were  then  at  hand, 
and  nisn  with  some  of  the  chief  military  commanders  there,  who  being 
assembled,  it  was  then  agreed :  First,  that  our  engagement  bound  us  to 
aid  anil  ilefcnd  the  Mohemn  sachem.  Secondly,  that  this  aid  could  not 
be  intended  only  to  defend  him  and  his,  in  his  fort  or  habitation,  but,  (ac- 
cording to  the  common  acceptation  of  such  covenants  or  engagementi 
considered  with  the  ground  or  occasion  thereof,)  so  to  aid  him  as  hee 
might  be  preserved  in  his  liberty  and  estate.  Thirdly,  that  this  aid  must 
be  speedy,  least  he  might  be  swallowed  up  in  the  mean  time,  and  so  come 
too  late." 

^  "  According  to  the  counsel  and  determiuation  aforesaid,  the  commis- 
sioners, considering  the  present  danger  of  Uneas  the  Mohegan  sachem, 
(his  fort  having  been  divers  times  assaulted  by  a  great  army  of  the  Nar- 
rohiggonsets,  &c.)  agreed  to  have  40  soldiers  sent  with  all  expedition  for 
his  defense."  Lieut,  ^therton  and  Sergeant  John  Davit  led  this  company, 
conducted  by  two  of  "  CutchamakMt"  Indians  as  guides,  ^iherton  was 
ordered  not  to  make  an  "attempt  upon  the  town  otherwise  than  in  Uneat' 
defence."  Capt.  Maton  of  Connecticut  was  to  join  him,  and  take  the 
chief  command.  Forty  men  were  ordered  also  from  Connecticut,  and  30 
from  New  Haven  under  Lieut.  Staly.  In  their  instrnctionB  to  Maton,  the 
commissioners  say,  "  We  so  now  ain[i  at  the  protection  of  the  Mohegans, 
that  we  would  have  no  opportunity  neglected  to  weaken  the  Narragansets 
and  their  confederates,  in  their  number  of  men,  their  cane  canoes,  wig- 
wams, wampum  and  goods.  We  look  upon  the  Nianticks  as  the  chief 
incendiaries  and  causes  of  the  war,  and  should  be  glad  they  might  first 
feel  the  smart  of  it"  The  Nianticks,  therefore,  were  particularly  to  be 
had  in  view  by  Maton,  and  he  was  informed  at  the  same  time  that  Mas- 
sachusetts and  Plimouth  were  forthwith  to  send  "another  army  to  invade 
the  Nairagansets."  •<  .     -  '  ir 


94 


UNCA8. 


[Book  IL 


Tlie  commissioners  now  proceeded  to  make  choice  of  a  commander 
in  chief  of  tlic  two  armies.  Mai.  Edward  Gi1>hons  was  unanimously 
elected.  In  liis  instructions  is  this  passage :  *'  Whereas  the  scope  and 
cause  of  tiiis  expeditiun  is  not  only  to  aid  the  Mohegans,  but  to  oflend 
the  Narragunsets,  Niauticks,  and  other  their  confederates."  Ho  was  di- 
rected also  to  conclude  a  peace  with  them,  if  they  desired  it,  provided  it 
were  made  with  special  reference  to  damages,  &c.  And  they  say,  "  But 
withal,  according  to  our  engagements,  you  are  to  provide  for  Unccui' 
future  safety,  that  his  plantations  be  not  invaded,  that  his  men  and  squaws 
may  attend  their  planting  and  fishing  and  other  occasions  without  fear  or 
injury,  and  Vtiamequine,  Pomham,  Sokakonoco,  Cutchamakin,  and  other 
Indians,  friends  or  subjects  to  the  English,  be  not  molested,"  &c. 

Soon  after  the  death  of  MiarUunnomoh,  which  wus  in  September,  1643, 
his  brother  Pessacm,  "  the  new  sachem  of  Narraganset,"  then  "  a  young 
man  about  20,"  sent  to  Governor  fVinthrop  of  Massachusetts,  as  a  present, 
an  otter  coai,  a  girdle  of  wampum,  and  some  of  that  article  besides,  in 
value  about  £15.  The  messenger,  named  Washose,*  also  a  sachem,  told 
the  governor  that  his  chief  desired  to  continue  in  peace  with  the  English ; 
but  that  he  was  about  to  make  war  upon  UncM,  to  avenge  the  death  of 
his  brother,  and  hoped  they  would  n*. '  terfere,  nor  aid  Uncos.  The 
goyernor  said  they  wished  to  be  nt  peace  with  all  Indians,  and  that  all 
Indians  would  be  at  peace  among  themselves,  and  that  they  must  agree  to 
this,  or  they  could  not  accept  their  present.  fVashose  said  lie  was  in- 
structed no  further  than  to  make  known  his  mission  and  leave  the  present, 
which  he  did,  and  returned  to  his  own  country.  This  was  in  Feb.  1644, 
N.  S.  Within  the  some  month,  the  same  messenger  appeared  again  at 
Boston ;  and  "  his  errand  was,  (says  Gov.  fVinthrop,)  that,  seeing  they,  at 
our  I'squest,  had  set  still  this  year,  that  now  this  next  year  we  would  grant 
their  request,  and  suffer  them  to  fight  with  Onkus,  with  many  arguments." 
But  he  was  answered,  that  the  English  would  not  allow  such  a  proceeding, 
and  if  they  persisted,  all  the  English  would  fall  upon  them. 

Planting  time,  and  30  days  besides,  had  passed  before  the  English  sent 
an  army  to  invade  the  Narragansets.  Pessacus  and  the  other  chiefs  hod 
done  all  they  could  do  to  cause  the  English  to  remain  neutral,  but  now 
determined  to  wait  no  longer,  and  hostile  acts  were  committed  on  both 
sides. 

The  traditionary  account  of  (7nca«'»  being  besieged  in  his  fort  by  the 
Narragansets  will  very  properly  be  looked  for  in  this  connection,  as  it 
has  not  only  adorned  many  totes  of  the  Indians,  but  has  been  seriously 
urged  as  truth  in  more  imposing  forms.  What  we  are  about  to  give  is 
contained  in  a  letter,  dated  at  New  Haven,  19  Sept.  1706,  by  fFm.  Leffing- 
toell,  and  directed  Dr.  T\-umbuU. 

"At  the  time  the  Mohegan  tribe  of  Indians  were  besieged  by  the  Nar- 
raganset tribe,  in  a  fort  near  the  River  Thames,  between  Norwich  and 
New  London,  the  provisions  of  the  besieged  being  nearly  exhausted. 
Uncos,  their  ^chem,  found  means  to  inform  the  settlers  at  Saybrook 
of  their  distress,  and  the  danger  they  would  be  in  from  tliR  Narrngnnsets, 
if  the  Mohegan  tribe  were  cut  off".  Ensign  Thomas  Lejfingweu,  one  of^ 
the  first  settlers  there,  loaded  a  cuiioc  with  b(;ef,  com  and  peas,  and  in 
the  night  time  paddled  from  Sayl)rook  into  the  Thames,  and  had  the 
address  to  get  the  whole  into  the  fort  of  the  besieged ; — received  a  deed 
from  I  ncas  of  the  town  of  Norwich,  and  made  his  escape  that  very  night. 
In  coHb.  -juence  of  which,  the  besiegers,  finding  Uncas  had  procured 
relie.,  raised  the  siege,  and  the  Mohegan  tribe  were  saved,  and  have  ever 
proved  strict  friends  to  the  N.  England  settlei-s."f 

•  Perhaps  the  same  as  Awashtrg. 

t  Copiea  from  tho  original,  for  the  author,  by  Rev.  Wm.  Ely,  who  thus  remarks  upoa 


Cbap.  Vl 


UNCAS. 


d8 


The  jtbove  agrees  very  well  with  Mr.  Hyde'a  account  "  When  Unea$ 
and  trilM  were  attacked  by  u  {wtent  enemy,  and  blocked  up  in  their  fort 
on  a  hiil,by  tlie  side  of  the  great  river,  and  almost  starved  to  death,  Lieut 
T%>».  Jj^n^toell,  Capt.  Benj.  Brewster,  of  said  Norwich,  and  bthera, 
«ecrctly  carried  their  provision,  jn  the  night  seasons,  upon  which  die 
«neniy  raised  the  sicee."*  in  consideration  of  which,  "  tltuaa  gave  gim. 
dry  donations  of  lanif,"  &c.f 

At  the  congress  of  the  con>  jissioners  at  Boston,  in  1645,  above  men- 
tioned, it  was  ascertained  that  the  present  from  PeaaouMS  still  renuuned 
«mong  them,  and  therefore  he  might  think  it  was  probable  that  the  Eng- 
lish had  complied  with  their  desires,  as  they  had  not  returned  it  Lest 
this  should  be  so  understood,  Capt.  Harding,  Mr.  WeOmme  and  Btmdid 
*%iiold  were  ordered  and  commissioned  to  repair  to  the  Narraganaet 

it :  "  This  tradition,  from  a  higtily  respectable  source,  Trumbull  states  as  history;  yet, 
ia  some  minor  points,  at  least,  it  would  seem  obvious  that  the  tradition  could  not  have 
b«en  strictly  preserved  for  IdO  years."    M8.  Utter. 

*  Some  very  beautiful  verses  appeared  severalyears  since  in  the  Connecticut  Minor, 
to  which  it  seems  the  _  above  had  given  rise.  They  were  prefaced  with  the  following 
among  other  observations  :  "  In  the  neighborhood  of  Mohegan  is  a  rude  recen,  envi- 
roneclDy  rocks,  which  still  retains  the  name  of  the  '  chair  of  Unccu;' "  and  that  the  people 
of  Vneas  were  perishing  with  hunger  when  LefinguieU  brought  him  relief.  We  pve 
the  following  stanEas  from  it  :— 

,^   ,  "  The  monarch  sat  on  his  rocky  throne, 

Before  him  )he  waters  lay ; 
His  guards  were  shapeless  columns  of  stone. 
Their  lofty  helmets  with  moss  o'erg^own, 
And  their  spears  of  the  bracken  gray. 

"  His  lamps  were  the  fickle  stars,  that  beamed 
Through  the  veil  of  tlieir  midnieht  shroud, 
And  the  reddeuing  flashes  that  fitfully  gleamed 
Whan  the  distant  fires  of  the  war-dance  streamed 
Where  his  foes  in  frantic  revel  screamed 
'Neath  their  canopy  of  cloud,"  See. 

"  Behind  him  his  leaguered  forces  lay 

Withering  in  famine's  blight. 
And  he  knew,  with  the  blush  of  the  morning  ray, 
That  Philip  would  summon  his  fierce  array 
On  the  core  of  the  warrior's  heart  to  prey, 

And  quench  a  nation's  light. 

"  It  comes !  it  romes !— -that  misty  speck 

Whirh  over  the  wotors  moves ! 
It  boasts  no  sail,  nor  mut,  nor  dock }  .    t 

Yet  dearer  to  him  was  that  nameless  wreck 

Than  the  maid  to  him  who  loves,"  &e. 

"  The  eye  of  the  king  with  that  rapture  biased 
V/hich  the  sotn  in  its  rapture  sends; 
His  prayer  to  the  Spirit  of  rood  he  raised, 
And  the  shadus  of  hn  buried  fathers  piaiied, 
As  toward  his  fort  he  wends. 


If!- 
ii*r'> 

8-: 

»i-  ■  ■ 
I. 

,'(• 
f. 

V 

•(.». 
.•1' 


.^nitiii.'i;'  ! 


■■M^- 


"  That  king  hath  gone  to  his  lowly  grave ! 
He  slumbers  in  dark  decay ; 
And  like  the  crest  of  the  tossing  wave, 
Like  the  rush  of  the  blast,  from  the  mountain  cave, 
Like  the  groan  of  the  murdered,  with  Dotte  to  save, 
His  people  have  passed  away,"  itx. 

t  MS.  letter  to  Dr.  Trumbull  before  cited  and  life  of  MimUumumok. 


96 


UNCAS. 


[IJOOK  II. 


CHAf.  V. 


country,  and  to  see,  if  pomible,  "  Piacua^  Canownacut,  Janimo^  and  other 
wtchems,  and  to  return  the  present  before  mentioned,  and  to  inform  them 
that  the  English  were  well  aware  of  their  beginning  and  prosecuting  a 
war  upon  Unccw,  and  their  "  having  wounded  and  slain  divers  of  his  men, 
■eixed  many  of  his  csooes,  taken  some  prisoners,  spoiled  much  of  his 
com,'*  reAised  to  treat  wiih  him,  and  threatened  the  English.  Neverthe- 
less, if  they  would  come  themselves  fortliwith  to  Boston,  they  should  be 
heard  and  protected  in  their  journey,  but  that  none  except  themselves 
would  be  treated  with,  and  if  they  refused  to  come,  the  English  were  pre- 
pared  for  war,  and  would  proce^  immediatelv  against  them. 

Harding  and  Wdiome  proceeded  to  Providence,  where  .Arnold  was  to 
join  them.  But  he  was  not  there,  and  they  were  informed  that  he  dared 
not  venture  atuong  the  Narragansets.  Whether  he  had  been  acting  the 
traitor  with  them,  or  somethine  quite  as  much  to  merit  condenmation,  we 
will  leure  the  reader  to  judge  from  the  relation.  The  two  former,  there- 
lore,  made  use  of  Rev.  Mr.  fflUianu  as  interpreter  in  their  business,  but 
were  reprimanded  by  the  commissioners  for  it  on  their  return.  On  going 
to  the  Narraganset  sachems,  and  opening  their  business,  it  appeared  that 
all  they  were  ordered  to  charge  them  with  was  not  true ;  or,  at  least, 
denied  by  them.  These  charges,  it  appears,  had  been  preferred  by 
jfmoU^  and  sworn  to  upon  oath.  The  chiefi  said  "that  hnemo,  the 
Nyantick  sachem,  had  been  ill  divers  days,  but  had  now  sent  six  men  to 
present  his  respects  to  the  English,  and  to  declare  his  assent  and  submis- 
■ion  to  what  the  Narrohiggenset  sachems  anti  the  English  should  agree 
upon." 

It  was  in  the  end  agreed,  that  the  chiefs,  Peaaactu,  Mexam,  and  divers 
others,  should  proceed  to  Boston,  agreeably  to  the  desire  of  the  English, 
which  they  did,  in  company  with  Harding  and  fFelbome,  who  brought 
back  the  old  present,  and  for  which  they  auo  received  the  censure  of  the 
congress.  They  arrived  at  Boston  just  as  the  second  levy  of  troops  were 
marching  out  for  their  country,  ancf  thus  the  expedition  was  stayed  until 
the  result  of  a  treaty  should  be  made  known. 

It  appeared,  on  a  conference  with  the  commissioners,  that  the  sachems 
did  not  fully  understand  the  nature  of  all  the  charges  against  them  before 
leaving  their  country,  and  in  justice  to  them  it  should  be  observed,  that, 
■o  fiur  as  the  record  goes,  their  case  appears  to  us  the  easiest  to  be  defended 
of  the  three  parties  concerned.  They  told  the  commissioners  of  sundry 
charses  they  had  against  Uneaa,  but  they  said  they  could  not  hear  them, 
for  Uncaa  was  not  there  to  speak  for  himself;  and  that  they  had  hindered 
his  being  notified  of  their  coming.  As  to  a  breach  of  covenant,  they 
maintained,  for  some  time,  that  they  had  committed  none,  and  that  their 
treatment  of  the  English  had  been  misrepresented.  "  But,  (says  our 
record,)  after  a  long  debate  and  some  priuate  conferrence,  they  had  with 
Serjeant  CWIicuM,  they  acknowledged  tney  had  brooken  promise  or  cou»- 
nant  in  the  afore  menconed  worrs,  and  bfferred  to  make  another  truce  with 
Vneaa,  either  till  next  planting  tyme,  as  they  hod  done  last  yeare  at 
Hartford,  or  for  a  jreare,  or  a  yeare  and  a  quarter.** 

They  hod  been  mdueed  to  make  this  admission,  no  doubt,  by  the  per- 
suasion of  CulKeut,  who,  probably,  was  instructed  tx>  inform  Uiem  that 
the  safety  of  their  countnr  depended  upon  their  compliance  with  the 
wishesof  the  English  at  this  time.  An  army  of  soldiers  was  at  that  mo- 
ment parading  the  streets,  in  all  the  pomposity  of  a  modem  training, 
which  must  have  reminded  them  of  the  horrible  destruction  of  their 
kindred  at  Mjrstie  eight  years  before. 

The  propositHHi  of  a  trace  being  objected  to  by  the  English,  *'  one  of 
the  sschems  offered  a  stick  or  a  wand  to  the  commissioners,  expressing 
hioielf,  that  therewith  they  put  the  power  and  disposition  of  the  war  into 


f  nooK  11. 

0,"  and  other 
inform  them 
'rosecuting  a 
IB  of  his  men, 
much  of  his 
Neverthe- 
i3y  should  be 
t  themselves 
sh  were  pre- 

itold  Was  to 
bathe  dared 
sn  acting  the 
•mnation,  we 
nner,  there- 
msiness,  but 
On  «>ing 
>pe8rea  that 
or,  at  least, 
•referred  by 
/onemo,  the 
t  six  men  to 
ind  submi*. 
lould  agree 

,  and  divers 
he  English, 
ho  brought 
sure  of  the 
iroops  were 
itayed  until 

he  sachems 
hem  before 
erved,  that, 
«  defended 
of  sundry 
hear  them, 
i  hindered 
Jnant,  they 
I  that  their 
(says  our 
f  had  with 
le  or  cou»- 
truce  with 
yeare  at 

y  the  per- 

hem  that 
with  the 
that  mo- 
training, 
of  thev 

"  one  of 
tpnmtkg 
war  into 


CHAf .  v.] 


UNCAS. 


97 


their  hands,  and  desired  to  know  what  the  EngKah  vmdd  rtqmre  of  them." 
They  were  answered  tiiat  the  expenses  and  trouble  they  had  caused  the 
English  were  very  great, "  besides  the  damage  Vnccu  had  suataincd ;  yet  to 
show  their  moderaeon,  they  would  require  of  them  but  (tooo  thoiuand  fa- 
thome  of  white  wanipon  for  their  owne  satisfaccon,"  but  that  they  should 
restore  to  Uneaa  all  the  captives  and  canoes  taken  from  him,  and  make 
restitution  for  all  the  com  they  had  spoiled.  As  for  the  last-mentioned 
oflbnce,  the  sachems  asserted  there  had  been  none  such ;  for  it  vku  tut 
the  manner  of  the  Indiana  to  destroy  com. 

This  most  excellent  and  indirect  reproof  must  have  had  no  small  eSecx 
on  those  who  heard  it,  as  no  doubt  some  of  the  actors  as  well  as  the  ad- 
visers of  the  destruction  of  the  Indians'  com,  previous  to  and  during  the 
Pequot  war,  were  now  present :  Block  Island,  and  the  fertile  fields  upon 
the  shores  of  the  Connecticut,  must  have  magnified  before  their  imagi- 
nations. 

Considering,  therefore,  that  this  charge  was  merely  imaginary,  and  that 
Uncaa  had  taken  and  killed  some  of  uieir  people,  the  English  eonaenled 
that  Uncas  "might"  restore  such  captives  and  canoes  as  ne  had  taken 
fit)m  tliem.  Finally,  they  agreed  to  pay  the  wampum,  "craning  onely 
some  ease  in  the  manner  and  tymes  or  payment,"  and  on  tb')  evening  of 
"{Ae  xxvijtA  of  the  6  month,  (August,)  1645,"  articles  to  the  foJowing  eflbet 
were  signed  by  the  principal  Indians  present : — 

1.  That  the  Narragansets  and  Nianticks  had  made  war  upon  the  Mohe- 

Sns  contrary  to  former  treaties ;  that  the  English  had  sent  messengers  to 
em  without  success,  which  had  made  them  prepare  for  war. 
3.  That  chiefs  duly  authorized  were  now  at  Boston,  and  having  ac- 
knowledged their  breach  of  treaties,  having  "  thereby  not  only  endamaged 
Vncas,  but  had  brought  much  charge  and  trouble  vpon  all  the  EngUsh 
colonies,  which  they  confest  were  just  they  should  satisfy." 

3.  That  the  sachems  agree  for  their  nations  to  pay  to  the  English  9000 
fiithom  "  of  good  white  wampum,  or  a  third  part  of  good  black  wampem- 
peage,  in  four  payments,  namely,"  500  tiiihom  in  20  days,  500  in  four 
months,  500  at  or  before  next  planting  time,  and  500  in  two  years,  which 
the  English  agree  to  accept  as  full  "  satisfaccon." 

4.  That  each  party  of  the  Indians  was  to  restore  to  the  other  all  thinga 
taken,  and  where  ci^rr^es  were  destroyed,  others  "in  the  roome  of  them, 
full  as  good,"  were  lo  be  given  in  retum.  The  English  obligated  them- 
selves for  Uncas. 

5.  That  as  many  matters  cannot  be  treated  of  on  account  of  the  absence 
of  Uncas,  they  are  to  be  deferred  until  the  next  meeting  of  the  commis- 
siouerR  at  Hartford,  in  Sept  1646,  where  both  parties  should  be  heard. 

6.  The  Narraganset  and  Niantick  sachems  bind  themselves  to  keep 
peace  with  the  English  and  theur  successors,  "and  with  Vneaa  the  Mohe- 
gan  aachem  and  his  men,  with  Vasamequin,*  Pomham,  Sokaknooeo, 
Cutchamakin,  Shoanan,\  Paasaconawag,  and  all  others.  And  that,  in  caae 
difficulties  occur,  they  are  to  apply  to  the  English. 

7.  They  promise  to  deliver  up  to  the  English  all  fugitives  who  shall  at 
any  tithe  be  found  among  them ;  to  pay  a  yearly  tribute,  "  a  month  before 
Indian  harvest,  everv  year  aAer  this,  at  Boston,"  "fo**  all  such  Pecotts  aa 
live  amongst  them,"  according  to  the  treaty  of  1638 ;  "namely,  one 
fathom  of  white  wampum  for  each  Pequot  man,  and  half  a  fathom  for 
each  Peacott  youth,  and  one  hand  length  of  wampum  for  each  Peacott 
man-child;  and  if  Weekuaah  Cakel  reflise  to  pay  this  tribute  for  any 


*  OiwaiMfMii. 
t  We9ua$h  Cook. 
9 


t  Perhspt  Sho^imim,  or  Bkoltm. 


-^ 


UNCAS. 


[Boosn, 


CHAr.  Vl 


Poacotn  with  him,  thn  Nnrrohiggansot  sagamores  promise  to  assist  the 
EiiKiish  against  him ;"  and  to  yield  rp  to  the  English  the  whole  Pequot 
country. 

8.  1  he  sachems  promise  to  deliver  four  of  their  children  into  the  hands 
of  the  English,  "  viz'.  Piaaacua  his  eldest  sonn,  the  soon  of  TaasaquanO' 
wUt,  brother  to  Pusacus,  Jlwashanoe  hid  sonn,  and  Ewangtao'a  sonn,  a 
Nyantick,  to  be  kept  as  pledges  or  hostages,"  until  the  wampum  should 
be  all  paid,  and  they  had  met  Uncaa  at  Hartford,  and  Janemo  and  ^jcpe- 
tock*  had  signed  these  articles.  As  the  children  were  to  be  sent  for, 
ffitotocuh,  Pomanue,  Jmoaaaoe,  and  WaughHoamino  offered  their  parsons 
as  security  for  their  deliveky,  which  were  accepted. 

9.  Both  the  securities  and  hostages  were  to  be  supported  at  the  charge 
of  the  English. 

10.  That  if  any  hostilities  were  committed  while  this  treaty  was  making, 
and  before  its  provisions  were  known,  such  acts  not  to  be  considered  a 
violation  thereof. 

11.  They  agree  not  to  sell  any  of  their  lands  without  the  consent  of  the 
commissioners. 

13.  If  any  Pequots  should  be  found  among  them  who  had  murdered 
English,  they  were  to  be  delivered  to  the  English.  Here  follow  the 
names,  with  a  mark  to  each. 

Fessecus, 
AuHSAAqcEN,t  dantty 

/or  ihe  NunUtckB, 
Aboas, 

POMMDSH, 

cotcuahakins, 
Weekesanno, 

WlTTOWASH. 

We  do  not  see  Mtxam'a  or  Mixanno'a  name  among  the  signers,  although 
he  is  mentioned  as  \mng  present,  unless  another  name  was  then  applied 
to  him.  There  were  four  interpreters  employed  upon  the  occasion,  namely, 
Serg.  CuUieut  and  his  Indian  man,  Cutckcmakin  and  Jbsvu.| 

From  this  time  to  the  next  meeting  of  the  commissioners,  the  country 
seenw  not  to  have  been  much  disturbed.  In  the  mean  time,  however, 
Unetu,  without  any  regard  to  the  promise  ar  bligations  the  English  had 
laid  themaelveu  under  for  him,  undertow -,  .o  chastise  a  Narraganset 
sachem  for  some  alleged  offence.  On  opening  their  congress,  at  New 
Haven,  letters  fW>m  Mr.  Morton  and  Mr.  Peters,  at  Pequot,  were  read  by 
the  commiosioners,  giving  account-!  of  Uncases  perfidy.  The  complainants 
were  sent  to,  and  informed  that  ilneas  was  shortly  to  be  there,  and  that 
ihey  should  bring  their  proof  in  order  to  a  trial. 

Meanwhile  Vhcas  came,  who,  afler  waiting  a  few  days,  and  his  accu- 
aen  not  appearing,  was  examined  and  dismissed.  It  appears  that  th« 
English  at  Nameoke,  since  Saybrook,  were  the  suffering  party,  as  their 
neighborhood  was  the  scene  of  Uneaufa  depredations.  Of  some  of  the 
charges  he  acknowledged  himself  guilty,  especially  of  fighting  N'e^waah 
[Wequash]  Cooke  so  near  to  the  plantation  at  Pequot ;  although  he  alleged 
that  some  of  the  English  there  liad  encouraged  Wtmmali  to  hunt  upon 
his  iandsi  '  He  was  informed  that  his  brother  had  alsoneen  guilty  of  some 
offknoe,'bat  neither  the  accuser  nor  the  accused  were  present,  and,  there- 
fine,  it  could  not  be  anted  upon.  So,  after  a  kind  of 're»nmam/,  Unea» 
divmissed)  as  we  have  j'ist  mentioned.    But  before  tie  had  left  the 


•  Wtfittamnek. 

X  Son  of  CUiirataM^,  probably. 


t  AwauqtAu. 


[Boo«  II, 

Be  to  aflsist  the 
>  whole  Pequot 

I  into  the  hands 
f  Taaaaquana- 
igtso's  sonn,  a 
unpum  should 
5TO0  and  fFype. 
to  be  sent  loi-, 
their  porsona 

at  the  charge 

y  was  making, 
)  considered  a 

consent  of  the 

lad  murdered 
re  follow  tho 


J>lumttcka, 


Chap.  V.) 


UNCA8. 


S9 


5r8,  although 
then  applied 
lion,  namely, 

the  country 
le,  however, 
E^nglish  had 
IVarraganset 
398,  at  New 
are  read  by 
>mplainants 
re,  and  that 

I  his  accu- 
rs  that  th« 
ty,  as  their 
ome  of  the 
J\recir.wash 
he  alleged 
hunt  upon 
Ity  of  some 
and,  there- 
md,  Uneat 
id  left  the 


town,  Mr.  ^m.  JMnion  arrived  at  court,  with  three  Indiat.:,  to  maintain 
the  action  against  him ;  he  was,  therefore,  called  in,  and  a  hearing  wis 
had,  "  but  the  commissioners  fouude  noe  cause  to  alter  the  former 
writinge  giuen  him."  This  was  as  regarded  tlie  affair  with  Wtquarii. 
Mr.  Morton  then  produced  a  Pequot  (wwwow,  named  H'ampuMhtt,  who, 
he  said,  had  charged  Vncaa  with  having  hired  him  to  do  violence  to 
another  Indian,  or  to  procure  it  to  be  done,  which  accordingly  was 
efiecteil,  the  Indian  being  wounded  with  a  batrhet.  This  crime  was  at 
first  laid  to  tlie  charge  of  n'tquaah^  as  Uncaa  had  intended.  "■  But  after 
[wards,]  the  Pequat's  powow,  troubled  in  conscience,  could  have  no  re«t 
till  he  had  discoured  Vncva  to  be  the  author."  He  first  related  bis  guilt 
tu  Robin,*  an  Indian  servant  of  Mr.  Hxnihrop  ;  but,  to  the  surprise  of  the 
whole  court,  H'ampuahdy  the  only  wimcss,  on  being  questioned  through 
Mr.  SkarUon,  the  intci-pretor,  tuld  a  story  diametrically  the  reverse  of  what 
he  had  before  stated.  "  He  cleared  Fhct»,  and  cast  the  plot  and  guilt  vpon 
JVecktoash  Cooke  and  Robin ;"  "  and  though  the  other  two  Ptquats,  where- 
of the  one  was  Robiiia  brother,  seemed  much  offended,"  and  said  Uneas 
had  hired  him  to  alter  bis  cliarge,  **  yet  he  persisted,  and  said  JV*erA:u'a«/i 
Cooke  and  i2o6tn  had  giuen  him  a  payre  of  breeches,  and  promised  him 
25  fadome  of  wampum,  to  cast  the  plot  upon  Fnctw,  and  that  the  English 
plantacon  and  Pequats  knew  it.  The  commissioners  abhorring  this 
diuillish  falshoode,  and  advisinge  Vncva,  if  he  expected  any  favoure  and 
respect  from  the  English,  to  liaue  no  hand  in  any  such  designes  or  vniust 
wayes." 

Hence  it  appears  that  the  court  did  not  doubt  much  of  the  villany  of , 
Uhcas,  but,  for  reasons  not  required  here  to  be  named,  be  was  treated  as  a 
fond  parent  often  treats  a  disobedient  child ;  reminded  of  the  end  to  which 
such  crimes  lead;  and  seem  to  threaten  chastisement  in  their  words, 
while  their  deportment  holds  out  quite  different  language. 

At  the  congress  of  the  United  Colonics  at  Boston,  in  July,  1647,  Mr. 
John  Winthrop  of  Connecticut  presented  a  petition,  "in  the  imme  of  many 
Pequatts,"  in  the  preamble  of  which  Casmamor  and  Obechiquod  are 
named,  requesting  that  they  might  have  libeity  to  dwell  somewhere  under 
the  protection  of  the  English,  that  they  might  appoint.  They  acknowl- 
edged that  their  sachems  and  peo[de  had  done  very  ill  against  the  English 
formerly,  for  which  they  had  justly  sufiered.  and  be«n  rightfully  conquered 
by  the  English ;  but  that  they  had  had  no  hand,  by  consent  or  otherwise, 
in  shedding  the  blood  of  the  English,  and  that  it  was  by  the  advice  of 
JVecouasAf  that  they  fted  from  their  country,  being  promised  b^  him  that 
the  English  would  not  hurt  them,  if  they  did  not  join  against  them. 
T!ie  namet:  of  6S  craving  pardon  and  protection  were  at  the  same  time 
communicated. 

In  answer  the  commissioners  say,  tb»t  while  Wequatk  lived  he  hod 
made  no  mention  of  "such  innoc^nt^Peciiats,  or  firom  ,any  other  person 
since ;"  and  on  '^'ebqiMr^  Trom  ,^^ma{  ^^^t(dQn,'£(fH^  Tfixon,  one  of  Uncus 
his  men,  and  at;Ttfst|(}y  con)r^ibi^  ot  ttf^  ,Ii^i4t^  present,  found  that 
somo  of  the  petitioners  were  in  Mistick  fort  in  fight  again^i,  the  English, 
and  fled  awav  i|.u•thl&sa)hk^,'''.and  that  others  wen:  iot  other  times  in  arms 
against  the  ErgU»(k'aillil  •Mo4iegans.andilhetefore,Jtli^  ground  of  their 
petition  was  false  and  deceitful. 

It  appears  that  they  had  taken  refuge  under  Unau,  who  had  promised 

*  His  Indian  name  was  Casmamon,  perhaps  tho  same  as  Cassatsitmamon,  or  Cams- 
inemnn,  &c. 

t  We<iuash,  the  traitor.  He  became  a  noted  praying  Indian,  after  the  Pequot  war, 
and  was  supposed  to  have  died  by  poison.  Frequent  mention  will  be  found  of  him 
elsewhere  in  our  work. 


1<R> 


I'NCAS. 


[Book  IT. 


them  good  usage,  which  wob  probahlv  on  conditiou  that  they  should  pajr 
him  a  tribute.     Thny  rrsidpd  at  ihia  time  at  Namyok. 

At  thu  Bunie  romt  Ohrchiquod  complained  tliat  (/nco*  had  forcibly  taken 
iiway  his  wife,  and  rrimitmlly  obliged  her  to  live  with  him.  «/bzoi» 
being  present,  om  Unrua'a  deputy,  wus  questioned  about  this  base  and  un- 
jjuflTernble  oiitrnp^ ;  he  denied  that  Uwaa  either  took  or  kept  away 
OhtehiqiUKTa  wife  by  force,  and  atfimic«i  that  [on]  Obeehimtovs  with-' 
drawing,  with  other  P<M]uots,  from  Uncus,  his  wife  refbsoa  to  go  with 
him ;  and  that,  among  the  Indians,  it  is  usual  when  a  wife  so  deserts  her 
husband,  another  may  take  her.  Obeckiquod  affirmed  that  Vhcas  had 
dealt  criminally  b'>for<',  and  still  kept  her  against  hnr  will." 

Though  not  satiitfied  in  ]K>int  of  proof|  the  commissioners  say, "  Yet  ab- 
horing  that  lustful  adulterous  carriage  of  Uneas,  as  it  is  acknowledged  and 
inittigated  by  Faxon,"  ordered  that  he  should  restore  the  wife,  and  that 
Obemiquod  iiave  liberty  to  settle  under  the  protection  of  the  English, 
where  tliey  should  direct.* 

Complamts  at  this  time  were  as  thick  upon  the  head  of  Uncas  as  can 
well  be  conceived  of,  and  still  we  do  not  imagine  that  half  the  crimes  he 
wus  guilty  of^  ore  upon  record.  Another  Indian  named  Sanaps,  at  the  same 
time,  complained  that  he  hod  dealt  in  like  manner  with  the  wife  of  another 
cbietj  sincn  doad;  that  he  hud  taken  away  his  corn  and  beans,  and 
attempted  >'ns  life  also.  The  court  say  thoy  found  no  proof,  "first  or  last, 
of  these  charges,"  still,  as  to  the  com  aar<  beans.,  "  Fhxon  "onceivcs  Uncas 
seized  it  because  Sannop,  with  a  Pequut,  in  a  disorderly  manner  with- 
drew iiiinself  from  Uncas."  Hence  it  seems  up*  much  evidence  was 
required,  OS  Uncases  deputy  uniformly  pleaded  gui  ;  and  the  court  could 
do  no  less  than  order  that,  on  investigation,  he  b.iould  make  restitution. 
As  to  Sannop,  who  was  **  no  Pequot,"  but  a  "  Connecticut  Indian,"  he  had 
liberty  to  live  under  the  protection  of  the  English  also. 

We  pass  now  to  the  year  1651,  omitting  to  notice  some  few  events  more 
or  less  connected  with  our  subject,  whicli,  in  another  chapter,  may  propeily 
pass  under  review. 

Last  year,  Thos.  StanUm  had  been  ordered  ''to  get  an  account  of  the 
number  and  names  of  the  several  Pequots  living  among  the  Narrasanscts, 
Nianticks,  or  Mohegan  Indians,  &c. ;  who,  by  an  agreement  made  after 
the  Pequot  war,  are  justly  tributaries  to  the  flnglish  colonies,  and  to 
receive  the  tribute  due  for  this  last  vear."  StatSon  now  aj^ared  as 
interpreter,  and  with  him  came  also  I'necu  and  several  of  his  men,  We- 
quaan  Cook  and  some  of  "  JS/bmaen^a"  men,  '^Robert,  a  Pequct,  some- 
times a  servant  to  Mr.  ffinthropf  and  some  with  him,  and  some  Peqcots 
living  on  Long  Island."  They  at  this  time  delivered  312  fiithom  of  wai.i- 
pum.    Of  this  Uncas  brought  79,  MnigrePs  men  91,  &c. 

"This  wampum  being  laid  down,  Uncas  and  others  of  the  Pequots 
demanded  why  tlw  tribute  ww'  ^equ'rejj*  how  lopg  it  was  to  conunue, 
and  whether  the  chlWn^n  to  hfi  boTn'h^reo1ler'*l»reW  .to;pay  it"  They 
were  answered  thnl'  ibe  tr^bHtet  had  l>ecn'<iti«!  yea-Iy'firdm  the  Paquots 


and 
payment,  as  of «  Just  Qebt;  for-  Utaa  ■•past,^bur  ft«  TJbrtented,  if  it  be 
thankfully  accepted,  to  remit  what  is  post,  accounting  only  fvoir  1650, 
when  Thomas  Stanton*s  employment  and  salary  began."  Also  that  the 
tribute  should  end  in  len  years  more,  and  that  children  hereafter  bom 
ahould  be  exempt    Hithero  all  male  children  were  taxed. 

•  This  chief  Is  tlic  same,  we  lielieve,  called  in  n  later  part  of  tbo  records,  (Hazard,  ii. 
413,)  AbbaeMckwood.  He  wiis  fined,  with  seven  others,  ten  fnihom  of  wampum  for 
going  to  fight  the  Pocomptuck  Indians  uiih  Uncas,  in  the  summer  of  t()59. 


CHAP,  v.: 

Tlie 
Ousame 
it  more  || 
Webf 
year  tha 
named, 
the  Narl 
from  tli^ 
Uncas 
nothing] 
removec 
QuabaoJ 
gather  t| 
in  the  nl 


fBooK  n. 

cy  should  paj 

forciWy  taken 
pirn,  "/bum 
wue  and  un- 
r  kept  away 
^ftotPs  with-' 
«  to  go  with 
0  deserta  hor 
t  Vhcas  had 

"«y."Yetab. 
'y^ledged  and 
^fc,  and  that 
the  English, 

Ihcaa  as  can 
le  crimes  he 
^  at  the  same 
fe  of  another 

beans,  and 
'first  or  last, 
:eives  Uncaa 
anner  with- 
idence  was 
court  could 

restitution, 
an,"  he  had 

svents  more 
«y  properly 

ount  of  the 
"TMansets, 
maoe  after 
'es,  and  to 
[>peared  as 
men,  fFe- 
l«*"t,  some- 
«  Peqi<ots 
n  of  wai.n- 

B  Peguots 

continue, 
t."  They 
B  Pijquots 

2ng!isb. 
♦'"Dt  and 
>  if  it  be 
>n'  1650, 

that  the 
fter  bom  . 


lazard,  H. 
npura  for 


CHAP,  v.] 


UNCA8. 


101 


The  next  matter  with  which  we  shall  proceed  baa,  in  the  life  gf 
Outamequin,  been  merely  glanced  at,  and  reserved  for  this  place,  to  which 
it  more  properly  belongs. 

We  have  rmyr  arrived  to  the  year  1601,  and  it  was  in  the  spring  of  this 
year  that  ;.  war  broke  out  between  Uncaa  and  the  old  sachem  before 
named.  It  seems  very  clear  that  the  Wampanoags  had  been  friendly  to 
the  Nurragunscts,  for  a  long  time  previous,  but,  separated  as  they  were 
from  then),  were  not  oileu  involved  in  their  troubles.  They  saw  how 
Urutu  was  favored  by  the  English,  and  were,  therefore,  careful  to  have 
nothing  to  do  with  the  Mohegans,  I'rom  whom  they  were  still  farther 
removed.  Of  the  rise,  progress  and  terminotion  of  their  war  upon  the 
Quabaoga,  a  tribe  of  Nipmucks  belonging  to  Outamequin^  the  reader  may 
gather  the  most  important  facts  from  some  documents,*  which  we  shall 
in  the  next  place  lay  before  him. 

"Mercdrius  de  Quabaconk,  or  a  declaration  of  the  dealings  of  Unea$ 
and  the  Mohegin  Indians,  to  certain  Indians  the  inhabitants  of  Qua- 
baconk, 21,  3d  mo.  1661. 

"  About  ten  weeks  since  Uncaa'  son,  accompanied  with  70  Indians,  set 
upon  the  Indians  at  Quabaconk,  and  slew  three  persons,  and  carried  away 
six  prisoners ;  among  which  were  one  squaw  ana  her  two  chiklren,  whom 
when  he  had  brought  to  the  fort,  Uncaa  dismissed  the  squaw,  on  condi- 
tions that  she  would  go  home  and  bring  him  £25  in  peag,  two  guns  and 
two  blankets,  for  the  release  of  herself  and  her  children,  which  as  yet 
she  hath  not  done,  being  retained  by  the  sagamore  of  Wcslmkeim,  in 
hopes  that  their  league  with  the  English  will  free  them. 

"At  the  same  time  he  carried  away  also,  in  stuff  and  money,  to  the 
value  of  £37,  and  at  such  time  as  Uncaa  received  notice  of  the  dis- 
pleasure of  the  English  in  the  Massach*  setts  by  the  worshipful  Mr. 
ffmthrop,  he  insolently  laughed  them  to  scorn,  and  professed  that  he 
would  still  go  on  as  he  had  begun,  and  assay  who  dares  to  controll  him. 
Moreover,  four  days  since  there  came  home  a  prisoner  that  escaped  ;  two 
yet  remaining,  whom  Uncaa  threatens,  the  one  of  them  to  kill,  and  the 
other  to  sell  away  as  a  slave,  and  still  threatens  to  continue  his  war  agfunst 
them,  notwithstanding  anv  prohibition  whatsoever ;  whose  very  threats 
are  so  terrible,  that  our  Indians  dare  not  wander  far  from  the  towns  about 
the  Indians  for  fear  of  surprise. 

From  the  relation  of 

Pamba8sua» 
and  testimony  of 

Wabahasin, 

QUAqUEqCUNSET, 

and  othera." 

From  this  narrative  it  is  very  plain  that  Uncaa  cared  very  little  for  the 
displeasure  of  the  English  :  it  is  plain,  also,  that  he  knew  as  well  as  they 
what  kept  them  from  dealing  as  severely  with  him  as  with  the  Narra- 
gansets,  his  neighl^rs.  They  must  succumb  to  him,  to  keep  him  in  a 
temper  to  aid  in  fighting  their  battles  when  railed  upon.  Hence,  when 
he  had  committed  the  grossest  insults  on  other  It  .ians,  the  wheels  of 
justice  oflen  moved  so  slow,  that  they  arrived  not  at  their  object  until  it 
had  become  quite  another  matter.  It  must,  however,  be  considered  ihak 
the  English  were  veiy  peculiarly  situatedr-upon  the  very  margin  <»f  «& 
unknown  wilderness,  enclosed  but  on  one  side  by  Indians^  whine,  chief 
business  was  war.    They  had  destroyed  the  Pequota,  but  this  only  added 


9* 


*  In  manuscript,  and  never  before  pobliiiMid. 


103 


UNCAS. 


piooc  O. 


OBAr. 


to  their  ieare,  for  they  knew  that  rcrcnge  larked  Mill  in  tb«  breaM»  of 
many,  who  only  were  wailing  tor  an  o|)ponunity  to  gratify  it ;  tlierefbrav 
so  lon^  OS  one  of  the  niost  iiiiineroni*  tribes  couM  poasibly  be  kept  ob 
their  side,  the  Kngliah  corisHieivt)  tlicinselves  in  saie^.  They  had  made 
many  inissteits  in  tlioir  prorcc-diiiipt  with  the  Indiana,  owing  aometimes  to 
one  cause  and  sometimes  to  niiotlirr,  fur  wiiich  now  there  was  no  rt^sne* 
dy  ;  ontl  it  is  doiibtrul  whether,  even  at  this  day,  if  any  set  of  hmb  were 
to  go  into  an  unknown  region  and  settle  among  wild  men,  that  they  would 

Kt  along  with  them  so  much  better  than  our  Ikthers  did  with  the  Indiana 
re,  as  some  may  have  imagined.  These  are  considerations  which  rauat 
be  taken  into  nccoiint  in  estimating  the  "  wrongs  of  the  Indians."  They 
seem  the  more  necessary,  in  this  |>lace,  t6>-  in  the  biography  of  Unetu 
there  is  as  much,  perhaps,  to  censure  regarding  the  acta  of  the  Engliah, 
as  in  any  other  article  of  Indian  history. 

The  narrative  just  recited  being  sent  in  to  the  court  of  Maasaehusetts, 
waa  referred  to  a  select  committee,  wlio,  on  the  I  June,  reported, 

That  letters  should  be  sent  to  Uneas,  agnifyinghow  aenaihle  the  court 
was  of  the  injuries  he  had  done  them,  by  his  outrage  upon  the  Indians 
of  Quabaconk,  who  lived  under  their  saganoore  Was$amagmf  as  set  forth 
in  the  narrative.  That,  therefore,  they  now  desired  bim  to  giro  up  the 
captives  and  make  restitution  for  all  the  goods  taken  firom  t£em,  and  to 
forbear  for  time  to  come  all  such  unlawful  acts.  That  if  Wtuaamagm  or 
his  subjects  had  or  shoukl  do  him  or  hissnl^ts  any  wrong,  the  Englisb 
would,  upon  due  prooi^  cause  recompense  to  be  made.  Ako  that  Imeat 
be  given  to  understand  and  assured,  that  ^f  he  refuse  to  compty  with  the 
request,  they  were  then  resolved  to  rijf^bt  the  injuries  upon  him  and  his, 
and  for  nil  costs  they  might  he  put  to  in  the  serriee.  **  That  for  the  en- 
couragement and  safety  of  the  sayd  Wauamagin  and  his  aubjecta,  there 
be  by  order  of  Major  friUard  three  or  four  armed  m?i>,  well  accomodate 
in  all  respects,  with  a  proporcon  of  powder,  bulletts  and  match  sent  fiom 
Luicaster  to  Quabaconk  vnto  the  sayd  ybwniagtw,  there  to  stay  a  niriit 
or  two,  and  to  shoote  of  their  musqiiets  so  often,  and  in  such  wise,  aa  Uie 
nugor  shall  direct,  to  terrifie  the  enemies  of  Wh$mwu^fim,  and  ao  to  return 
home  again."  To  inform  fFauttmagin  and  hb  snl^is  that  the  authorities 
of  Massachusetts  would  esteem  it  an  acknovHe^gmexrt  of  their  renrd, 
if  they  would  permit  them  to  hare  the  captives  to  be  recovered  from 
Vneaa,  to  bring  them  up  in  a  proper  manner,  that  tb^  night  be  service- 
able to  their  friends,  &c.  Also,  "aduice  and  require  IrbasasMVM  and  his 
men  to  be  verie  careful!  of  iniuring  or  any  ways  prouoking  m  Vneat,  or 
any  of  his  men,  as  he  will  answer  our  diqileasure  therein,  aind  incuir  due 
punishment  for  the  same.**  That  if  Uneas  committed  any  other  hostile 
acts,  be  must  complain  to  them,  &c.*  Thus  Qmaawgum  was  as  much 
threatened  as  Utwat. 

Matters  seem  to  have  remained  thus  until  the  meeting  of  the  cominis- 
sioners  in  September  following ;  when,  in  due  comse,  the  bcsiness  vna 
oJled  up,  and  acted  upon  as  follows : — 

"Vpon  complaint  made  to  the  comissionars  of  the  Massachusetts 
agwnst  VtJuu,  this  following  message  was  sent  to  biiu: — 

<*  Vnetu,  wee  haue  receiuM  information  and  complaint  from  the  generall 
court  of  the  Massachusetts  of  youer  hostile  invading  of  Woaamuftan  and  the 
Indians  of  Quabakutt,  whoe  nre  and  looge  haue  bine  sabfects  to  the 
Ei^gUsh,  killing  some  and  canyiiw  away  others ;  spoyKn^  diore  goods  to 
the  vallue  of  £Blb.  as  they  allege."  That  he  had  done  this  contnur  to  his 
covenants,  and  had  taken  no  notice  of  the  demands  of  the  Massacbuaetts^ 
diou^  some  time  since  they  had  ordered  him  to  defiver  up  the  captivea^ 

*  Heia  aad  oar  MSS.  rdaliag  to  ikia  aflhii. 


%. 


PIOOK  D. 

*b«  breasts  of 
'  it ;  tberefbm, 
y  be  kept  ob 
^J  had  imde 
■""•etimes  to 
*■■  no  rr-toe- 
ofmea  were 
■t  ihejr  wouM 
>b  the  Indiam 
•  which  must 
'■na."    They 
»hy  of  Une^ 
ibeEoglMj,^ 

•"sachuaetts, 
ted, 

'bie  the  coon 
the  lodians 
>  w  set  forth 
fire  up  the 
nem,  ami  to 

>«M«<^ruior 

the  English 
that  (Mea» 
^'y  with  the 
iinand  his^ 
for  the  en- 
>>l«ct8,  there 
accomodate 
h  sent  from 
stayanicht 
'^BR.asthe 
•>  to  return 
Mtborities 
e»r  renrd, 
'ered  from 
beserrice- 
rm  and  his 
r^nea^or 
ineunrdue 
Ix^r  hostile 
>  as  much 

9  commis- 
liaess  was 

nchusette 

sgenerall 
"and  the 
Is  to  the 
goodsto 
i^tohis 
chusetta^ 
captives^ 


Omap.  V.) 


UNCA8. 


1€8 


make  remuneration, &e.  And  to  irhich  he  had  returned  no  answer; 
<*  which,"  continues  the  letter,  "seemes  to  bee  an  insolent  and  proud 
carriage  of  yoiiers.  We  cannot  but  wonder  att  it,  and  must  beara  witnesi 
acainst  it**  He  wai,  as  before,  required  to  return  the  captives.  &o^  and 
give  reasons  for  his  operations ;  and  if  he  neglected  to  do  so,  tlie  Massa- 
chusetts were  at  liberty  to  right  themselves. 

In  the  mean  time,  as  we  apprehend,  a  letter  from  Unea$  was  received, 
written  by  Capt.  JMofon,  which  was  as  follows : — 

**  Wheras  there  was  a  warrant  sent  firom  the  court  of  Boston,  dated  in 
my  last  to  Vneaa,  mchem  of  Mohegen,  wherin  it  was  declared  vpon  the 
complaint  of  fVeaatiuquen,*  a  sachem  subject  to  the  Massachusetts,  that 
the  siud  Vnetu  bad  onered  great  violence  to  theire  subjects  at  Quabauk, 
killinff  some  and  takins  others  captiue ;  which  warrant  came  not  to  lAieos, 
not  aboue  30  dales  before  these  presents,  who,  being  summoned  by  Major 
Jokn  Mason,  in  full  scope  of  the  said  warrant,  wherein  he  was  deeply 
charged  if  he  did  not  return  the  captiues,  and  £33  damage,  then  the 
Massachusetts  would  recouer  it  by  foroe  of  armes,  which  to  him  wasuery 

EleuouB :  professing  he  was  altogether  ignorant  that  they  were  subjects 
fonging  to  the  Massachusetts ;  and  f  irther  said  that  they  were  none  of 
Wetamequen^a  men,  but  belonging  to  On.>ptquin,  his  deadly  enemie,  whoe 
was  there  borne ;  one  of  the  men  then  thken  was  his  own  cousin,  who 
had  formerly  fought  against  him  in  his  own  person ;  and  yett  sett  him  att 
libertie ;  and  forther  saith  that  all  the  captiues  were  sent  home.  Alsoe 
that  WtaanuquinVa]  son,  and  diners  of  his  men  had  fought  against  him 
diuers  times.  This  he  desired  might  bee  returned  as  bis  answare  to  the 
comissiouers. 

'^JUlexander  allis  fFttmsutta,  sachem  of  Sowamsett,  being  now  att  Ply- 
mouth, bee  challenged  Quabouke  Indians  to  belong  to  him ;  and  fbrther 
said  that  hee  did  warr  against  Vneaa  this  summer  on  thbt  accounuf 

Signed  by 

JoHiT  Masoh." 

The  particulars  of  the  issue  of  these  troubles  were  not  recorded,  and 
the  presumption  is,  that  Uncaa  complied  with  the  reas  mable  requests  of 
the  English,  and  the  old  peaceable  Ouaamequin,  being  unwilling  to  get 
into  difficulty,  put  up  with  the  result  without  avenging  his  wron^.  His 
■on,  WamavttOj  as  will  be  seen,  about  this  time  found  himself  involved 
in  difficulties  nearer  home,  which  probably  prevented  him  from  continuing 
the  war  against  Uneeu,  had  he  been  otherwise  disposed. 

*  By  this  it  would  seom  that  Maisaioit  had,  for  gome  time,  resided  among  the  Nip- 
iDUcki.    He  had,  probably,  given  up  Pokauoket  to  bis  sons. 

t  It  seems  always  to  have  oeen  uncertain  to  whom  the  Nipmucks  belonged,  Roger 
Wiiliam*  says,  in  1668,  "  That  all  the  Nccpmurks  were  unquestionably  subject  to  the 
Nanhigonset  sachems,  and,  in  a  .special  manner,  to  Mtjktah,  the  son  of  Caiinouniciii. 
and  late  husband  to  this  old  Sattato-Sacliem,  now  only  surviving.  I  have  abundant  nnd 
daily  proof  of  it,"  &c.    M8.  tetter.    See  life  Matsasoit,  b.  ii.  chap.  ii. 

At  one  time,  Kutihamakin  claimed  some  of  the  Nipmucks,  or  consented  to  be  made  n 
tool  of  by  some  of  them,  for  some  private  end.  But  Mr.  Pvnchon  saiH  thpy  would  not 
own  him  as  a  sachem  any  longer  "  than  the  sun  shined  upon  him."  Had  they  belonged 
to  him,  Massachusetts  must  have  owned  them,  which  would  have  invulved  tlicm  in  much 
difBculty  in  1648,  by  reaion  of  several  murders  among  them. 


."exi 


■KyV- 


/ 


(Boos  n. 


cKapter  VI. 


pf  %t  PeqtMt  rMlart—Ckdgraphu  of  ftnV  eotmtry — SAttSAcns,  their  Jint 
Ouef,  known  to  the  English— ff^dr— The  edust  of  i<— Weciuash— C«- 
Ikmkut'and  Mi&ntuvhuliHoh  aceiund  of  harboring  fugitive  Pequot$ — St^ 

$OKJm — MONONOTTO — O/OaA— ^A88A1SI!«nAMON. 

It  is  iaid  by  Mr.  Hubbard/  l^at  the  PeqnoU,f  "  being  a  more  fierce, 
cruel  and  warlike  people  than  the  rest  of  the  Indians,  came  down  out  of 
tfle  more  inland  parts  of  the  continent,  and  by  force  seized  upon  one  of 
the  goodliest  places  near  the  s«a,  and  became  a  terror  to  all  their  neigh- 
bors." The  time  of  their  emigration  is  unknown.  They  noade  all  the 
olhei*  tribes  *' stand  in  awe,  though  fewer  in  number  than  the  Narragan- 
■ets,  that  bordered  next  u|ion  them."{ 

Tbeir  country,  according  to  Mr.  Oookin,^  "the  English  of  Connecticut 
jltritdiction,  doth  now,  [1674,]  for  the  most  piart,  possess."  Their  dominion, 
or  that  of  tbeir  chief  sachem,  was,  acconiing  to  the  same  author,  **  over 
divera  petty  sagamores ;  as  over  part  of  Long  Island,  over  the  Moliegana, 
and  over  the  sagamores  of  Quinapeake,  [now  New  Haven,]  yea,  over  all 
the  people  that  dwelt  upon  Connecticut  River,  and  over  some  of  the 
most  southerly  inliobltants  of  the  Nipmuck  country,  about  Quinabaag." 
The  principal  sei^t  of  the  sagamores  was  near  the  mouth  of  Pequot 
River,  now  called  the  Thames,  where  New  London  stands.  "These 
Pequots,  as  old  Indians  relate,  could,  in  former  times,  raise  4000  men  fit 
for  war."!!  The  first  great  chief  of  this  nation,  known  to  the  English, 
was  Seuaticua,  whose  name  was  a  terror  to  all  the  neighboring  tril)es  of 
Indians.  From  the  fVuitful  letters  of  the  Rev.  Roger  ffiUianu,  we  learn 
that  he  bad  a  brother  by  the  name  oi Pvuppontpogea,  whose  residence  was 
at  Monahiganick,  probably  Mohegan.  Although  Sasaacua^t  principal 
residence  was  upon  tbe  Thames,  yet,  in  his  highest  prosperity,  he  had 
under  him  no  less  than  26  sachems,  and  his  dominions  were  from  Narra- 
ganaet  Bay  to  Hudson's  River,  in  the  direction  of  the  sea-coast.  Long  Island 
was  also  under  him,  and  his  authority  was  undisputed  far  into  the  country. 

About  the  time  the  English  had  determined  on  the  subjugation  of  the 
Pequots,  Roger  ffiUiama  wrote  to  Governor  ffl,tUhrop  of  ftifuisachusettSy 
giving  him  unportant  directions  how  thev  should  proceed  to  advantage, 
and  what  was  very  important  then,  gate  the  following  rude  draft  of  their 
country : — 

River  aaniiUitient.ir 


CBAI-.  Vl 

In  tij 
faithful 
taken  all 
Migoifi*'''! 
latter,  wh 
and  kntl 
enter  th«| 
The 


O  (1  fort  -'  the  NiantaqoH**  men,  confederate  with  the  Peqoti. 
Mohiganio  RWer, 


Q  WeinihaulM,  where 

Sanaanu,  the  chief  lachim,  if. 


swamp 


I  I  I  owaal(e,tt  < 
I  I  I  3  or  4  milei 


flrbita 


Mis-  0  ticic,  where  ia  Mamolu>,\.l  another  ohief  laeblin. 
Rivnr. 


Nayan-  0  taquit,**  where  is  WepUeammok  and  our  IHenlli' 


River. 


•Narrative,!.  116. 

f  We  believe  this  name  meant  Gray/oxet,  hence  Gray-fox  Indians,  or  PequoU. 

t  Hist.  New  England,  33. 

i  See  his  ColUclioru  m  1  Col.  Mass.  Hist.  Sec.  i.  147.  ||  lb. 

V  Connecticut.       **  Niantick.       ft  A  nam*  signirying  an  OwP$  nut.    Same  letter. 

tt  Probably  Mononotto. 


CBooc  It 


Chap.  VI] 


OF  TIIF,  PKUUOT  NATION 


MS 


va,  their  Jlnl 
quASH— C«- 
'equoU—Sat- 

more  6en9. 
down  out  of 
upon  one  of 
their  neigh, 
node  all  Uie 
e  Norragao- 

Connectieiit 
ir  dominion, 
ithor,  «  over 
)  Af  ohegans, 
r-ea,  over  «il 
orne  of  the 
iiiinabaag." 
of  Pequot 
«».     "These 
JOO  men  fit 
le  English, 
?  trilws  of 
«.  we  learn 
idence  was 
k  principal 
■ty,  he  had 
'om  Narra- 
-ong  Island 
16  country, 
tion  of  the 
sachusettSi 
advantage, 
A  of  their 


the 
■  ftint) 


In  the  mnio  letter,  Mr.  tVUliami  urges  ths  necMsity  of  emplojriuf 
faithful  guides  for  the  English  forces;  ••as  sImII  be  best  liked  of  [to]  be 
taken  along  tu  direct,  especially  two  FequU;  viz.  IfcfiuuA,  [whose  name 
signitiiul  II  swan,]  and  fVuttackquiaekommin,  valiant  men,  especially  the 
latter,  who  have  lived  these  three  or  four  years  with  the  Nanhiggonticka, 
and  know  every  |mas  and  passage  amongst  them,  who  desire  armor  to 
enter  their  Iiouhcs." 

The  PcquoU  having,  for  a  !ong  time,  exercised  their  power  without 
restraint  aiiiong  their  countrymen,  according  to  the  custom  of  savage 
iiation.s,  which  wnH  a  right  always  assumed  by  the  strongest,  and  yet  too 
much  the  caxc  with  those  nations  calling  themselves  civilized,  extended, 
therefore,  the  Mime  carriage  towards  the  English  as  to  the  rest  of  their 
neighboi-s — killing  such  as  came  in  their  way,  who  refused  a  compliance 
with  their  demands.  Captains  Stone,  Norton  and  Oldham^  were  succe*- 
sively  murdered  bv  them,  in  and  about  Connecticut  River.  The  English 
could  get  no  satiamction  of  them,  and  being  assured  of  the  assistance  of 
the  Narragatisets,  determined  to  subdue  them.  Early  in  the  summer  of 
1637,  forces  from  Connecticut,  under  Captain  John  Maun,  and  from 
Massachusetts,  under  Captain  hrad  Sloughton,  were  sent  on  this  desisn. 
A  part  of  the  Massachusetts  forces  onlr,  under  Captain  VnderhiU,  wm> 
was  before  stationed  at  Saybrook  fort,  shared  in  the  taking  of  the  strong 
fort  of  Saaaaciu,  This  fort  was  situated  upon  an  eminence  in  the  present 
town  of  Groton,  Connecticut.  The  English  arrived  in  its  vicinity  on  the 
25th  of  May ;  and  on  the  36th,  before  day,  with  about  500  Indians,  encom- 
passed it,  and  began  a  furious  attack.  The  Mohegans  and  Narraganaets 
discovered  great  fear  on  approaching  the  fort,  and  could  not  believe  that 
the  English  would  dare  to  attack  it.  When  they  came  to  the  foot  of  the 
hill  on  which  it  was  situated,  Captain  MoDon  was  apprehensive  of  being 
abandoned  by  them,  and,  making  a  halt,  sent  for  Uncaa,  who  led  the  Mo- 
hegans, and  IFequash,  their  pilot,  who  was  a  fugitive  Pequot  chief,*  and 
urged  them  not  to  desert  nim,  but  to  follow  him  at  any  distance  they 
pleased.  These  Indians  had  all  along  told  the  English  they  dared  not 
fight  the  Pequots,  but  boasted  how  they  themselves  would  fight  Ma$cn 
told  them  now  they  should  see  whether  Englishmen  would  fight  or  not 
Notwithstanding  their  boastings,  thi^  could  not  overcome  the  terror 
which  the  name  of  Scuaaciu  had  inspired  in  them,  and  they  kept  at  a  mfe 
distance,  until  the  fi^t  was  over ;  but  assisted  conriderably  in  repelling 
the  nttacrks  of  the  Pequots,  in  the  retreat  from  the  fort ; — ^for  the  Pequota, 
on  recovering  from  their  consternation,  collected  in  a  considerable  body, 
and  fought  the  confederates  for  nr.  ^ny  miles. 

The  English  had  but  77  men,  whioh  were  divided  into  two  companies, 
one  led  by  Jlfoson,  and  the  other  by  UnderkUL  The  Indians  were  all 
within  their  fort,  asleep  in  their  wigwams,  and  the  barking  of  a  dog  was 
the  first  notice  they  had  of  the  approach  of  the  enemy,  yet  very  few 
knew  the  cause  of  the  alarm,  until  met  by  the  naked  swords  of  the  foe. 
The  fort  had  two  entrances  at  opposite  points,  into  which  each  party  of 
EngUsh  were  led,  sword  in  hand.  "  Wanux !  wanux  /"f  was  the  cry  of 
SoMMCua^a  men  ;  and  such  was  their  surprise,  that  they  made  very  feeble 
resistance.  Having  only  their  own  missile  weapons,  they  could  do  nothing 
at  hand  to  hand,  with  the  English  broad-swords.    They  were  pursued 

*Tbe  same, it  is  believed,  elsewhere  called  Waquash  Cook;  "  which  Wemuuh,  (kuys 
Dr.  /.  MaUxtr,)  was  by  birth  a  sachem  of  that  place,  [where  Scumcui  lived,]  but  upon 
some  disgust  received,  he  went  from  the  Pequots  to  the  Narragansets,  and  oecame  a 
chief  captain  under  Mianttmnotnoh."    Rtlationj  74. 

\AUm'»  History  of  the  Pequot  War.  It  signified,  l7n^/i4Atn«n /  Englishmen!  In 
Maton'i  history,  it  is  written  0»atmx.  Allen  merely  copied  from  Maton,  with  a  few 
such  variations.  i ' 


n 


OF  THE  PEQUOT  WAR. 


fBooK  n. 


rrom  witfwafn  tn  wif;w.iin,  uu\  nlatiglilentd  in  every  ■ociwt  pl«re.  Wo- 
ntoiiandcliililri!!!  worrcnt  to  piecn*,  wliil)M-ti<l<*nv(>riiigtit  liidu  UitMiiaolves 
in  and  uiidcr  ilicir  Ih;iIh.  At  lungtli  tin-  wiim  m:i  in  tliu  inotM  Uim  ctivered 
the  wipwitiiis,  wliicli  I'lirioiiHly  Hjiruad  uv*-r  tliu  wliul«  tWrt,  aiiil  tiiv  dead 
and  dyin^  wito  tof^etiior  c-oiMunitid.  A  part  of  thv  English  IiimI  formed 
a  cireuinfcrtnicu  u|>on  thn  outsidu,  and  ahot  Nucti  aa  attein|>tcd  tu  fly. 
Many  nm-rndcd  tltt;  pickotH  tn  <>!H;up(;  tlio  fluint'H,  liut  weru  shot  down  by 
those  fltationeil  for  that  fiurpaso.  About  GOO  iM-ntons  w<;re  supposed  to 
have  perisiiHct  iii  this  fi^ht ;  ur  |)erliap8  1  should  sav,  niatuwcre.*  There 
were  but  two  English  killed,  and  altout  30  wounded.  Sattaeua  himself 
waa  in  another  tort,  and  being  informed  of  tho  ravages  of  the  English, 
dfMtroyed  \m  habitations,  and,  with  about  80  others,  fled  to  the  Moliawks, 
who  treacherouNly  beheaded  him. 
i  Notwithstanding  ttuv  great  shnighter  at  Mistick,  there  were  great  num- 
bera  of  I'equotn  in  the  country,  wno  were  hunted  from  swatnp  to  swamp, 
and  their  numlwrs  thinned  continually,  until  a  remnant  promised  to  appear 
no  more  as  a  nation. 

Tho  English,  under  Captain  iSKoug-Uort,  came  into  Pequot  River  about  a 
fortnight  alter  the  Mistick  tight,  and  assisted  in  the  work  of  their  exter- 
mination. After  his  arrival  in  the  enemy's  country,  he  wrote  to  the 
governor  of  Masaachiisetts,  aa  follows : — "  By  this  pinnace,  you  shall 
receive  48  or  50  women  and  children,  unless  there  stay  any  here  to  be 
helpful,  &c.  Concerning  which,  there  is  one,  I  formerly  mentioned,  that 
is  the  iairest  and  largest  that  I  saw  amongst  them,  to  whom  I  have  given 
a  coete  to  cloathe  her.  It  is  my  desire  to  have  her  for  a  servant,  if  it  may 
stand  with  your  good  liking,  else  not.  Ttiere  is  a  little  squaw  that  steward 
Cuincut  desireth,  to  whom  he  hath  given  a  coato.  Lieut.  Davenport  also 
deaireth  one,  to  wit,  a  small  one,  that  hath  three  strokes  upoii  her  stomach, 
thus :  —  1 1 1  -|~'  ^'^  desireth  her,  if  it  will  stand  with  your  good  liking. 
•Siwomon,  the  Indian,  desireth  a  young  little  squuw,  which  I  know  not 

**  At  present,  Mr.  Haynes,  Mr.  LuSto,  Captain  Mason,  and  30  men  ore 
with  us  in  Pequot  River,  and  we  shall  the  next  week  joine  in  seeing  what 
wu  can  do  against  Scuaaeua,  and  another  great  sagamore,  Monowatluek, 
[Mononotto.]  Here  is  yet  good  work  to  be  done,  and  how  dear  it  will 
coat  is  unknown.  Scuaaetu  ia  resolved  to  sell  his  life,  and  so  the  other 
whh  their  company,  as  dear  as  they  can."f 

Perhaps  it  will  be  judged  that  Stoughion  was  looking  more  after  the 
profit  arising  from  the  sale  of  captives,  than  for  warriors  to  fight  witfa. 
Indeed,  Meuon'i  account  does  not  give  him  much  credit. 

There  was  a  manifest  disposition  on  the  part  of  Uncas,  Canoniciw, 
Miantunnomoh  and  JVTnigre<,  and  perhaps  other  ohiefe,  to  screen  the  poor, 
denounced  and  flying  Pequots,  who  had  escaped  the  flames  and  swords 
of  the  English  in  their  war  with  them.  Part  of  a  correspondence  about 
these  sachems'  harboring  them,  between  R.  fVUliama  and  the  governor  of 
MoBBachuBctts,  is  preserved  in  the  Massachusetts  Collections ;  trom  which 
it  appears  that  Massachusetts  had  requested  Mr.  WiUiams  to  explain  tu 
the  chiefs  tho  consequences  to  be  depended  hi)oii,  if  ihey  did  not  striccfy 
observe  their  agreement  in  regard  to  the  I'ligicive  Pequots.  0/af/i|  earned 
to  Mr.  fHIltanu  a  letter  from  tiio  Massachusetts  governor  upon  this  sub- 
ject. After  he  had  obeyed  its  conten>d,  as  fur  as  he  was  able,  In;  answered, 
that  he  went  with  Olaah  "to  the  NanhiggontickH,  and  having  got  Canouni- 
cus  and  Miantunnomu,  with  their  council,  together,  I  acquainted  them 

*  "  It  was  supposed,"  says  Mather, "  that  no  less  than  500  or  600  Pequol  souls  w^re 
brought  down  to  nell  that  day."  Relation,  47.  We  iu  charity  suppose  that  by  hell  the  dotlor 
only  meant  death. 

t  Manuscript  letter  or  Captain  Stougkton,  on  file  viti6'ag  our  state  papeft. 

}  Yolaash,  Mr.  WUliams  writes  his  name. 


raillit'uUl 
.tiul  to  «p 
Henr}i\  \ 
ulai-i'X, 
'V\m 
iiudttrtil 
tliK-t ;  t| 


fBooK  n. 

Pl«»!*.  Wo. 
(iu  tiifiiiflulvw 
•  tliw  covered 
"■<i  tiif  dead 
'  htt«l  formed 
»r>«'tl  to  fly. 
•lot  (lowrn  by 
'  ""Plumed  to 
«:re.«  There 
«««  itiiimeir 

«*•«  English, 
■10  MoliawluL 

P*nt  num- 
|»  lo  awamp, 
led  to  appear 

iver  about  a 
■  their  exter- 
''rote  to  the 
'»  yoii  shall 
Y  hero  to  be 
•tioiied,  that 

have  giveo 
"'.  it'  it  may 
hut  steward 
venport  ulao 
er  stomach, 
■ood  liking. 

'OW  Hot. 

30  men  nr» 
jeeing  what 
oTumatluek, 
ear  it  will 

0  the  other 

«  after  the 
fight  with. 

^anonieut, 

1  the  poor, 
id  swords 
ince  about 
>vernor  of 
•in  which 
•xploin  to 
"t  stric  ;ly 
'4  <'2«-ned 
this  sub- 
mswered, 
Catumni- 
ed  them 

souls  wer^ 
Uie  doctor 


Vu\r.  Vll 


OF  THE  PE<iL(>T  NATION. 


faitliAiUv  with  the  conlrnlMof  your  lettrr, both  ffritmmeu  tmd  lkttaltnint${ 
.tiid  to  lipiiioiiHlrute,  I  |ir(Mluc<'d  the  copy  of  the  ioagu**,  (whtirb  Mr.  [Sir 
//etin/]  yane  iwnt  rn<<,)  and,  with  breaking  of  a  lOraw  in  two  or  thrw 
jiluri'H,  1  hIiowimI  them  whut  tb«-y  hud  done.'' 

Thum;  cliirfH  gave  Mr.  H'iUiamM  to  underatand,  that  when  Mr.CJovemar 
iiudorrto'Ni  what  they  had  to  aay,  he  wouM  be  aatiatuid  witb  their  ooo« 
tiiict ;  tliMt  tliry  did  lint  winIi  to  niake  tmiible,  but  they  "toutd  rdMU 
many  jiarticulari  wkerrin  the  Engliah  had  broktn  their  promiset"  Mince  the 
war. 

Ill  rvgnrd  to  soiiio  Hqiiawfi  that  had  escaped  from  the  English,  CaiwnUmi 
said  111!  had  not  wicii  any,  but  heard  of  some,  and  immediHtely  ordered 
thnin  to  >¥'.  carriiid  liack  again,  and  had  not  since  heard  of  tliem,  but 
would  Ilo^v  have  the  country  scurched  for  them,  to  aatiafy  the  governor. 

MiatUuntwmoh  snid  he  had  never  heard  of  but  six,  nor  saw  but  four  of 
them  ;  which  lM>ing  liroiight  to  him,  hn  was  angry,  and  asked  thoee  who 
brought  llioiii,  why  they  did  not  carry  them  to  Mr.  tViUianu,  that  he  might 
convey  them  to  the  Knglish.  They  told  him  the  soiiawa  were  lame,  and 
could  not  go ;  u|K)n  which  Miantunnomoh  sent  to  Mr.  fViUiamt  to  come 
and  take  them.  Mr.  WiUiama  could  not  attend  to  it,  and  in  his  turn 
ordereil  Miantunnomoh  to  do  it,  who  said  he  was  busy  and  could  not;  **«■ 
indeed  ho  whs,  (says  fyiUiamt,)  in  a  strange  kind  of  solemnitv,  wherein 
the  sachims  cat  nothing  but  at  night,  and  all  the  natives  round  about  the 
country  wore  feasted."    In  the  mean  time  the  aquaws  escaped. 

Miantunttofnoh  .<»id  he  was  sorry  that  the  governor  should  think  he 
wanted  these  squaws,  for  he  did  iVDt.  Mr.  HlUtama  told  him  he  knew  of 
his  sending  for  one.  Of  this  charge  he  fairly  cleared  himself,  saving,  the 
one  sent  for  was  not  for  himself,  but  for  Stuacmun,*  who  was  lying  lame 
at  his  house ;  that  Sassamtm  fell  in  there  in  his  way  to  Peqiit,  whither  he 
had  been  sent  by  the  governor.  The  squaw  he  wanted  wn  a  sachem'e 
daughter,  who  had  been  a  particular  friend  of  ^''tntuHuomoh  during 
his  life-time ;  therefore,  in  kindness  to  his  dead  iriend,  he  wished  to 
ransom  her. 

Moreover,  ASantunnomoh  said,  he  and  his  people  were  true  "  to  the 
English  in  life  or  death,**  and  but  for  which,  he  said,  CMiate  [Unkua]  and 
his  Mehiganeucks  had  long  since  proved  false,  as  he  still  feared  they 
would.  For,  he  said,  they  had  neverfound  a  Pequot,  and  added,  "  Chenoek 
nxue  teetompatimuckai"  that  is,  "Did  ever  friends  deal  so  with  friends?" 
Mr.  WUliaiM  requiring  more  particular  explanation,  Mianiunnomak  pro* 


"  My  brother,  Yotaash,  had  seized  upon  Puttaquppuunck,  Quame,  and  20 
Pequots,  and  60  squaws;  they  killed  three  and  bound  the  rest,  whom  they 
watched  all  night.  Then  they  sent  for  the  English,  and  delivered  them 
in  tti  :>  morning  to  them.  I  came  by  land,  according  to  promise,  with  200 
men,  k^ing  10  Pequots  by  the  way.  I  desired  to  see  the  great  sachem, 
Pvtkufiippmmdi,  whom  my  brother  had  taken,  who  was  now  in  the  Eng- 
lish  houses,  but  the  English  thrust  at  me  with  a  pike  many  times,  that  I 
durst  not  come  near  the  door." 

Mr.  WUliama  told  him  they  did  not  know  him,  ehw<  they  would  not^)  but 
Miantunnomoh  answered,  "  All  my  company  were  disheartened,  and  they 
all,  and  Cutthamoqt^ie,  desired  to  be  gone."  Besides,  he  said,  <'  two  of  my 
men,  fFafronckMiihut\  and  Maunamoh  \Meihamoh]  we-m  their  guides  tO 
Seequankit,  from  the  river's  mouth."  U|K>n  which,  Mr.  WUliaiM  adds  to 
the  governor:  "Sir,  I  dare  not  stir  coals,  but  I  saw  them  too  much  diare« 
garded  by  many." 


*  Probably  the  same  mentioned  afterwards. 
Batsamtn,  or  his  hrathcr  Rowland. 
t  Perhaps  WahsrtimaeHt,  or  Wahginnacut. 


He  might  have  b«ea  (be  famoi^  i/Mfi 


106 


MONONOTTO. 


[Book  II. 


Mr.  ffUKanu  told  the  sachems  **  they  received  Pequts  and  wampom 
without  Mr.  Governor's  consent.  Ccmnounieus  replied,  that  although  be 
and  Mianturmomu  had  paid  many  hundred  fathom  of  wampum  to  their 
aoMiers,  as  Mr.  Governor  did,  yet  he  had  not  received  one  yard  of  beads 
nor  a  Pequt. '  Nor,  saith  Miemtunaomu,  did  I,  but  one  small  present  iW>m 
four  women  of  Long  Island,  which  were  no  Pequts,  but  of  that  isle,  being 
afraid,  desired  to  put  themselves  under  my  protection." 

The  Pequot  war  has  generally  hoen  looked  upon  with  regret,  by  all 
good  men,  since.  To  exterminate  »  people  before  they  had  any  oppor- 
tunity to  bc^.ome  enlightened,  that  id,  to  be  made  acquainted  with  the 
reason  of  other  usages  towards  their  fellow  beings  than  those  in  which 
they  had  been  brought  up,  is  a  great  cause  of  lamentation ;  and  if  it  proves 
any  tbinr,  it  proves  that  great  ignorance  and  barbarism  lurked  m  the 
hearts  ot  their  exterminators.  We  do  nc.  mean  to  exclude  by  this  re- 
mark the  j^reat  body  of  the  present  inhabitants  of  the  earth  from  tlie 
charge  of  such  barbarism. 

In  the  records  of  the  United  Colonies  for  the  year  1647,  it  is  men- 
tioned that  **  Mr.  John  H^nlkrop  making  claim  to  a  great  quantity  of  land 
at  Niantio  by  purchase  from  the  Indians,  save  in  to  the  commissionera  a 
petition  in  those  words : — '  Wherir^Hn  I  had  the  land  of  Niantick  by  a  deed 
of  gift  and  purchase  from  the  rnchem  [Sassacus]  before  the  [P'^quot] 
WBia,  I  desire  the  commiasioners  .^ill  be  pleased  to  confirm  it  unto  me, 
and  clear  it  from  any  claim  of  English  and  Indians  according  to  the 
equity  of  the  case.'"  fVhnH^^iyp  had  no  writing  from  Satiaetu,  and  full 
ten  years  had  elapsed  since  the  transaction,  but  Fyomattuh,  Wamhermuukt 
and  Anitappo  testified  somn  time  after,  that  **  upon  their  knowledge  before 
die  wars  were  asainst  the  Fequols,  ^utacua  their  sachem  of  Niantic  did 
eall  them  and  allhis  men  together,  and  told  that  he  was  resolved  to  give 
hia  country  to  the  governor's  son  of  the  Massachusetts,  who  lived  then  at 
Pattaquassat  alias  Connecticut  River's  mouth,  and  all  his  men  declared 
themselves  willing  therewith.  Thereupon  he  went  to  him  to  Pattaquas- 
set8,and  when  he  came  back  he  told  them  be  had  granted  all  his  country 
to  him  the  said  oovemor's  son,  anf^l  said  ite  was  his  good  friend,  and  he 
Iwped  he  would  send  some  Engh.  h  thittier  some  time  hereafter.  More- 
over, he  told  him  he  had  received  c'^iis  from  ^  m  for  it,  which  they  saw 
him  bring  home."  This  was  not  said  by  tho^e  Indians  themselves,  but 
several  English  ami  they  heard  tkem  aay  ifu.  The  comm'f'sioners,  however, 
set  aakle  his  claim  with  considerable  apijiearance  of  in^^ependence. 

Dr.  Dwight  thus  closes  his  poem  upon  the  <^j^!;tmction  of  the  Pequots : — 


Chaf.  V^ 

died  by 
Wolcott,\ 


The 
among  t| 
Pequot  1 
excuse  < 
injured 
did  not  I 
in  their  I 
the  rivel 


"  Indulge,  my  native  land,  indulge  the  tear 

That  steals,  impassioned,  o'er  a  nation's  doom. 
To  me,  each  twig  from  Adam's  stock  is  near. 

And  sorrows  fall  upon  an  Indian's  tomh."  m 

Greenfield  IlUl,  p.  KMriOS. 


Another,  already  mentioned,  and  the  next  in  consequencf  to  Saataeua^ 
waa  Afononotto.  Hvbhcard  calls  him  a  "  noted  Indian,''  whone  wife  and 
children  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  English,  and  as  "  it  was  known  to  be 
by  her  mediation  that  two  English  maids,  (that  were  taken  away  from 
Weethersfield,  upon  Connecticut  River,|  were  saved  from  death,  in  re- 
quittal  of  whose  pity  and  humanity,  the  life  of  herself  and  children  was 
not  only  granted  her,  but  she  was  in  special  recommended  to  the  care  of 
Gov.  Winihropf  of  Massachusetts."  MononoUo  fled  with  Saaaacus  to  the 
Mohawks,  for  protection,  with  several  more  chiefs.  He  was  not  killed 
bj  them  aa  jShmocu*  was,  but  Mcaped  from  them  wounded,  and  probaUjr 


v 

••.T 


fBooK  II, 

l^nd  wampom 
Bt  although  he 
ipum  to  their 
yard  of  beads 
present  from 
nat  iale,  bein; 

regret,  by  all 
d  any  oppor- 
ted  with  the 
Me  in  which 
>d  if  it  proves 
irked  in  the 
8  by  this  re- 
th  from  the 

7,  it  is  men- 
ntity  of  land 
raissioners  a 
ck  by  a  deed 
the  [P'quot] 
it  unto  me, 
i^iog  to  the 
ictw,  and  full 
hmbermuuke 
ledge  before 
Niantic  did 
ved  to  give 
pved  then  at 
en  declared 
>  Pattaquas- 
his  country 
end,  and  he 
ler.    More- 
:h  they  saw 
naelves^  but 
•8,  however, 
tnce. 
Pequots  :— 


CHAr.  VI.] 


MONONOTTO.— CASSASSINNAMON. 


IW 


<M,*105. 


'  Saatttetu, 
wife  and 
>wn  to  be 
way  from 
ith,  in  re- 
Idren  was 
e  care  of 
us  to  the 
lot  killed 
probably 


died  by  the  bands  of  his  English  enemies.    He  is  thus  mentioned  by  Qot. 
ffoleoU,  in  his  poem  upon  fVirUhrop^s  agency,  &c. 

"'Prince  Monimotto  sees  his  sauadrons  fly, 
And  on  our  general  having  nxed  his  eye, 
Ra{^c  and  revenge  bis  spints  quickening, 
He  set  a  mortal  arrow  in  the  string.' " 

The  first  troubles  with  the  Pequots  have  already  been  noticed.  •  It  was 
among  the  people  of  Mononotto,  that  the  English  caused  the  blood  of  a 
Pequot  to  flow.  Some  English  hod  been  killed,  but  there  is  no  more  to 
excuse  the  murder  of  a  Peqiiot  than  an  Englishman.  The  English  had 
injured  the  Indians  of  Block  Island  all  in  their  power,  which  it  seems 
did  not  satisfy  them,  and  they  next  undertook  to  make  spoil  upon  them 
in  their  own  country  upon  Connecticut  River.  "  As  they  were  sailinj^  up 
the  river,  says  Dr.  /.  Mather,  many  of  the  Pequots  on  lioth  sides  of^the 
river  called  to  them,  desirous  to  know  what  was  their  end  in  coming 
thither."*  They  answered,  that  they  desired  to  speak  with  Sassacus ; 
being  told  that  Sassacus  had  gone  to  Long  Island,  they  then  demanded  that 
Mononotto  should  appear,  and  they  pretended  he  was  from  home  also. 
Ho  .vever,  they  went  on  shore,  and  demanded  the  murderers  of  Capt 
■Stone,  and  were  told  that  if  they  would  wait  they  would  send  for  them, 
and  that  Mononotto  would  come  in  the  mean  time.  But  very  wisely,  the 
Pequots,  meanwhile,  "  transported  their  goods,  women  and  children  to 
another  place.^f  One  of  them  then  told  the  English  that  Mononotto 
would  not  come.  Then  the  English  began  to  do  what  mischief  they 
could  to  them,  and  a  skirmish  followed,  wherein  one  Indian  v/as  killed, 
and  an  Englishman  was  wounded."| 

The  na.-ne  o(  Mononotto^s  wife  appears  to  have  been  Wincumbone.  She 
should  not  be  overlooked  in  speakiiigof  JIfononoffo,  asshe  was  instrumen- 
tal in  saving  the  life  of  ar  Englishman,  as  disinterestedly  as  Pocahontas 
saved  that  of  Capt.  Smuh.  Some  English  had  gone  to  trade  with  the 
Pequots,  and  to  recover  some  horses  which  they  had  stolen,  or  picked  up 
on  their  lands.  Two  of  the  English  went  on  shore,  and  one  went  into 
the  sachem's  wigwam  and  demanded  the  horses.  The  Indians  within  slily 
absented  themselves,  and  Wincumbone,  knowing  their  intention,  told  him 
to  fly,  for  the  Indians  were  making  preparations  to  kill  him.  He  barely 
escaped  to  the  boat,  being  followed  by  a  crowd  to  the  shore. 

Cassasnnnamon  was  a  noted  Pequot  chief,  of  whom  we  have  some 
account  as  early  as  1659.  In  that  year  a  difficulty  arose  about  the  limits 
of  Southerton,  since  called  Stonington,  in  Connecticut,  and  several  Eng- 
lish were  sent  to  settle  the  diffictilty,  which  was  concerning  the  location 
of  Wekapauge.  "For  to  help  us,  (they  say,)  to  understand  where  We- 
kapauge  is,  we  desired  some  Poquatucke  Indians  to  go  with  us."  Caa- 
aassinncKhon  was  one  who  assisted.  They  told  the  English  that  "  Casha- 
lauset,  (the  governor  of  Wekapauge,)  did  charge  them  that  they  should 
not  go  any  mrther  than  the  east  side  of  a  little  swamp,  near  the  east  end 
of  the  first  great  pond,  where  thev  did  pitch  down  a  stake,  and  told  us, 
[the  English,]  that  Cashawasset  said  that  that  very  place  was  Wekapauge ; 
said  that  he  said  it  and  not  them ;  and  if  they  should  say  that  Wekapauge 
did  go  any  further,  Cashawasset  would  be  angry."  Cashawasset  after  tus 
had  confirmed  to  him  and  those  under  him,  8000  acres  of  land  in  the 

Pequot  coimtry,  with  the  provision  that  they  continued  subjects  of  Mas- 

• 

*  Relalioif,  44.  f  Ibid. 

X  Ibid.    Cipt.  Lion  Oardener,  who  had  some  men  in  this  aflair,  fives  <]uite  a  differ- 
ent aecoujit.    ^^  Wfe  of  Kutihcmaquin,  a\iaa  Kuti^umtakin.  t, 
10 


■*. 


110 


CASSASSINNAMON. 


[Book  II- 


Mchusetts,  and  should  "not  sell  or  alienate  the  said  lands,  or  any  part 
thereof,  to  any  English  man  or  men,  without  the  court's  approbation.'' 

The  neck  of  land  called  Quxnieuntauge  was  claimed  by  both  parties, 
but  Caaacunnnamon  said  that  when  a  whale  was  some  time  before  cast 
ashore  there,  no  one  disputed  CashawasseVa  claim  to  it,  which  it  is  believed 
settled  the  question :  Caahawaaaet  was  known  generally  by  the  name  of 
Harmon  Garret.* 

We  next  meet  with  Caaaaasinnamon  in  Philii)'s  war,  in  which  he  com- 
manded a  company  of  Pequots,  and  accompanied  Capt.  Deniaon  in  his 
successful  career,  and  was  present  at  the  capture  of  Canonchet.\ 

In  November,  1651,  Cassasainnamon  and  eight  others  executed  a  sort 
of  an  agreement  "with  the  townsmen  of  Pequot,"  afterward  called  JSTew 
London.  What  kind  of  agretment  it  was  we  are  not  told.  His  name 
was  subscribed  Caaeaymamon.  Among  the  other  names  we  see  Obba- 
ckidaoood,  Meaouweigun  alias  Daniel,  Cuichdmaquin  and  Mahmawambam. 
Caaaasainnamon,  it  is  said,  signed  "in  his  own  behalf  and  the  behalf  of  the 
rest  of  Nameeag  Indians."]: 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Oftht  Praying  or  Chriatian  Indiana  in  New  England. 

It  must  be  exceedingly  difficult,  as  all  experience  has  shown,  to  cause 
any  people  to  abandon  a  belief  or  faith  in  a  matter,  unless  it  be  one  on 
which  the  reasoning  powers  of  the  mind  can  be  brought  to  act.  The 
most  ignorant  people  must  be  convinced,  that  many  effects  which  they 
witness  are  produced  by  obvious  causes ;  but  there  are  so  many  others 
for  which  they  cannot  discover  a  cause,  that  they  hesitate  not  to  deny  any 
natural  cause  for  them  at  once.  And  notwithstanding  that,  from  day  to 
day,  causes  are  developing  themselves,  and  showing  them,  that  many 
results  which  they  had  viewed  as  proceeding  from  a  auper  natu: '  .1  cause 
hitherto,  was  nothing  but  a  natural  one,  and  which,  when  discovered, 
appeared  perfectly  simple,  too,  yet,  for  the  want  of  the  means  of  investiga- 
tion, they  would  be  looked  upon  as  miraculous.  These  facts  have  been 
more  than  enough,  amon^  the  scientific  world,  to  cause  them  to  look  upon 
the  most  latent  causes,  with  a  hope  that,  in  due  time,  they  would  unfold 
themselves  also;  and,  finally,  leave  nothing  for  any  agent  to  perform  but 
nature  itself.  When  the  Indian,  therefore,  is  driven  by  reason,  or  the 
light  of  science,  from  his  strong  hold  of  ignorance,  or,  in  other  words, 
superstition,  he  is  extremely  liable  to  fall  into  the  opposite  extreme,  to 
w*"''*!  allusion  has  just  been  made,  because  he  will  unhesitatingly  say, 
wi  ..  once  appeared  past  all  discovery  has  been  shown  to  be  most  plain, 
and  therefore  it  is  not  only  possible,  but  even  probable,  that  others  will  be 
disclosed  of  a  like  character,  and  so  on,  ad  infinilum,  as  before. 

It  so  happens,  that  in  attempting  to  substitute  one  faith  for  another,  iO  the 
minds  of  Indians,  that  the  one  proposed  admits  of  no  better  demonstra- 
tion than  the  one  already  possessed  by  them  ;  for  their  manner  of  trans- 
mitting things  to  be  remembered,  is  the  most  impressive  and  sacred,  as 
will  be  elsewhere  observed  in  our  work.  That  any  thing  false  should  be 
handed  down  from  their  aged  {natrons  and  sires,  could  not  be  for  a  mo- 
ment believed ;  and  hence,  that  the  stories  of  a  strange  people  should  be 


*  Several  manuscript  documenU. 
t  I  Cot.  Mass.  Mist.  8oe.  x.  101 


t  Hvbbnrd. 


Chap.  Vll.| 

credited, 

youth  up,  j 
could  not  1 
tl«t  the  gd 
this  aside  I 
priests,  asl 
sick,  appei 
ligible  mul 
poitant  afl 
assuring  tl 
l)etual  spri 
that  the  ni 
religion  pi 
gaining  crP 
Conside 
not  to  w| 
the  settler 
the  Indiai 
preters  ni 
ulso,  that 
these  cou 
language 
tongiie  w 
considere 
tion ;  but 
must  nee 
of  strane 
minds,  ih 
tjuestiona 
really  lov 
thev  not ' 
things,  w 
enslave  u 
these  str 
which  til 
tliat  it  cs 
progress 
Notwi 
fhartpvs 
izing  of 
where  v 
found  M 
ed  BO  m 
ed  with 
Atle 
througl 
ter  of  tl 
ly  heh 
and  to 
task,  w 
having 

»  Ne 

\  "I 
miles  fi 


CHAr.  VII.] 


PRAYING  INDIANS. 


Ill 


<•«»  or  any  pan 
)probation.'' 
•y  both  parties, 
nie  before  cast 
ch  it  is  believed 
Kthe  name  of 

ivhich  he  com- 
Deniton  in  his 
'het.f 

xecuted  a  sort 
rd  culled  ATew 
o-  His  name 
we  see  Oiba- 
lohmawdmbam 
"  behalf  of  the 


and. 

uwn,  to  cause 
it  be  one  on 
to  act.     The 
I  which  they 
many  others 
t  to  deny  any 
I  from  tfay  to 
•»  that  many 
latu;  J  cause 
I  discovered, 
of  investiga- 
8  have  been 
to  look  upon 
ould  unfold 
perform  but 
ttson,  or  the 
ther  words, 
extreme,  to 
tftii'igly  say, 
'nost  plain, 
liers  will  be 

>ther,  in  the 
demonstra- 
r  of  trans- 
sacred,  as 
should  be 
for  a  mo- 
should  be 

Hubbard. 


credited,  instead  of  what  they  had  heard  from  day  to  dav  from  their 
youth  up,  from  those  who  could  have  no  possible  motive  to  deceive  them, 
could  not  be  expecte<I ;  and  therefore  no  one  will  wonder  for  a  moment 
titat  the  gospel  has  met  with  so  few  believers  among  the  Indiana.  All 
this  aside  from  their  dealers  in  mysteries,  the  jmiwwows,  conjurers  or 
priests,  as  they  are  variously  denominated,  whose  office  is  healing  the 
:iick,  appeasing  tlie  wrath  of  the  invisible  spirits  by  charms  ond  unmtel- 
ligible  mummery.  These  characters  took  upon  themselves,  also,  the  im- 
portant affiiir  of  determining  the  liappinera  each  was  to  enjoy  aAer  death ; 
assuring  the  brave  and  the  virtuous  that  they  should  go  to  a  place  of  per- 
|)etual  spring,  where  game  in  the  greatest  plenty  alwuuded,  and  every  thing 
that  the  most  perfect  happiness  required.  Now,  as  a  belief  in  any  oilier 
religion  promised  no  more,  is  it  strange  that  a  new  one  should  be  slow  in 
gaining  credence  ? 

Considerations  of  this  nature  inevitably  press  in  upon  us,  and  cause  us 
not  to  wonder,  as  many  have  done,  that,  for  the  first  thirty  years  after 
the  settlement  of  New  England,  so  little  was  effected  by  the  gospel  among 
the  Indians.  The  great  difficulty  of  conmiunicating  with  them  by  inter- 
|)reters  must  have  liMsen  slow  in  the  extreme ;  and  it  must  be  considered, 
also,  that  a  great  length  of  time  must  have  been  consumed  before  any  of 
these  could  perform  their  office  with  any  degree  of  accuracy ;  the  Indian 
language  being  unlike  every  other,  and  bearmg  no  analogy  to  any  known 
tongue  whatever;  and  then,  the  (leculiar  custom  of  the  Indians  must  be 
considered  ;  their  long  delays  before  they  would  answer  to  any  ))ropo8i- 
tion ;  but  more  than  all,  we  have  to  consider  the  natural  distrust  that 
must  necessarily  arise  in  the  minds  of  every  people,  at  the  sudden  influx 
of  strangei-8  among  them.  When  any  new  theory  was  presented  to  their 
minds,  the  first  questions  that  would  present  themselves,  would  most  un- 
([uestionably  be.  What  are  the  real  motives  of  this  new  peo|)le.'' — Do  they 
really  love  us,  as  they  pretend  ? — Do  they  really  love  one  another  ?  or  do 
they  not  live,  many  of  them,  upon  one  another? — Is  not  this  new  state  of 
things,  which  they  desire,  to  enable  them  to  subsist  by  us,  and  in  time  to 
enslave  us,  or  deprive  us  of  our  possessions  ? — Does  it  not  appear  that 
these  strangers  are  full  of  selfishness,  and,  therefore,  have  every  motive 
which  that  passion  gives  rise  to  for  deceiving  us  ? — Hence,  we  repeat, 
tliat  it  can  hardly  be  thought  strange  that  Christiimity  has  made  so  slow 
progress  among  the  Indians. 

Notwithstanding  one  of  the  ostensible  objects  of  nearly  all  the  royal 
charters  and  |)atents  issued  for  British  North  America  wus  the  Christian- 
izing of  the  Indians,  few  could  be  fou<  1  equal  to  the  task  on  arriving  here ; 
where  wants  of  every  kind  required  ii>  uriy  all  their  labors,  few  could  be 
found  willing  to  forego  every  comfort  to  engage  in  a  work  which  present- 
ed so  many  difficulties.  Adventurers  were  those,  generally,  who  emigrat- 
ed with  a  view  to  bettering  their  own  condition,  instead  of  that  of  others. 

At  length  Mr.  John  Eliot,  seeing  that  little  or  nothing  could  lie  effected 
through  the  medium  of  his  own  language,  resolved  to  make  himself  mas- 
ter of  the  Indian,  and  then  to  devote  himself  to  their  service.  According- 
ly he  hired*  an  oldf  Indian,  named  Job  J^estdan,l  to  live  in  his  family, 
and  to  teach  him  his  language.  When  he  had  accomplished  this  arduous 
task,  which  he  did  in  "a  few  months,"^  he  set  out  u\ton  his  first  attempt ; 
having  given  notice  to  some  Indians  nt  Abtian(um,||  since  Newton,f  of 

»  Neal,  Hist.  N.  Eng.  i.  222.  f  N.  Eiik-  Bio^.  Dictionary,  art.  Eliot. 

t  See  p.  67  of  this  book,  ante.  J  Noal,  Hist.  TV.  Eng.  i.  123. 

5"  Near  Watertown  mill,  upon  tlic  goulli  side  of  diaries  River,  about  four  or  five 
es  from  his  own  house,  [in  Roxhury,]  where  lived  at  that  lime  VVaban,  one  of  their 
principal  men,  and  some  Indians  with  hmi."     Gookin,  (Hist.  Col.)  1C8. 
V  Nonantum,  or  Noonatonicn,  signified  a  place  o/refoicing,  or  rejoicing,  Neal,i.  21£ 


'** 


118 


PRAYi:4a  INDIANS. 


[Book  II. 


Cnkt. 


hi*  intention.  With  three  others  he  met  tlin  Indians  for  the  first  time, 
'46  Octolier,  1646.  H'oauban,*  whose  nainu  Higniiied  tnndj\  '*a  wise  and 
^rave  man,  though  no  Buciieiii,  with  live  or  six  Indians  met  them  at  some 
distunce  from  their  wif^w.iins,  and  hidding  ihcm  welcome,  conducted 
tiiem  into  a  large  a|rartm«;nt,  whore  a  great  number  of  the  natives  were 
gathered  together,  to  hear  this  new  doctrine.";  After  prayers,  and  an 
t  xplnnation  of  the  ten  commandments,  Mr.  Eliot  informed  them  ''of  the 
iiruiidiul  curw  of  God  that  would  fall  upon  all  those  that  brake  them : 
He  then  told  them  who  Jestu  Christ  wab,  where  bo  was  now  gone,  and 
!iow  liu  would  one  day  come  again  to  judge  thu  world  in  flaming  fire." 

After  abuut  an  'lour  Hpent  in  this  manner,  the  Indians  had  likierty  to 
ask  any  ()ue:jtions  in  relation  to  what  had  been  said.  Whereupon  one 
stood  up  and  anked,  How  lie  could  know  Jcaua  Christ  ? — Another,  fVhither 
Englishmen  were  ever  so  ignorant  qfhim  as  the  ■.. Hans'? — A  third.  Whether 
Jesus  Christ  eovld  understand  prayers  in  Indian? — Another, /fou)  there 
could  be  an  image  of  God,  since  tt  was  forbidden  in  ilie  second  command- 
meid  ? — Another,  Whether,  according  to  the  second  commandment,  the  child 
must  suffer,  though  he  be  good,  for  the  sins  of  its  parents  ? — And  lastly,  How 
all  the  world  became  fuU  of  people,  iftheu  were  all  once  drowned  in  thejiood? 

Tiie  second  meeting  was  ujton  II  Nfovember,  following.  Mr.  Eliot  met 
the  Indians  again,  and  after  catechising  the  chiKlren,  and  preaching  an 
hour  to  the  congregation,  beard  and  answered,  among  others,  the  ioTlow- 
ing  questions. — How  the  English  came  to  differ  so  much  from  Oie  Indians  in 
their  knowledge  of  God  and  Jesus  Christ,  since  they  had  all  at  first  but  one 
father  % — Another  desired  to  know,  How  it  canik  to  pass  that  sea  water 
was  salt  and  river  water  frtah  ? — And  another.  That  ij  the  water  was  higher 
than  the  earth,  how  it  happened  that  it  did  not  overflow  it  ? 

Thu  third  meutiug  took  placo  soun  afler,  namely,  on  26  of  the  same 
Mionth,  but  was  not  so  well  attended.  The  powwows  and  sachems  had 
dissuaded  some,  and  by  threats  deterred  others  from  meeting  upon  such 
occasions.  Still  there  were  considerable  numbers  that  got  attached  to 
Mr.  Eliot,  and  in  a  few  days  after,  Wampas,  "  a  wise  and  sage  Indian," 
and  two  others,  with  some  of  his  children,  came  to  the  English.  He  de- 
sired that  these  might  be  educated  in  the  Christian  faith.  At  the  next 
meeting  all  the  Indians  present  "  offered  their  children  to  be  catechised 
and  instructed  by  the  English,  who  upon  this  motion  resolved  to  set  up  a 
school  among  them." 

Mr.  lUiot,  notwithstanding  his  zeal,  seems  well  to  have  understood, 
that  something  beside  preaching  was  necessary  to  reform  the  lives  of  the 
Indians ;  and  that  was,  their  civilization  by  education.  It  is  said  that  one 
of  his  noted  sayings  was,  The  Indians  must  be  civilized  as  well  as,  if  not  in 
order  vj  their  being,  Christianized.^  Therefore,  the  request  of  the  Indians 
nt  Nonantum  was  not  carried  into  effect  until  a  place  could  be  fixed  upon 
where  a  regular  settlement  should  be  made,  and  the  catechumens  had 
shown  their  zeal  for  the  cause  by  assembling  themselves  there,  and  con- 
forming to  the  English  mode  of  living.  In  the  end  this  was  agreed  upon, 
and  Natick  was  fixed  as  the  place  for  a  town,  and  the  following  short  code 
of  laws  was  set  up  and  agreed  to: — I.  If  any  man  be  idle  a  week,  or  at 
most  a  fortnight,  he  shall  pay  five  shillings. — II.  If  any  unmarried  man 
shall  lie  with  a  young  woman  unmarried,  he  shall  pay  twenty  shillings. — 

III.  If  any  man  shall  beat  his  wife,  his  hands  shall  be  tied  behind  him, 
and  he  shall  be  carried  to  the  place  of  justice  to  be  severely  punished. — 

IV.  Every  young  man,  if  not  another's  servant,  and  if  unmarried,  shall  be 
compelled  to  set  up  a  wigwam,  and  plant  for  himself,  and  not  shift  up 


•  Waulian,  Magnolia,  ill.  196. 

}  Day-breaking  of  the  Gospel  in  N.  Eng.,  in  Neat,  i.  I 

\  Hutchituon,Hial.  Mass.  1. 163. 


t  Ibid. 


IBooKlL 

the  first  time, 
*  " «  wm  and 
-■  tbein  at  some 
»e»  conducted 
omtivea  were 
■ayere,  and  an 
them  "of  the 
'(brake  them: 
ow  gone,  and 
minff  fire." 
»ad  iitierty  to 
lereupon  one 
»ther,  ffTut/ier 
hiitJ,  fnether 
er,  One  there 
nd  command- 
nent,  the  child 
xl  Jaatly,  ffou, 
'' in  the  flood'} 
Ir.  Eliot  met 
reaching  nn 
,  the  follow. 
^  Indiana  in 
first  but  one 
^  sea  water 
■r  was  higher 

'f  the  same 
ichems  had 

"pon  such 
attached  to 
(?e  Indian," 
lb.  He  de- 
kt  the  next 

catechised 
to  set  up  a 

inderstood, 
ves  of  the 
d  that  one 
'>  if  not  in 
le  Indians 
ixed  upon 
'nens  had 
and  con- 
eed  upon, 
hort  code 
eek,  or  at 
;ied  man 
■'lings.-, 
i'ld  him, 

lished ■ 

shall  be 
shift  up 

tlbidT" 


Cba*.  vn.] 


PRAYING  INDIANS. 


lis 


and  down  in  other  wigwams. — V.  If  any  woman  •hall  not  have  her  hair 
tied  up,  but  hang  loose,  or  be  cut  aa  men's  hair,  she  shall  pay  five  slul> 
tings. — VI.  If  anv  woman  shall  go  with  naked  breasts,  "he  shall  pay  twc 
shillings. — VII.  All  men  that  wear  long  locks  shall  pay  five  shillingi. — 
VIII.  If  any  shall  kill  their  lice  between  their  teeth,  they  shall  pay  five 
shillings. 

In  January  ibllowing  another  company  of  praying  Indiana  was  estab- 
lished at  Concord ;  and  there  were  soon  several  other  pbcea  where  meet- 
ings  were  held  throughout  the  country,  fit>m  Cape  Cod  to  Narraganset* 
Of  these,  Mr.  Eliot  visited  ae  many  am  as  often  as  he  was  able.  From 
the  following  passage  in  a  letter  which  he  wrote  to  Mr.  Winslow  of  Ply- 
mouth, some  idea  may  be  formed  of  the  haMahipe  he  underwent  in  his 
pious  labors.  He  says,  "  I  have  not  been  dry  night  nor  day,  from  the 
third  day  of  the  week  unto  the  sixth,  b^t  so  travelled,  and  at  night  pull 
ofi*  my  hoots,  wring  my  stockings,  and  on  with  them  again,  and  so  con- 
tinue.   But  God  steps  in  and  helps.'*f^ 

The  chieft  and  powwows  would  not  have  sufiered  even  so  much 
ground  to  have  been  gained  by  the  ^pel,  but  for  the  awe  they  were  in 
of  the  English  power.  "  Nor  is  this  to  be  wondered  at,"  says  the  very 
good  histonan,  Mr.  Mai,  **  for  if  it  be  ver^  diflicult  to  civilize  barbarous 
nati(  J,  'tis  much  more  so  to  make  them  Christians:  All  men  have  natu- 
rally J.  veneration  for  the  reli^on  of  their  ancestors,  and  the  prejudices  of 
education^  are  insuperaUe  without  the  extraordinary  grace  of  God." 

"  The  Monhegin  Indians  were  so  jealous  of  the  general  court's  obliging 
them  to  prey  to  God,  that  Uneaif  their  sachem,  went  to  the  court  at  Hart- 
ford to  protest  against  it.  Cutthamoqmn,  another  sachem  came  to  the  In- 
dian lecture,  and  openly  protested  against  their  building  a  town,  telling 
the  English,  that  all  the  sachems  in  uie  country  were  against  it.  He  was 
so  honest  as  to  tell  Mr.  fiiol  the  reason  of  it ;  for  (says  he)  the  Indians 
that  pray  to  God  do  not  pay  me  tribute,  as  fornierly  they  did;  which  was 
in  part  true,  for  whereas  before  the  sachem  was  absolute  master  of  his 
subjects ;  their  lives  and  fortunes  being  at  his  disposal ;  they  gave  him 
now  no  more  than  they  thought  reasonable;  but  to  wipe  off  the  reproach 
that  Cutahamoquin  had  laid  upon  them,  those  few  praying  Indians  pres- 
ent, told  Mr.  Eliot  what  they  had  done  for  their  sachem  thb  two  last 
years,  leaving  him  to  judge  whether  their  prince  had  any  reason  to  com- 
plain." They  said  they  had  given  him  36  oushels  of  corn  at  one  time, 
and  6  at  another ;  that,  in  hunting  for  him  two  days,  they  had  killed  him 
15  deers ;  broke  up  for  him  two  acr>3  of  land ;  made  him  a  great  wig- 
wam ;  "  made  him  20  rods  of  fence  with  a  ditch  and  two  rails  about  it ;" 
paid  a  debt  for  him  of  3£.  lOs.  **One  of  them  gave  him  a  skin  of  beaver 
of  two  pounds,  besides  many  days  works  in  planting  corn  altogether ;  yea, 
they  said  they  would  willingly  do  mnrri  if  he  would  gpvem  them  justly 
by  the  word  of  God.  But  the  sachem  swelling  with  indignation,  at  tins 
unmannerly  discourse  of  his  vassals,  turned  his  back  upon  the  company 
and  went  away  in  the  greatest  rage  imaginable ;  though  upon  better  con- 
sideration, himself  turned  Christian  not  long  after." 

Mr.  Experience  Maukew  met  with  similar  occurrences  many  years  after. 
Upon  a  visit  to  the  Narragansets,  he  sent  for  Mn^grel,  the  sachem,  and 
desired  of  him  leave  to  preach  to  his  people;  but  the  sachem  told  him  to 

50  ind  make  the  English  good  first,  and  otMerved,  fiirther,  that  some  of 
le  Junglish  kept  Saturday,  others  Sunday,  and  others  no  day  at  all  fot 
worship ;  so  that  ;<*  his  people  should  have  a  mind  to  turn  Christians,  they 

~*  Neal.  i.  226— 230!  f  Magmlia,  iii.  196. 

X  This  word,  when  applied  to  iha  tiueatiam  of  the  Indians  amon|r  themselves,  is  to  be 
uoderslood  in  an  opposite  sense  from  its  common  acceptation  :  thus,  to  instruct  ia  super- 
ititions  and  idolatry,  is  what  is  not  meant  by  education  among  ui. 
10  • 


■.■:t>dis^,: 


1^ 


PRAYING  INDIANS. 


[Boob  U. 


0»A9 


cnuld  not  tell  wliat  rolirion  tn  iw  of.  ,\iniffret  furthor  added,  that  Mr. 
Mtufkrw  ini<;lit  try  his  iMtili  fin<t  with  tlio  i'oqiiots  and  Molii-^na,  and  if 
they  8ul)initte<l  to  the  ChriAt;'>n  religion,  |iossibly  he  and  his  people  might, 
but  they  would  not  be  the  fiiviT 

In  thie  meanwhile,  Mr.  EifA  had  translated  the  whole  Bible  into  In- 
dian,t  also  Baxter's  Call,  Mr.  Shepherd's  Simceke  Co.xvert,  and  bit 
SooiiD  Beli  etbr,!  besides  :-4>inp  other  |M<riormancrfl,  as  a  Grammar,  Paalter, 
Primers,  Calechiains,  the  Practice  or  Piett,  &c.§ 

It  is  amusing  to  hear  what  our  old  valued  friend.  Dr.  C.  Maiher,  says 
of  fi/u>r«  Bible.  "This  Bible,"  he  says,  "was  printed  here  at  our  Cam- 
bridge ;  and  it  is  the  only  Bible  that  ever  was  printed  in  all  America,  from 
the  very  foundation  of  the  world."||  The  same  author  observes  that  "  the 
whole  translation  was  writ  wu'i  but  one  oen,  which  pen  bad  it  not  been 
lost,  would  have  certainly  deser  'ed  a  richer  case  than  was  bestowed  upon 
that  pen,  with  which  Haitatid^  writ  bis  translation  of  Plvtarch." 

It  was  long  since  inquired,  "  What  benefit  has  ail  this  toil  and  suffer- 
ing produced? — Is  there  ti  vcstigw  of  it  remaining  ? — Were  tlie  Indians  in 
reality  bettered  by  the  great  etl'orts  of  their  friends  ?"  "  Mr.  £Iurf,"  says 
Dr.  Douglass,  "  with  immense  lalmr  translated  and  i>rinted  our  Bible  into 
Indian.  I:  was  done  with  a  good  pious  design,  but  it  must  be  reconed 
among  the  Otiosorum  hominum  tugotia :  It  was  done  in  the  Natick  [Nip- 
muk]  language.  Of  the  Naticks,  at  present,  there  are  not  20  families  sub- 
sisting, and  scarce  any  of  these  can  reed. — Cwi  bono  P'** 

By  the  accounts  left  us,  it  will  be  perceived,  that  for  many  years  after 
the  exertions  of  Eliot,  GooHa,  Mayhew  and  others,  had  been  put  in  opera- 
tion, there  was  no  inconsiderable  progress  made  in  the  great  undertaking 
of  ChriatianizinK  the  Indians.  Natick,  the  oldest  praying  town,  con- 
tained, in  lfl74,  99  families,  in  which  |icrhaps  were  about  145  persons. 
The  name  A*ah'cA  signified  a  place  o/hilla.  Wahan  was  the  chief  man 
here,  '*  who,"  says  Mr.  GwMn,  **  is  now  about  70  years  of  age.  He  is  a 
person  of  great  prudence  and  piety  :  I  do  not  know  any  Indian  that  ex- 
cells  him." 

Pakemitt,  or  Punkapaog,  ("  which  takes  its  name  from  a  spring,  that 
riseth  out  of  red  earth,")  is  the  next  town  in  order,  and  contained  12  fami- 
lies, or  about  60  persons.  It  was  14  miles  south  of  Boston,  and  is  now 
included  in  Stoughton.  The  Indians  here  removed  from  the  Neponset. 
Haasanamesit  is  the  third  town,  and  ia  now  included  i,i  Grefton,  and  con- 
tained, like  the  second,  60  souls.  Okommakamesit,  now  in  Marlborough, 
contained  about  50  people,  and  was  the  fourth  town.  Wamesit,  since 
included  in  Tewksbury,  the  fifth  town,  was  upon  a  neck  of  land  in  Mer- 
rimack river,  and  contained  about  75  souls,  of  five  to  a  feroily.  Nasbo- 
bnh,  now  Littleton,  was  the  sixth,  and  contained  but  about  50  inhabitants. 
Magunkaquog,  now  Hopkinton,  signified  a  place  of  great  trees.  Here 
were  about  55  persons,  and  this  was  the  seventh  town. 

Thefe  were,  besides  these,  seven  other  towns,  which  were  called  the 
new  praying  towns.  These  were  among  the  Nipmiiks.  The  first  was 
Manchage,  since  Oxford,  and    contained  about  60  inhabitants.     The 

*  NeaTt  N.  Eniriaud,  i.  S67.  t  See  book  ii.  chap.  iii.  p.  fi7,  atUe. 

X  Moore*  Life  Eliot,  144.  $  Magnolia,  b.  iii.  197.  ||  Ibid. 

IT  PhUtmon  HoUand  was  called  the  translator  jroneral  of  his  age ;  he  wrote  several 
ofbislraiulatioiu  with  one  pen,  upon  which  he  made  '.he  following  verses : 
With  one  sole  pen  I  writ  this  book, 

Made  of  a  gnw  goose  quill;  -tf 

A  pen  it  was,  when  I  it  took. 
And  a  pen  I  leave  it  still. 

Fuller's  Worthier  ofEm^and. 
**  D<mgtast,  Hist.  America,  i.  IIS,  note.    See  aiso  HaUcet,  Hist.  Notes,  X48,  fte. 
Do>u[taM»  wrote  about  1745. 


[BooiO. 

ded,  that  Mr. 
i«gan«,  and  if 
people  inighl, 

BLK  into  In- 
KRT,  and  bis 
nnwr,  Pbalter, 

Mather,  says 
■t  ourCain- 
™wica,  from 
ves  that « the 

it  not  been 
stowed  upon 

and  su^r- 
>e  Indians  in 
•  tXiot,"  says 
iir  Bible  into 

be  reconed 
Vaiick  [Nip- 
Ihmiiies  sub- 

'  years  after 
lit  in  opera- 
undertaking 
town,  con- 
45  persons, 
chief  man 
)•  He  is  a 
ian  that  ez- 

sprinjf,  that 
>ed  12  fami. 
uid  is  now 
Neponset. 
0,  and  con- 
iriborougb, 
nesit,  since 
id  in  Mer- 
^    Nasbo> 
n  habitants. 
ee»'    Here 

called  the 

first  was 

Its.     The 

67,  ante. 

II  Ibid. 

ole  several 


i,i4B,it9. 


otAt  vn.i 


PRAYINQ  INDIAN& 


m 


second  was  about  six  miles  fW>m  the  first,  and  its  name  was  Cbabanak- 
ongkomun,  since  Dudley,  and  contained  about  45  persons.  The  third 
wns  Maanexit,  in  the  north-east  part  of  Woodstock,  and  contained  about 
100  souls.  The  fourth  was  Ouanlisset,  also  in  Woodstock,  and  contain- 
ing hundred  persons  likewise.  Wabquissit,  the  fifth  town,  also  in  Wood- 
uiock,  (but  now  included  in  Connecticut,)  contained  150  souls.  Paka- 
clioog,  a  sixth  town,  partly  in  Worcester  and  partly  in  Ward,  also  con- 
laincd  a  hundred  people.  Weshakira,  or  Nashaway,  a  seventh,  cpntaioed 
about  75  persons.  Waeuntug  was  also  a  praying  town,  included  now  by 
(Jxbridge ;  but  the  number  of  people  there  is  not  set  down  by  Mr.  OMAtn, 
our  chief  authority. 

Hence  it  seems  there  were  now  aujiposed  to  be  about  1150  praying  In- 
tlians  in  the  places  enumerated  above.  There  is,  however,  not  the  lent 
probability,  that  even  one  foui-th  of  these  were  ever  sincere  believers  in 
Christianity.  This  calculation,  or  rather  supposition,  was  noade  the  yewr 
before  PAii^'«  war  began ;  and  bow  many  do  we  ftnd  who  adhered  to 
their  profession  through  that  war?  That  event  not  only  shook  the  fiutb 
of  the  common  sort,  but  many  that  had  been  at  the  head  of  the  praying 
towns,  the  Indian  ministers  themselves,  were  found  in  arms  against  their 
white  Christian  neighbors. 

At  the  close  of  PhUip'a  war,  in  1677,  Mr.  Oookin  enumerates  "seven 
places  where  they  met  to  worship  God  and  keep  the  sabbath,  viz.  at  No- 
natum,  at  Pakemit,  or  Punkapog ;  at  Cowate,  alias  the  Fall  of  Charles 
River,  at  Natik  and  Medfield,  at  Concord,  at  Namekeake,  near  Chelou- 
ford."  There  were  at  each  of  those  places,  he  savs,  "a  teacher,  and 
schools  for  the  youth."  But  notwithstanding  they  had  occupied  seven 
towns  in  the  spring  of  1676,  on  their  return  from  imprisonment  upon  the 
bleak  islands  in  Boston  harbor,  they  were  too  feeble  long  to  maintain  so 
many.  The  appearance  of  some  straggling  Mohawks  greatly  alarmed 
these  Indiana,  and  they  were  glad  to  come  within  the  protection  of  the 
English ;  and  so  the  remote  towns  soon  became  abandoneil. 

We  have  seen  that  1150  praying  Indians  were  claimed  before  the  war, 
in  the  end  of  the  year  1674,  but  not  hdf  this  number  could  be  found  when 
it  was  proclaimed  that  all  such  must  come  out  of  their  towns  and  go  by 
themselves  to  a  place  bf  safety.  Mr.  Qookin  says,  at  one  time  there  were 
ahout  500  upon  the  islands;  but  when. some  had  been  employed  in  the 
army,  and  other  ways,  (generally  such  as  were  indifterent  to  reLgion,) 
there  were  but  about  300  remaining.  Six  years  after  that  disastrous  war, 
Mr.  Eliot  could  claim  but  /our  towns!  viz.  "  Naiick,  Punknpaog,  Wame- 
sit,  and  Chachaubunkkakowok." 

Before  we  pass  io  notice  other  towns  in  Plimoiith  colony,  we  will  give 
an  account  of  some  of  the  most  noted  of  the  praying  Indians. 

Waithan  we  have  several  times  introduced,  and  will  now  close  our  ac- 
count of  him.  He  is  supposed  to  have  been  originally  of  Concord,  but 
at  the  time  Mr.  Eliot  began  his  labors  he  resided  at  Nonantum,  since 
Newton.  At  Natik,  or  Natick,  he  was  one  of  the  most  efticient  oftiocrs 
until  bis  death. 

When  a  kind  of  civil  community  was  established  at  Natik,  Wauban  was 
made  a  ruler  of  fifty^  and  subsequently  a  justice  of  the  peace.  Tlio  follow- 
ing is  said  to  be  a  copy  of  a  warrant  which  he  issued  against  some  of  the 
transgressors.  "  You,  you  hig  constable,  quick  you  catch  um  Jeremiah  0|f- 
scow,  strong  you  hold  um,  safe  you  bring  um,  afore  mc,  Wabun,  justice 
peace"* 

A  young  justice  asked  Wauian  what  he  would  do .  when  Indians  got 
drunk  anaqnarrelled ;  he  replied,  "  THe  um  all  up,  and  whip  um  plaintiff,  and 
whip  um  fendant,  and  whip  um  witness" 

•  AlUn't  Biog.  Diet.  art.  Wabak. 


^^ 


PRAYING  INIMAN8. 


(Book  O. 


We  hare  not  lenrned  the  precise  time  of  l^tntkmm'a  deadi,*  bat  he  wm 
eertainly  alive  in  the  end  of  the  year  167(»,  and  we<think  in  1677.  For 
be  was  among  those  sent  to  Deer  Island,  30  Oet.  1675,  and  waa  among 
the  tick  that  returned  in  May,  1676 ;  and  it  ia  panieuhuriy  mantioned  that 
be  was  one  that  recovered. 

Piambouhou\  was  the  next  man  to  Ifanton,  and  the  next  after  him  that 
raeeived  the  gospel.  At  the  second  meeting  ai  Nonantum  he  hroucht  a 
great  many  of  his  people.  At  Natik  he  was  made  ruler  of  ten.  When 
Ute  church  at  Hasaanamesit  was  gathered,  he  was  called  to  he  a  niler  in 
It  When  that  town  was  broken  up  in  PkUip'a  war,  he  retur,!ied  anin 
to  Natik,  where  he  died.  He  wati  one  of  those  also  confined  to  Deer 
Island ;  hence  he  lived  until  after  the  war.  The  ruling  elder  of  Haasa- 
namesit,  called  by  eome  Piamltow,  was  the  same  person. 

John  Spent  was  another  teacher,  coteinponin'  with  Pimnfto,  and  like 
bim  was  a  "grave  and  pious  man."  In  1661,  Tuaotfy  /)wV[*<  of  Dedham 
sued  John  ^em  and  his  brother  TlbosMU,  ibr  the  recovery  of  a  debt  oftixty 
pouiids,  ana  Mr.  Eliot  bailed  them.  Thia  he  probably  did  with  safety,  as 
John  l^em  and  "  his  kindred"  owned  nearly  all  the  Natik  laiMls,  when 
the  Christian  commonwealth  was  established  there.  This  valuable  poa- 
seasion  he  gave  up  freely,  to  be  used  in  common,  in  1650.  Notwithstnuding 
**  he  was  among  the  first  that  prayed  to  God"  at  Nunantuui,  and  "  was  a 
diligent  reader,"  yet  he  died  a  drunkard ;  having  been  some  time  before 
discarded  from  the  church  at  Natik. 

Pennahamtit,  called  Cap'.  Joaiak,  was  **  Marshal  General"  over  all  the 
praying  towns.  He  uscw!  to  attend  the  courts  at  Natik ;  but  his  rea- 
dence  was  at  Nashobab. 

TukemtwUlin  wis  tea>^her  at  Haasanannesit,  and  hia  brother,  Jlnawiakm, 
ruler.  He  was,  acccitiing  to  Maj.  Gooim,  "a  pious  and  able  man,  and 
apt  to  teach."  He  suflered  exceedingly  in  PhUip^a  war ;  bimaelf  and  his 
congregation,  together  with  those  of  the  two  praying  towns,  "  Mngunkog^ 
and  Chobonekonhonom," -having  been  enticed  away  oy  PhiKp'a  followers. 
His  father,  ATaoas,  was  deacon  of  his  church,  and  among  the  number. 
They,  however,  tried  to  make  their  escape  to  the  EngUsh  soon  after,  agree- 
ably to  a  plan  concerted  with  Job  KatUnanit,  when  he  was  among  Pkd^a 
people  as  a  spy ;  but,  as  it  happened,  in  the  attempt,  they  fell  in  with  au 
English  scout  under  Ciipt.  dw,  who  treated  them  as  prisoners,  and  with 
not  a  little  barltarity ;  robbing  them  of  every  thing  they  had,  even  the 
minister  of  a  pewter  cup  which  ne  used  at  sacraments.  At  Marllmrougb, , 
though  under  the  protection  of  officers,  they  were  so  insulted  and  abused, 
"especially  by  women,"  that  T\ikcgpewiUin'a  wife,  from  fear  of  being 
murdered,  escaped  into  thij  woods,  leaving  a  sucking  chiki  to  be  taken 
care  of  by  its  father.  With  her  went  also  her  son,  12  years  old,  and  two 
others.  The  others,  JVaocu  and  TukapewUHn,  with  six*  or  seven  children, 
were  soon  after  sent  to  Deer  Island.  ATaoaa  was  at  this  time  about  80 
years  old. 

Oonamof^  was  ruler  at  Marlborough,  and  a  sachem,  who  died  in  the 
k  rimer  ot  1674.  His  death  "  w  is  a  great  blow  to  the  place.  He  was  a 
pious  and  discreet  man,  and  the  very  soul,  as  it  were,  of  the  place."  The 
troubled  of  the  war  fell  very  heavily  upon  his  family.  A  baro  containing 
com  and  hay  was  burnt  at  Chelmsford,  by  somo  of  the  war  party,  as  it 
proved  afterwards ;  but  some  of  the  violent  English  of  that  plac«  deter- 
mined to  make  the  Wamesits  suffer  for  it.  Accordingly  about  14  men 
^armet^  themselves,  and  under  a  pretence  of  scouting,  went  to  the  wigwams 
of  the  Wamesits,  and  ordered  them  to  come  out    They  obeyed  without 

*  Dr.  homer,  Hist.  Newton,  says  he  died  in  1674,  but  eives  no  authority.    We  have 
cited  several  authorities,  showing  that  he  was  aii\-e  a  year  later,  (see  b.  iii.  pp.  10  and  19.) 
t  Piam  Boohm,  Gookim't  Hist  Col.  19if-^Fittmi«m,  his  Hist  Praying  Indians. 


tBooc  a. 

i^*  but  ba  WW 
M  1677.    For 

■MOlMMMjd  tllM 


CMP.  vn.] 


PRATUIG  INDIANS. 


IW 


-  him  that 

?«  (MXNIcht  • 

"«••»•  When 
*»  •  filler  io 
turnod 

iMd  to 

r^  *»d  like 

>debtor«u<y 

U«ifety.4 
hiKl»,when 
•iuable  pa». 
w:Ui8biudiQ|p 
■nd  "was  a 
tiu>e  before 

over  all  the 
"t  liis  resi. 

^  nmn,  and 
leTaiid  iiig 
^Maguokos 
»  foilowei^ 
>e  iiuinber. 
'fter,  acree. 

u  with  an 
a,  and  with 
.  even  the 
Hlioroiigb, 
id  abused,  ' 
of  beinr 
be  taken 
«nd  two 
chiJdren, 
about  80 

i  io  the 
le  wasa 
^"    The 
'itainin; 
»y,  as  it 
«deter- 
H  men 
igwams 
without 

"ml  79.) 
ins. 


hesttatioii,  beiac  ehiefly  heipless  women  and  cbiMren,  and  not  conceiriog 
any  harm  oould  be  intended  them ;  but  they  were  no  sooner  out,  than 
tired  u|ion,  when  five  were  wounded  and  one  killed.  Whether  the  cour- 
age of  the  btwte  English  now  failed  them,  or  whether  they  were  satisfied 
with  what  blood  was  already  shed,  is  not  clear ;  but  they  did  no  more  at 
diis  time.  The  one  slain  was  a  Utile  sun  of  Takatoomr ;  and  Oonamtg'* 
widow  was  severely  wounded,  whose  name  was  Sarah,  "a  woman  of 
;^ood  report  for  rehgiou."  She  was  daughter  of  Sagamore-John,  who 
lived  anil  died  at  the  same  place,  before  the  war,  **  a  great  friend  to  the 
English."  Sarah  had  had  two  husbands :  the  first  was  Oonamog,  the 
second  T\ikalooner,  who  was  son  of  TahaUawan,  sachem  of  MuekeUquid. 
This  affair  took  place  on  the  15  November,  1675. 

Mtrnphow  was  ruler  of  the  praying  Indians  at  Wameait,  and  Samuti,h\B 
son,  was  teacher,  "  a  young  man  of  good  iMUts,"  says  Mr.  Gookin,  "  and 
can  speak,  read  and  write  English  and  Indian  competently ;"  being  one 
of  those  taught  at  the  expense  of  the  corporation.  J\\unphou>  experienced 
wretched  trials  in  the  time  of  the  war ;  he  with  his  people  having  fled 
away  from  their  homes  immediately  after  the  horrid  Darbarity  uf  which 
we  have  just  spoken,  fearing  to  be  murdered  if  they  should  continue 
there.  However,  after  wandering  a  while  up  and  down  in  the  woods,  in 
the  dismal  month  of  December,  they  returned  to  Wamesit,  in  a  forlorn 
condition,  and  hoped  the  carriage  of  their  neighbors  would  be  such  that 
they  might  continue  there.  It  did  not  turn  out  60,  for  in  Februarv  they 
a^in  quitted  their  habitations,  and  went  oft'  towards  Canada,  six  or 
seven  old  persons  remained  behind,  who  were  hindered  from  going  by 
infirmity.  These  poor  blind  and  lame  Indians  were  all  burnt  to  death  in 
rSoir  wigwams.  This  act,  had  it  occurred  by  accident,  would  have  called 
i(>:-rh  the  deepest  pity  from  the  breast  of  every  human  creature  to  whose 
knowledge  it  should  come.  But  hoiTor,  anguish  and  indignation  take 
the  place  of  pity,  at  being  toid  that  the  flames  which  consumed  them  ivero 
lighted  by  tlie  savage  hands  of  white  men ! !  It  was  so— and  whites  are 
only  left  to  i-wnemMr  in  sorrow  this  act  of  those  of  their  own  color! — • 
But  to  return — 

During  the  wanderings  of  JV\(tnphoi0  and  his  friends,  iamine  and  sickneipf 
destroyed  many  of  them.  Himself  and  Jlfu^tc  Gtorgt,  or  George  MUtic, 
a  teacher,  were  numbered  with  the  dead.  The  others,  having  joine«» 
fVannalancet  to  avoid  fiiUing  in  with  war  parties  on  both  sides,  at  the 
close  of  the  war,  surrendered  themselves  to  the  English,  at  Dover,  in 
August,  1676.  New  troubles  now  came  upon  them.  Some  English 
captives  testified  that  some  of  them  had  been  in  arms  against  them,  and 
such  were  ehher  sold  into  slavery,  or  executed  at  Boston.  Several  shared 
the  latter  fate.  A/\imphow'8  son  Samuel  barely  escaped,  and  another  aqif, 
named  Jonathan  George  was  pardoned ;  also  i^ymon  MeUkam. 

AVtmpAow  was  in  some  pumic  businem  as  early  as  1656.  On  8  June 
that  year,  he,  Joh.n  Lint  and  George  disHc,  were,  upoQ  the  part  of  the 
"  Indian'  court,"  employed  to  run  the  line  fi-ora  Cheunsford  to  Wamesit* 
And  23  years  after  be  accompanied  Capt.  Jonathan  Jifir\forih  of  Bilierica 
in  renewing  the  bounds  otBrenton^s  Farm,  now  Litchfield,  N.  H.f 

fFannaUauet,  whose  history  will  be  found  spoken  upow  at  large  in  otv 
next  book,  countenanced  religion,  and  it  was,  at  hi9  wigwam  that  Mr, 
Eliot  and  Mr.  Gooldn  held  a  meeting  on  the  5  May,  1674.  His  h^uee  WW 
near  Pawtucket  Falls,  on  the  Merrimack.  '^He  ia,"  says  Maj.  Cookfis  *<a 
sober  and  grave  person,  and  of  years,  between  50  and  60." 

John  AMtanoance  was  ruler  of  Na8l|obah,  a  pkius  man,  v',ho  died  pre- 
vious to  1674.    After  his  decease,  Ptnnahannit  was  chief    John  Thamaa 


«  AUtn't  Hist  Cbelmiford. 


-{J».^V    w 


t  MS.  letter  oC  Joh»  Farmer,  E^,, 


1* 


PRAYING  INDIANS. 


[Doos  U. 


Chap. 


wtm  their  Iftnehftr.  "  His  father  wiw  murdered  by  the  Miquas  in  a  wcret 
iimnnor,  an  hi;  wan  (inhing  fur  eels  at  iiis  wear,  aome  yearu  aince,  duriof 
the  war"  with  them. 

ff^attatarompanum,  called  also  ("npt.  Tom,  ia  thua  apoken  of  by  Mr. 
OooJh'n,  who  was  with  him  at  Pakachuoff,  17  Hept.  1674.  "  My  chief  aa- 
siatant  was  fVatttuaromjianum,  ruler  of  the  Nipmuk  Indians,  a  grave  and 
pioua  man,  of  the  chief  sachem's  blood  of  the  Nipmuk  country.  He  rc' 
sides  at  Hassanamesit ;  but  by  foriner  ap|>ointment,  caltath  here,  together 
with  some  others."  Capt.  Tom  was  among  TukapewiUin^$  company,  that 
went  off  with  the  enemy,  aa  in  speaking  of  him  we  have  made  mention. 
In  that  company  there  were  about  200,  men,  women  and  children.  The 
enemy,  being  about  300  strong,  obliged  the  praying  Indiana  to  go  off  with, 
or  be  killed  by  them.  There  were,  however,  many,  who  doubtless  pre- 
ferred their  company  to  that  of  their  freinda  on  Deer  Island.  This  waa 
about  the  l)eginning  of  December.  1675.  Capt.  Tom  oAerwarda  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  English,  and,  beiiig  tried  and  condemned  as  a  rebel,  waa, 
on  96  June,  1676,  executed  at  Boston ;  much  to  the  grief  of  such  excel- 
lent  men  as  Oookin  and  lUiot. 

Although  something  had  bean  done  towards  Christianizing  the  Indians 
in  Plimouth  colony,  about  a  year  before  Mr.  Eliofa  firut  visit  to  Nonan- 
tum,  yet  for  some  years  after,  Massachusetts  was  considerably  in  advance 
in  this  respect.  Some  of  the  principal  congregations  or  praying  towns 
follow : — 

At  Meeshawn,  since  Provincetown  or  Truro,  and  Punonnkanit,  since 
Billinffsgate,  were  72  persons;  at  Potanmnaquut,  or  Nauset,  in  East- 
ham,  44 ;  at  Monamoyik,  since  Chatham,  71 ;  at  Sawkattukett,  in  Har- 
wich ;  Nobsqassit,  \a  Yarmouth  ;  at  Matakees,  in  BarnBtttble  and  Yarmouth ; 
and  Weequakut,  in  Barnstable,  122 ;  at  Satuit,  Pawpoe.sit,  Coatuit,  in  Barn- 
stable, Mashpee,  Wakoquet,  near  Mashpec,  95 ;  nt  Codtanmut,  in  Mashpee, 
Ash'muit,  on  the  west  line  of  Mashpee,  Weesquobs,  in  Sandwich,  22; 
Pn^iogutt,  Wawayoutat,  in  Wareham,  Sokones,  in  Falmouth,  36.  In  all 
these  places  were  462  souls ;  142  of  whom  could  read,  and  72  write  In- 
dian, and  9  could  read  English.  This  account  was  furnished  Maj.  Gookin 
in  1674,  by  the  Rev.  Riehmd  Boumt  of  Sandwich.  Fhilip'a  war  broke 
up  many  of  these  communities,  but  the  work  continued  long  afler  it 
dwindled  to  almost  nothing  in  Massachusetts.  In  1685  there  were  1430 
considered  as  Christian  Indians  in  Plimouth  colony. 

Mr.  Thomas  Miyhtvo  it.  settled  in  Martha's  Vineyard,  called  by  the  In- 
dians JVbpe,  in  1642.  He  was  accompanied  by  a  few  English  families, 
who  made  him  their  minister ;  but  not  being  satisfied  with  so  limited  use- 
fulness, he  learned  the  Indian  language,  and  began  to  preach  to  them. 
His  first  convert  was  ({i 

fiioeoomiJA,  in  1643,  a  man  of  small  repute  among  bis  own  people, 
whose  residence  was  at  Great  Harbor,  near  where  the  English  fii-st  set- 
tled. He  was  rM^larly  ordained  22  Aug.  1670,  but  he  began  to  preach 
in  1646.  John  T^ldnoah  was  at  the  same  time  ordained  teaciier.  His 
residence  was  nt  Numpang,  on  the  east  end  of  the  island.  He  died  SS 
Jan.  1684,  and  Hiacoomu  preached  his  funeral  sermon.  For  some  years 
befbre  his  death  Hiaeooma  was  unable  to  preach.  He  was  supposed  to 
have  been  about  80  years  old  at  the  time  of  his  death,  which  happened 
about  1690. 

Pahhehpumuuaoo,  sachem  of  Chappequiddik,  was  a  great  opposer  of 
the  goipel,  and  at  one  time  beat  HicKoomea  for  professing  a  belief  of  it. 
Not  long  after,  as  himself  and  ano|her  were  at  work  upon  a  chimney  of 
thenr  cabin,  they  were  both  knocked  down  by  lightning,  and  the  latter 
killed.  Pahkehpunnastoo  fell  partly  in  the  fire,  and  but  for  his  friends 
woald  have  perished.    Whether  this  escape  awakened  him,  is  not  men- 


rnooc  11. 

■?  >"  a  McrBt 
•ince,  duriog 

My  chief  u. 
» «  grave  aiid 
Ty.    Hero- 
ere,  together 
•mpaiiy,  that  , 
ide  mention. 
Wren.    The 
go  off  with, 
'iibtleas  pre. 
Tliia  waa 
>rd8  fell  into 
» rebel,  waa, 
such  excel- 

the  Indiana 
to  Nonan- 
in  advance 

ying  towns 

^nit,  since 
ti  in  Eaet- 
'f.  in  Haj-. 
Mrrnoiith ; 
t,  in  Barn- 
Mashpee, 
Iwich,  22; 
16.  In  aU 
Write  In- 

var  broke 
g  after  it 
''ere  1430 

y  the  In-  i 
tamilie^ ' 
ited  uae-  •> 
to  theoi. 

people, 
'irst  set- 

f>reach 
3'-.  His 
died  22 
'e  years 
oaed  to 
ppened 

>8er  of 
f  of  it. 
ney  of 
^  latter 
'riends 
men- 


Phap.  VII.] 


PRAYING  INDIANS. 


119 


tioned ;  but  he  soon  after  became  a  Chriatiao,  awi  Mr.  Ma^k$w  aptly  ob- 
aervea  that  ''at  last  ho  was  a  brand  j^ucktd  out  of  the  fire." 

MU^Boo.  or  Myoxeo,  waa  another  noted  Indian  of  Nope.  He  waa  • 
convert  of  Hiaeoomet,  whoiii  he  had  aent  for  to  iuauire  of  lilm  about  bia 
God.  He  asked  Hiacoomta  how  many  gods  he  had,  and  on  being  told  but 
ONE,  immediately  nckoueii  up  37  of  liia,  and  deaired  to  know  whether 
he  ahould  throw  thrrii  all  away  for  one.  On  being  told  bv  Hiaeoom€$ 
that  he  had  thrown  nway  all  those  and  manv  more,  and  waa  better  off  by 
ao  doing,  Miohqtoo  said,  ho  would  forthwith  throw  away  hia,  which  he 
did,  and  became  oiio  of  the  most  eminent  of  the  Indian  converts.  One  ot 
his  children,  u  sou,  sailed  for  England  in  1657,  with  Mr.  Thotnaa  Maykew 
Jr.,  in  a  ship  commanded  by  Cant.  Jamu  Garrett,  and  waa  never  heard  of 
after.  The  time  of  :ho  death  of  Miohqaoo  is  unknown,  but  he  lived  to  a 
great  age. 

AmoUjj  the  Mohogans  and  Narraganseta  nothins  of  any  account  was 
effected  in  the  way  of  Christianizing  them,  for  a  rang  time.  The  chief 
sachems  oi  those  nations  were  determined  and  fixed  against  it,  and  though 
it  was  from  time  to  time  urged  upon  them,  yet  very  little  was  ever  done. 

Sampson  Occum,  or,  as  his  name  is  spelt  in  a  sermon*  of  his,  Oecom,  waa 
a  Mohemn,  of  the  family  of  Benoni  OecKm,  who  reaided  near  New  Lon- 
don, in  Connecticut.  He  was  the  first  of  that  tribe  who  was  conspicuous 
in  religion,  if  not  the  only  one.  He  was  bom  in  1723,  and  becoming 
attached  to  the  Rev.  Eleazar  Whedock,  the  minister  of  Lebanon  in  Con- 
necticut, in  1741  he  became  a  Cbristian.f  Possessing  talents  and  great 
piety,  Mr.  ffhetlock  entertained  sanguine  hopes  that  he  would  be  able  to 
effect  much  among  his  countrymen  as  a  preacher  of  the  gospel.  He  went 
to  England  in  1765  to  procure  aid  fur  the  keeping  up  of  a  school  for  the 
instruction  of  Indian  children,  which  was  begun  by  Mr.  Wkeelock,  and 
furthered  by  a  Mr.  Moore,  by  a  donation  of  a  school  house  and  land,  about 
1763.  While  in  England  he  was  introduced  to  Lord  Dartmovih,  and 
other  eminent  persons.  He  preached  there  to  crowds  of  people,  and  re- 
turned to  America  in  Sept.  1768,  having  landed  at  Boston  on  his  return.^ 
It  is  said  he  was  the  first  Indian  that  preached  in  England.  He  was  or- 
dained, in  1759,  a  preacher  to  the  Montauks  on  L.  Island.  About  this 
time  he  visited  the  Cherokees.  He  finally  settled  among  the  Oneida  In- 
dians, with  manv  of  his  Mohegan  brethren,  about  1768 ;  they  having 
been  invited  by  the  Oneidos.  He  died  in  July,  1792,  at  N.  Stockbridge, 
N.  York,  aged  69. 

Tituba  is  noticed  in  the  annals  of  New  England,  from  her  participation 
in  the  witch  tragedies  acted  here  in  1691.  In  a  valuable  work  giving  a 
history  of  that  horrible  delusion,^  mention  is  thus  made  of  her.  "  It  was 
the  latter  end  of  Febriinry,  1691,  when  divers  young  persons  belonging  to 
[Rev.]  Mr.  Parria*\\  family,  and  one  more  of  the  neighborhood,  began  to 
act  after  a  strange  and  unusual  manner,  viz.,  as  by  getting  into  holes,  and 
creeping  ufider  chairs  and  stools,  and  to  use  other  sundry  odd  postures, 
and  antic  gestures,  uttering  foolish,  ridiculous  speeches,  which  neither 
thev  themselves  nor  any  others  could  make  sense  of."  "March  the 
llth,  Mr.  Parris  invited  several  neighboring  ministers  to  join  with  him  in 
keeping  a  solemn  day  of  prayer  at  his  own  house ;  the  time  of  the  exer- 
cise those  persons  were,  for  the  most  part,  silent,  but  after  any  one  prayer 

*  At  the  execution  of  3toset  Paul,  for  murder,  at  New  Haven,  2  Sept.  1772.    To  his 
letter  to  Mr.  Keen,  his  name  is  Occum. 
t  Life  Dr.  Wheeloek,  16.  t  His  Letter  to  Mr.  Keen,  in  Life  Wheeloct,  17ft. 

J  Wonders  of  the  Invisible  World,  by  K.  Calef,  90,  91,  4to.  London,  1706. 
"  SoHuutl  Pari*,  pastor  of  the  church  in  Salein-villatre."    Modest  Emiuiry  into  the 
Nature  of  WUchcraJl,  by  John  Hale,  potior  of  the  chui-ch  in  Beverley,  p.  23, 16mo. 
Boston,  1702. 


#» 


TrriTBA. 


TBooK  If 


WW  <*n(l«<1,  ihey  woirid  act  and  spfak  Mrangelv,  and  ridiciiloualjr,  yet 
were  aueli  as  had  benn  wnll  ediiratra  and  of  good  behavior,  ihc  on«  a  liri 
of  11  or  Vi  yearn  old,  woiiUI  M)mctimPN  aecm  to  be  in  a  ronviilaion  fit,  her 
liniba  iN-tng  twitted  aeveral  ways,  and  very  miflT,  but  pmontiy  her  fit 
would  be  over.  A  lew  days  bnfore  this  solemn  day  of  prnver,  Mr.  Parrit' 
Indian  man  and  woman,  made  a  cake  of  rye  meal,  with  the  children^ 
water,  and  baked  it  in  the  ashes,  and  as  is  said,  gave  to  the  dog ;  this  was 
done  as  a  meaiw  to  discover  witchcraft  Soon  Hf\cr  which  those  ill  aflbet- 
od  or  afflicced  persoos  named  several  that  they  said  they  saw,  when  in 
thoir  fitx,  nfflictiiiK  of  them.  The  first  complained  of|  was  the  said  Indian 
woman,  named  fvuba.  She  confessed  that  the  devil  urged  her  to  sign 
a  book,  wiiich  he  piwsented  to  her,  and  also  to  work  mischief  to  the  chil> 
dren,  ^c.  She  was  afterwards  committed  to  prison,  and  lay  there,  till 
sold  for  her  fees.  The  account  she  since  gives  of  it  is,  that  her  master 
did  beat  her,  and  otherwise  abuse  her,  to  make  her  confess  and  accuse 
(such  as  he  called)  her  sister  witches ;  and  that  whatsoever  she  said  by 
way  of  confessing  or  accusing  others,  was  the  effect  of  such  usage ;  her 
master  refVised  to  pay  her  fees,  unless  she  would  suuid  to  what  sne  had 
said." 

We  are  able  to  add  to  our  information  of  TKtuba  from  another  old  and 
curious  work,*  af  follows :  That  when  she  was  uxaminod  she  **  confessed 
the  making  a  cake,  as  is  above  mentioned,  and  said  her  mistress  in  her 
own  country  was  a  witch,  and  had  taught  her  some  means  to  be  used  for 
the  discovery  of  a  witch  and  for  the  prevention  of  being  bewitched,  &c., 
but  said  that  she  herself  was  not  a  witch."  The  children  who  accused 
her  said  "that  she  did  pinch,  prick,  and  grievouslv  torment  them;  and 
that  they  saw  her  here  and  there,  where  nobody  else  could.  Yea,  they 
could  tell  where  she  was,  and  what  she  did,  when  out  of  their  human 
sight"  Whether  the  author  was  a  witness  to  this  he  does  not  Roy ;  but 
probably  he  was  not.  Gro  through  the  whole  of  our  early  writers,  and 
vou  will  scarce  find  one  who  witnessed  such  matters :  (Dr.  Cotton  Mather 
IB  nearest  to  an  exception.)  But  they  generally  preface  such  marvellous 
accounts  by  observing,  **!  am  slow  to  believe  rumors  of  this  nature, 
nevertheless,  some  things  I  fiave  had  certain  information  of."f 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Feltt  gives  the  following  extract  from  the  "  Quarterly 
Court  Papers."  "  March  Ist.  Sarah  Oswm,  Sarah  and  Dorothy  Oood, 
TKtuba,  servant  of  Mr.  Parria,  Martha  Cory,  Rebecca  JVUrse,  Sarah  Clayce, 
John  Proctor  and  his  wife  Elizabeth,  all  of  Salem  village,  are  committed 
to  Boston  jail  on  charge  of  witchcraft." 

The  other  servant  of  Mr.  Peoria  was  the  h^isband  of  Tituha,  whose 
name  was  John.  It  was  a  charge  against  them  thnt  they  had  tried  means 
to  discover  witches.  But  there  is  little  probability  that  these  igunratit 
and  simple  ftidians  would  ever  have  thought  of  "tr,'ing  a  project"  for  the 
detection  «f  witches,  had  they  not  learned  it  fVom  some  move  miserably  su- 
p^ntitious  white  persons.  We  have  the  very  rncord  to  justify  this  stric- 
ture.§  Take  the  words.  **  Mary  Sibly  having  confessed,  that  she  innn 
cently  counselled  John,  the  Indian,  to  attempt  a  discoveir  of  witches,  is 
permitted  to  commune  with  Mr.  Parris'  church.  She  hod  been  previous- 
ly disciplined  for  such  counsel  and  appealed  well."  We  are  not  told 
tmo  disciplined  her  for  the  examination.    Was  it  Mr.  Portia  ? 

This  is  the  only  instance  I  have  met  with  of  Indians  being  implicated 
m  white  witchcraft. 

•  Modest  Enmtiry,  &c.  26.  t  /•  Mather's  Brief  Hist.  Philips  War,  34. 

t  <|n  his  valuable  Annals  of  Salem,  303. 
:i| :  Danvers  B«cords,  publubed  by  the  author  last  cited.  ^ 


BlOG 


'p. 


fBoOB   If. 

(liriiloiwly,  ye, 
'i  li)«t  oiH!  a  m'ui 
iviibion  fit,  her 
■«»iitly  hpr  lit 
«r,  Mr.  />arr&' 

rhe  childrcn'M 
''og;  thia  WW 
thow)  ill  alRfct- 
■•w,  when  in 
^e  said  Indian 
'i  her  to  sign 
«f  to  the  chil- 

lav  there,  till 
It  her  master 
I  and  accuse 

she  said  by 
l»  usa/je;  her 
'hat  she  hud 

>ther  old  and 
e  "  confessed 
tress  in  her 

be  used  for 
'itched,  &c., 
cho  accused 

them;  and 
Yea,  thej 
fjeir  human 
ot  Bay;  but 
writers,  and 
ftlon  Mather 

marvellous 
this  nature, 

"  Quarterly 
">%  Good, 
rah  Cloyce, 
committed 

ttj>a,  whose 
•led  mean.s 
8  ignorant 
ct"  for  the 
lerably  m\. 
this  stric- 
she  inno 
vitches,  is 
previous- 
not  told 

nplicated 


»  War,  34. 

•■A 


BOOK    III. 

BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY  OF  THE  NEW  ENG- 
LAND INDIANS  CONTINUED. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Etenla  which  led  (o  the  war  with  Philip — Life  of  Albxanueii  alias  Wam- 
8UTTA — He  and  Metacom,  his  yourufer  orother,  receive  English  nanus — 
Wektamoo  Ms  wife — Early  events  in  her  life — Petananuet,  htr  second 
htuband — Account  of  him — W»e<amoo's  latter  career  and  death — JVfni- 

Sret — Death  of  Mexander — Johk  Sassamon — His  country  and  connee- 
ons — Becomes  a  christian — Schoolmaster — Minister — Settles  at  Jissa- 
wornset — Felix  marries  his  daughter — Sassamon  discovers  the  plots  qf 
Philip — Is  murdered — Proceedings  against  the  murderers — They  are  con- 
demned and  executed — JVames  ythe  jury  who  sat  at  their  trial — Ab  In- 
dians among  the  jurors — Some  are  consulted. 

Mexander  was  tiie  EngliRh  name  of  the  elder  son  of  Massasoit.  His 
real  name  appears  at  first  to  have  been  Mooanam,  and  afterwards  fFam- 
suttc^  and  lastly  Alexander.  The  name  of  Mooanam  he  bore  as  early  as 
1639 ;  in  1641  wo  find  him  noticed  under  the  name  fVamsidta.  About 
the  year  1656,  he  and  his  younger  brother,  Metacomet,  or  rather  Pometa- 
eom,  were  brought  to  the  court  of  Plimouth,  and  being  solicitous  to  receive 
English  names,  the  governor  called  the  elder  Alexander,  and  the  3^ounger 
Philip,  probably  from  the  two  Macedonian  heroes,  which,  on  being  ex- 
plained to  them,  might  have  flattered  their  vanities;  and  which  was  prob- 
ably the  intention  or  the  governor. 

JUexander  appears  pretty  early  to  have  set  up  for  himself,  as  will  be 
seen  in  ihe  course  of  this  chapter ;  occasioned,  perhaps,  by  his  marrying 
a  female  sachem  of  very  considerable  authority,  and  in  great  esteem 
among  her  neighbors. 

^famumpum,  afterwards  called  Weetamoo,  squaw-sachem  of  Pocasset, 
was  the  wife  ofJUexander;  and  who,  as  says  an  anonymous  writer,*  was 
more  willine  to  join  PhUip  when  he  began  war  upon  the  English,  being 
persuaded  by  him  that  they  had  poisoned  her  husband.  This  author 
calls  her  ^  as  potent  a  prince  as  any  round  about  her,  and  hath  as  much 
com,  land,  and  men,  at  her  command." 

Mexander  having,  in  1653,  sold  a  tract  of  the  territory  acquired  by  his 
wife,  as  has  been  related  in  the  life  of  Massasoit,  about  six  years  after, 
Wetamo  came  to  Plimouth,  and  the  following  account  of  her  business  is 
contained  in  the  records. 

**  I,  JVamumfmm,  of  Pokeesett,  hauing,  in  open  court,  June  last,  fifty-nine, 
[1699,]  b«fore  the  govemour  and  majestrates,  surrendei-ei  up  all  that 
right  and  title  of  such  lands  as  fVoosamequin  and  fFaitisetta  i^oiild  to  the 

•  or  a  work  entitled,  Preient  Stale  of  New  England,  &.c.  p.  3.  fol.  1676.  Thii  work 
hai  juit  been  republUned,  with  nolei,  at  the  Antiquarian  Boolulore,  Boiton. 


ALEXANDER.— WEETAMOO. 


[Book  III. 


Chap.  I-I 


purchasers ;  as  appeeres  by  deeds  giuen  vnder  theire  hand^  as  alsoe  the 
said  ^amumpum  promise  to  renioue  the  Indians  of  from  those  lands ;  and 
alsoe  att  tho  same  court  the  said  fVanuutta  promised  JVbmum/mm  the 
third  part  of  the  pay,  aa  is  expressed  in  the  deed  of  which  payment  JVa- 
ni'mpum  haue  recemed  of  John  Cooke,  this  6  of  Oct.  1659 :  these  partic- 
ulars as  followeth :  item ; 

20  ycurda  blew  trading  cloth, 
2  yards  red  cotton, 
2  poire  ofshooet,  2  paire  stockings 
6  broade  hoes  and  1  axe ; 
And  doe  acknowledge  receiued  by  me,  Nahchpum." 
Witnessed  by  Squabsen,  ffaJuUunchquait,  and  two  English. 

Thus  this  land  affair  seems  to  have  been  amicably  settled ;  but  the 
same  year  ofMexander's  death,  whether  before  or  after  we  are  i.Jt  as- 
sured, JVamumpuni  appeared  at  Plimouth,  and  complained  that  fVamsutta 
had  sold  some  of  her  Ian  '  without  her  consent.  "  The  court  agreed  to 
doe  what  they  could  in  couiienient  time  f<>r  her  relief." 

We  a[)[)rehend  there  was  some  little  didiculty  between  Alexander  and 
his  wife  alraut  this  time,  especially  if  her  complaint  were  before  his  death, 
and  we  are  rather  of  the  opinion  that  it  was,  for  it  was  June  when  her 
complaint  was  made,  and  we  should  assign  a  little  later  date  for  the  death 
of  her  husband  ;  and  therefore  all  difficulty  was  settled  in  his  death. 

What  time  she  deeded  land  to  John  Sanford  and  John  Archer,  we  are 
not  informed,  but  it  was  probably  about  the  beginning  of  1662.  It  was  a 
deed  of  gift,  and  appears  to  have  been  only  deeded  to  them  to  prevent 
her  husband's  selling  it ;  but  these  men,  it  seems,  attempted  to  hold  the 
land  in  violation  of  their  promise ;  however,  being  a  woman  of  persever- 
ance, she  so  managed  the  matter,  that  in  the  year  1668,  she  found  wit- 
nesses who  deposed  to  the  true  mea  ling  of  the  deed,  and  thus  was,  we  pre- 
sume, restored  to  her  rightful  possessions. 

Since  we  have  been  thus  particular  in  acquainting  the  reader  with  the 
wife  of  WamsvMcL,  we  will,  before  proceeding  with  our  account  of  the 
husband,  say  all  that  we  have  to  say  of  the  interesting  Weetamoo. 

Soon  after  the  death  of  Alexander,  we  find  JVanumpum,  or  JVeetamoo, 
associated  with  another  husband,  named  Petonowowet.  He  was  well 
known  to  the  English,  and  went  by  the  familiar  name  of  Ben.  Now, 
unless  we  can  manufacture  the  name  Peter  JSTunnuU  out  of  Peto-now-ow- 
ely*  we  must  allow  her  to  have  had  a  third  husband  in  1S75.  We,  how- 
ever, are  pretty  well  satisfied  that  these  two  names  are,  as  they  appear 
to  be,  one  and  the  same  name. 

This  husband  of  Weetamoo  does  not  appear  to  have  been  of  so  much 
importance  as  her  first,  Wamaxdta ;  and  as  he  only  appears  occasionally 
in  the  crowd,  we  are  of  opinion  that  she  took  good  care  in  taking  a  sec- 
ond L  jsbnnd,  and  fixed  upon  one  that  she  was  better  able  to  manage  than 
she  was  the  determined  fVamsvtta. 

On  the  8  May,  1673,  Taiamomock,  Petonowowett,  aiid  ffUliam  alias 
^asocke,  sold  to  lYathanxd  Paine  of  Rehoboth,  and  Hugh  Cole  of  Swan- 
sey,  a  lot  of  land  in  Swansey,  near  Mattapoiset,  and  Showamet  neck,  for 
£35  5s.  Weetamoo,  PhUlip  alias  Wagusoke,  and  Steven  alias  >\Wano, 
were  the  Indian  witnesses. 

About  the  same  time,  one  Piowant  was  intruded  upon  by  some  others 
claiming  his  lands,  or  otherwise  molesting  him,  and  the  business  seems 
to  have  undergone  a  legal  scrutiny ;  in  this  affair  both  Weetamoo  and  her 
husband  appear  upon  our  records.    They  testify  that  the  tract  of  land 


*  Wc  have  mot  with  (his  spellini^,  Petanatuut,  which  approaches  still  nearer- 


m). 


dfetVlV 


[Book  m. 

'^  w  alsoe  the 
lose  lands ;  and 
^"mumpum  the 
»  payment  ATa- 
'  '•  theae  partic- 


AMDMPDM." 

ih. 

"led;  but  the 
e  are  Ljt  as- 
hat  fVanuuUa 
>ui1  agreed  to 

Alexander  and 
ore  his  death, 
ne  when  her 
for  the  death 
8  death. 
''^r,  we  are 
«•    It  was  a 
1  to  prevent 

to  hold  the 
of  persever- 

found  wit- 
was,  we  pre- 

er  with  the 
ount  of  the 
too. 

r  WeetamoQ, 
B  was  well 
?en.  Now, 
''to-now-oto- 
We,  how- 
hey  appear 

f  so  much 
pcasionaJly 
ing  a  sec- 
mage  than 

^■iam  alias 

of  Swnn- 

neck,  for 

ie  others 
»  seems 

and  her 

of  land 

arer 


Chap.  I.] 


ALEXANDER.— WEETAMOO. 


3 


bounded  by  a  small  river  or  brook  called  MastuckseUf  which  compaaaeth 
said  tract  to  Assonett  River,  and  so  to  Taunton  River,  [by  trees,  &c.]  hath 
for  many  years  been  in  the  possession  of  Piowant.  The  place  of  the 
bounds  on  Taunton  River  was  called  Chippascuitt,  which  was  a  little 
south  of  Mastucksett.  Pantauset,  ^uanounn,  JVeacaiuto,  and  Panowwm, 
testified  the  same. 

It  does  not  appear  that  Peta-tmn-u-et  was  at  all  concerned  in  Philip'a 
war  against  the  English,  but,  on  the  contrary,  forsook  his  wife  and  joined 
them  against  her.  Under  such  a  leader  as  Church,  he  must  have  been 
employed  against  his  countrymen  with  great  advantage.  At  the  time  he 
came  over  to  the  English,  he  no  doubt  exiiected  bis  wife  would  do  the 
same,  as  she  gave  Church  to  understand  as  much.  After  the  war  he  was 
honored  with  a  command  over  the  prisoners,  who  were  permitted  to 
reside  in  the  country  between  Sepecon  and  Dartmouth.  JVumpua,  or 
J^ompath,  and  haac  were  also  in  the  same  office. 

After  Mr.  Church  left  JbaaahmM  council,  a  few  days  before  the  war 
broke  out,  he  met  with  both  Wedamoo  and  her  husl)and  at  Pocasset  He 
first  met  with  the  husband,  Petananuet,  who  had  just  arrived  in  a  canoe 
from  Philip'a  head  quarters  at  Mount  Hope.  He  told  Church  there  would 
certainly  be  war,  for  that  Philip  had  held  a  war  dance  of  several  weeks, 
and  had  entertained  the  young  men  from  all  parts  of  the  country.  He 
said,  also,  that  Philip  expected  to  be  sent  for  to  Plimouth,  about  Saasa- 
man's  death,  knowing  himself  guilty  of  contriving  that  murder.  Pdanantut 
further  said,  that  he  saw  Mr.  Jamea  Brown  of  Swansey,  and  Mr.  Samuel 
Gorton,  who  was  an  interpreter,  and  two  other  men  that  brou^'ht  a  letter 
from  the  governor  of  Plimouth  to  Philip.  Philip's  young  warriors,  he 
said,  would  have  killed  Mr.  Brown,  but  Philip  told  them  they  must  not, 
for  his  father  bad  charged  him  to  show  kindness  to  him ;  but  to  satisfy 
them,  told  them,  that  on  the  next  Sunday,  when  the  English  had  gone  to 
meeting,  they  might  plunder  their  houses,  and  afterwards  kill  their  cattle. 

Meanwhile  fVeelamao  was  at  her  camp  just  back  from  Pocasiset  shore, 
on  the  high  hill  a  little  to  the  north  of  what  is  now  Howland's  ferry,  and 
Petananutt  requested  Mr.  Church  to  go  up  and  see  her.  He  did  so,  and 
found  her  in  rather  a  melancholy  mood,  all  her  men  having  left  her  and 
gone  to  Philip^s  war  dance,  much,  she  said,  against  her  will. 

Church,  elated  with  bis  success  at  AwasharMs'  camp,  and  thinking  both 
"  queens"  secured  to  the  English  interest,  hastened  to  Plimouth  to  give 
the  governor  an  account  of  his  discoveries. — This  was  a  day  big  to  Phuip ; 
he  immediately  took  measures  to  reclaim  Wetamare,  and  had  nearly  drawn 
oiSJiwashonks  with  the  vivid  hopes  of  conquest  and  booty. 

JVeetantoo  could  no  longer  remain  neutral ;  the  idea  still  harrowed  upon 
her  mind,  that  the  authorities  of  Plimouth  had  poisoned  her  furiuer  hus- 
band,* and  was  now  sure  that  they  Iiad  seduced  her  present  one  ;  there- 
fore, from  the  power  of  such  arguments,  when  urged  by  the  artful  Philip, 
there  was  no  escape  or  resistance.  Hence  his  fortune  became  her  own, 
and  she  moved  with  him  from  place  to  place  about  her  dominions,  in 
the  country  of  Pocasset,  until  the  30  July,  when  all  the  Watnpanoags 
esca()ed  out  of  a  swamp,  and  retired  into  the  country  of  the  Nipmulu. 
From  this  time  fFeeiamoo's  operations  become  so  blended  with  those  of 
her  allies  that  the  life  of  Philip  takes  up  the  narration. 

When,  by  intestine  divisions,  the  power  of  Philip  was  destroyed  among 
the  Nipmucks,  Weelamoo  seems  to  have  been  deserted  by  almost  all  her 
followers,  and,  like  Philip,  she  sought  refuge  again  in  her  own  country. 
It  was  upon  the  6  August,  1676,  when  she  arrived  upon  the  western 
bank  of  Tehticut  River  in  Mettapoiset,  where,  as  was  then  supposed,  she 

*  Present  Stale  of  N.  E.        ... 


ALEXANDER— WErrrA.MOO. 


[Book  III. 


was  drowucd  by  accident,  in  uUenipting  to  croi^s  the  river  to  Pocasset,  at 
the  same  point  she  Imd  crossed  tlie  year  hiHbrc,  iu  lier  flight  with  PhUip. 

Her  cotnjHiny  coiixistcd  now  of  no  more  tlmn  26  men,  whereas,  in  the 
beginninnf  of  tiio  Wiu-  tliey  nmoiintcd  to  ;30U ;  and  she  was  coDsidenld 
by  the  Enjilish  "  next  unto  Philip  in  respect  of  the  mischief  that  hath 
l)een  done,"*  The  Jjiifjiisb  at  Taunton  were  notified  by  a  deserter  of 
her  situation,  who  offered  to  lead  any  that  would  go,  in  a  way  that  they 
snight  easily  surprise  her  nnd  her  company.  Accordingly,  20  men  vol- 
unteered upon  this  enterprise,  and  succeeded  in  capturing  nil  but  Weeta- 
moOf  "  who,"  us  Mr.  Hubbard  expresses,!  "  intending  to  make  an  escape 
from  the  danger,  attempted  to  get  over  a  river  or  arm  of  the  sea  near  by, 
upon  a  raf^,  or  some  pieces  of  broken  wood ;  but  whether  tired  and  spent 
with  swimming,  or  starved  with  cold  and  hunger,  she  was  found  stark 
naked  in  Metapoiset,  not  far  from  the  water  side,  which  made  some  think 
she  was  first  half  drowned,  and  so  ended  her  wretched  life."  "  Her  head 
being  cut  off  and  set  upon  a  pole  in  Taunton,  was  known  by  some  In- 
dians then  prisoners,  which  set  them  into  a  horrible  lamentation."  Mr. 
Mather  improves  upo::  this  passage,  giving  it  in  a  style  more  to  suit  the 
taste  of  the  times :  "  They  made  a  most  horid  and  diabolical  lamentation, 
crying  out  that  it  was  their  queen's  head." 

The  authors  of  Yamoyden  thus  represent  Philip  escaping  from  the 
cold  grasp  of  the  ghostly  form  of  H<.etainoo: — 

"  As  from  the  water's  depths  she  came, 
With  dripping  locks  and  bloated  frame,  ■,'•■ 

Wild  her  discolored  arms  she  threw 
To  grasp  liim  ;  and,  as  swift  he  flew, 
^  Her  hollow  scream  he  heard  behind  "' 

Come  niinsfling  with  the  howling  wind: 
'  Why  fly  from  Wetamoe  T  she  died 
Bearing  the  war-axe  on  thy  side' "  , 

It  does  not  seem  from  all  we  can  discover  that  JVeetamoo  went  with 
PkUip  into  the  Nipmuck  country,  or,  if  she  did,  she  soon  returned 
among  the  Nurragansets.  For  the  English  early  took  measures  to  cause 
the  Narragansets  to  deliver  her  up  to  them.  Tney  agreed  to  do  this,  as 
will  be  found  related  iu  the  life  of  JVin^ref. 

In  this  connection  it  should  be  noted,  that  the  time  expired,  in  which 
JS/Knieret  was  to  deliver  up  Weetamoo,  some  time  previous  to  the  great 
fight  in  Narraganset,  and  hence  this  was  seized  upon,  as  one  pretext  for 
invading  the  Narragansets.  And  moreover,  it  was  said,  that  if  she  were 
taken  by  that  formidable  army  of  a  1000  men,  "  her  lands  would  more 
than  pay  all  the  charge"  the  £]nglish  had  been  at  in  tiie  whole  war. 

IVeelamoo,  it  is  presumed,  left  JVinigrel  and  joined  the  hostile  Narra- 
gansets and  the  VVampanoags  in  their  strong  fort,  some  time  previous  to 
the  English  expedition.  And  it  was  about  this  time  that  she  connected 
herself  with  the  Nan-aganset  chief  Q^uinnapin,  us  will  be  foimd  related  in 
his  life.  She  is  mentioned  by  some  writcra  as  Pkiiip'a  kinswoman, 
which  seems  to  have  been  the  case  in  a  two-fold  manner:  first  from  her 
being  sister  to  his  wife,  and  secondly  from  her  marrying  JUexander,  his 
brother.    To  return  to  Wamsutta. 

A  lasting  and  permanent  interest  will  always  be  fek,  and  peculiar  feel- 
ings associated  with  the  nairio  of  this  chief.  Not  on  account  of  a  career 
of  battles,  devastations  or  murders,  for  there  were  few  of  these,:(  but 
there  is  lefl  for  us  to  relate  the  melancholy  account  of  his  death.    Mr. 

•  /.  Mather.  t  Narrative,  103  and  109. 

Lin  1661,  he  was  fori^ed  into  a  war  with  C/ncas,  the  account  of  which,  properly 
nging  to  the  life  of  that  chief,  will  be  found  there  related. 


Cbap.  1-1 

and  cited! 

known  a? 

wihMr.l 
<»ive  it  enl 
'  "In  a] 
in  troubll 
two  sons! 
pretendiii 


[Book  in. 


Chap.  1] 


ALEXANDER. 


with  Philip. 
•ereas,  in  die 
w  consideivd 
of  that  hath 
deserter  of 
lythat  they 
«0  men  voJ- 
I  but  fFeeta- 
e  an  escape 
sea  near  by, 
d  and  spent 
found  stark 
some  think 
"Her  head 
y  some  In- 
tion."    Mr. 
to  suit  the 
atnentation, 

from  the 


•vent  with 

returned 

'  to  cause 

lo  this,  as 

in  which 
the  great 
•etext  for 
she  were 
J'd  more 
ar. 

9  Narra- 
svioHs  to 
)nnected 
slated  in 
woman, 
■om  her 
Mfer,  his 

iar  feel- 
i  career 
se,J  but 
'.    Mr. 


'roperly 


Hubbard's  account  of  this  event  is  in  the  hands  of  almost  every  reader, 
and  cited  by  every  writer  upon  our  early  history,  and  hence  is  extensively 
known  as  by  him  related.  Dr.  /.  Mtdher  agrees  very  nearly  in  bis  account 
wtti  Mr.  Hubbard,  but  being  more  minute,  and  rarely  to  be  met  with,  we 
give  it  entire : — 

"In  A.  D.  1662,  Pliniouth  colony  was  in  some  danger  of  being  involved 
in  trouble  by  the  Wainpanoag  Indians.    After  Maaaaaoit  was  dead,  his 
two  sons,  called  Waniautta  and  J\fetacometf  came  to  the  court  at  Plimoutb, 
pretending  high  respect  for  the  English,  and,  therefore,  desired  English 
names  might  be  imposed  on  them,  whereupon  the  court  there  named 
fVamsutta,  the  elder  brother,  Alexander,  and  Afetocomef,  the  younger 
brother,  PhUip,    This  .Alexander,  PhUip'a  immediate  predecessor,  was 
not  so  faithful  and  friendly  to  the  English  as  his  father  had  been.    For 
some  of  Boston,  having  been  occasionally  at  Narrnganset,  wrote  to  Mr. 
Prince,  who  was  then  governor  of  Plimoutb,  that  Jiuxander  was  contriv- 
ing mischief  against  the  English,  and  that  he  had  solicited  the  Narragan- 
sets  to  engage  with  him  in  his  designed  rebellion.    Hereupon,  Cant. 
WiUet,  who  lived  near  to  Mount  Hope,  the  place  where  Alexander  did 
reside,  was  appointed  to  speak  with  him,  and  to  desire  him  to  attend  the 
next  court  in  Plimouth,  for  their  satisfaction,  and  his  own  vindication.  He 
seemed  to  take  the  message  in  ^od  part,  professing  that  the  Narragansets, 
whom,  he  said,  were  his  enemies,  had  put  on  abuse  upon  him,  and  he 
readily  promised  to  attend  at  the  next  court.    But  when  the  day  for  his 
appearance  was  come,  instead  of  that,  he  at  that  very  time  went  over  to 
the  Narragansets,  bis  pretended  enemies,  which,  compared  with  other 
circumstances,  caused  the  gentlemen  at  Plimouth  to  suspect  there  was 
more  of  truth  in  the  information  given,  than  at  first  they  were  aware  of. 
Wherefore  the  governor  and  magistrates  there  ordered  Major  JVinslow, 
(who  is  since,  and  at  this  day  [1677]  governor  of  that  colony,)  to  take  a 
party  of  men,  and  fetch  down  Mtxander.    The  major  considering  that 
aemper  nocuit  deferre  paratia,  he  took  but  10  armed  men  with  him  iiom 
Marshfield,  intending  to  have  taken  more  at  the  towns  that  lay  nearer 
Mount  Hope.    But  Divine  Providence  so  ordered,  as  that  when  they  were 
about  the  midway  between  Plimouth  and  Bridgewater,*  observing  an 
hunting  house,  they  rode  up  to  it,  and  there  did  they  find  AUxandtr  ai.d 
many  of  his  menf  well  armed,  but  their  guns  standing  together  without 
the  house.    The  major,  with  his  small  party,  possessed  themselves  of  tlie 
Indians'  arms,  and  beset  the  house ;  then  did  he  go  in  amongst  them,  ac- 
quainting the  sachem  with  the  reason  of  his  coming  in  such  a  way  ;  de- 
siring Akxandtr  with  his  interpreter  to  walk  out  wiUi  him,  who  did  so  a 
little  distance  from  the  house,  and  then  understood  what  commission  the 
major  had  received  concerning  him.    The  proud  sachem  fell  into  a 
raging  passion  at  this  surprise,  saying  the  governor  had  no  reason  to 
credit  rumors,  or  to  send  for  him  in  such  a  way,  nor  would  he  go  to  Pli- 
mouth, but  when  he  saw  cause.    It  was  replied  to  him,  that  his  breach 
of  word  touching  appearance  at  Plimouth  court,  and,  instead  thereof, 
going  at  the  same  time  to  his  pretended  enemies,  augmented  jealousies 
concerning  him.    In  fine,  the  major  told  him,  that  his  order  was  to  bring 
him  to  Plimouth,  and  that,  by  the  help  of  God,  he  would  do  it,  or  elso  he 
would  die  on  the  place ;  also  declaring  to  him  that  if  he  would  submit, 

*  Within  six  miles  of  the  Eng^lish  towns.  Huhbard,  10,  (Edition,  1677.)  Masiaioit, 
end  likewise  Pkitip,  used  to  have  temporary  residences  in  elifj^ihle  places  for  fishin? ,  at 
various  sites  between  the  two  bays.  Narrag;anset  and  Massachusetts,  as  at  Rayiihaiii, 
Namasket,  Titicut,  [in  MiddleborouCTi]  and  Mlinponset  Pond  in  Ilalifajt.  At  which  df 
these  places  he  was,  wo  cannot,  with  certainty,  decide  :  that  at  Haliliix  tvould,  perhkpg, 
agree  best  with  Mr.  Hubbard's  account. 

t  Eighty,  says  Huhbard,  6. 


tuf 


Tivr.  .n. 


ALEXANDER. 


[Book  III. 


be  might  expect  respective  usage,  but  if  lie  once  more  denied  to  go,  he 
should  never  stir  from  tho  ground  whereon  he  stood  ;  and  with  a  piBtoi 
at  the  s.'iclietn'H  hroist,  rc(|uirc<l  that  his  next  words  should  be  a  posilivc 
and  clear  answer  to  what  was  deiiiunded.  Hereu[H)n  his  interpreter,  a 
discreet  Indian,  brother  to  John  Sausaman,*  being  sensfble  of  Mtxander'a 
passionate  disposition,  entreated  thut  he  might  speak  a  icw  words  to  the 
sachem  before  ho  guve  his  answer.  The  prudent  discourse  of  this  In- 
dian prevailed  so  mr  as  that  Alexander  yielded  to  go,  only  requesting  that 
he  might  go  like  a  sachem,  with  his  men  attending  him,  which,  although 
there  was  some  hazard  in  it,  thev  bein^  many,  and  the  English  but  a  few, 
was  granted  to  him.  The  wcaiher  being  hot,  the  major  offered  him  an 
horse  to  ride  on,  but  his  squaw  and  divers  Indian  women  l>eing  in  com- 
pany, he  refused,  saying  he  could  go  on  foot  as  well  a»  they,  entreating 
only  that  there  might  be  a  complying  with  their  pace,  which  was  done. 
And  resting  several  times  by  the  wax^  Alexander  and  bis  Indians  were  re- 
freshed by  the  English.  No  other  discourse  happening  while  they  were 
upcn  their  march,  but  what  was  pleasant  and  amicable.  The  major  sent 
a  man  before,  to  entreat  that  as  many  of  the  magistrates  of  that  colony  as 
could  would  meet  at  Duxbury.  Wherefore  havmg  there  bad  some  treaty 
with  Alexander,  not  willing  to  commit  him  to  prison,  they  entreated  Major 
Window  to  receive  him  to  his  house,  until  the  governor,  who  then  lived 
at  Eastham,  could  come  up.  Accordingly,  he  and  bis  train  were  cour- 
teously entertained  by  the  major.  And  albeit,  not  so  much  as  an  angry 
word  passed  between  them  whilst  at  Marshfield ;  yet  proud  Alexander, 
vexing  and  fretting  in  b<s  spirit,  that  such  a  check  was  given  him,  he 
suddenly  fell  sick  of  a  fever.  He  was  then  nursed  as  a  choice  friend. 
Mr.  FuUer,  the  physician,  coming  providentially  thither  at  that  time,  the 
sachem  and  his  men  earnestly  desired  that  he  would  administer  to  him, 
which  he  was  unwilling  to  do,  bat  by  their  importunity  was  prevailed 
with  to  do  the  best  he  could  to  help  h::n,  and  therefore  gave  him  a  por- 
tion of  working  phyMc,  which  the  Indians  thought  did  him  good.  But 
his  distemper  afterwards  prevailing,  they  entreatedf  to  dismiss  him,  in 
order  to  a  return  home,  which  upon  engagement  of  appearance  at  the 
next  court  was  granted  to  him.  Soon  after  his  being  returned  home  he 
died.*^ 

I  Thus  ends  Dr.  Mather't "  relation"  of  the  short  reign  of  Alexander.  And 
although  by  a  document  lately  published  by  Judge  J9avw  of  Boston,  which 
sets  the  conduct  of  the  English  in  a  very  favorable  light,  yet  it  is  very 
difficult  to  conceive  how  Mr.  Mather  and  Mr.  Hubbard  could  have  been 
altogether  deceived  in  their  information.  (We  mean  in  respeci  to  the 
treatment  Alexander  received  at  the  hands  of  his  captors.)  They  botli 
wrote  at  the  same  time,  and  at  different  places,  and  neither  knew  what 
the  other  had  written.  Of  this  we  are  confident,  if,  as  we  are  assured, 
there  was,  at  this  time,  rather  a  misunderstanding  between  these  iwo 
reverend  authors. 

It  now  only  remains  that  we  make  such  extracts  from  the  above-men- 
tioned document  as  will  exhibit  all  the  evidence  on  the  side  of  the  Eng- 
lish. There  is  to  be  seen,  in  the  library  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical 
Society,  a  manuscript  paper,  headed  "JSTarative  de  Alexandra"      TliiK 

*  He  had  a  brother  by  the  e  ^mie  of  Roland. 

t  "  Entreating  those  tnat  heli^  him  prisoner,  that  he  iniffbt  have  liberty  to  return  home, 
promising  to  return  again  if  he  recovered,  and  to  send  his  son  as  hostage  till  he  coula 
ao  do.  On  that  consiaeration,  he  was  fairly  dismissed,  but  died  before  he  got  halfway 
hom»."— Hubbard. 

^  It  is  a  pity  that  such  an  able  historian  as  Orahame  should  not  have  been  in  posses 
Bon  of  other  authorities  upon  this  maUor  than  iboM  who  have  copied  from  tlie  above 
See  hii  Hiit.  N.  America,  i.  401.  ,  , 


Cukt.  Ill 

paper  col 
of  PlinrwP 


%■ 


fBooK  lit. 

'Died  to  go,  he 
With  a  pistol 
f*  a  posiiivc 
•ntorpretef,  a 
of  »3lexander'g 
-Words  to  the 
se  of  this  In- 
Bguesting  that 
I'ch,  akhough 
Mh  but  a  few 
ered  hiin  an 
t'ing  in  coin- 
By,  entreating 
n  was  done, 
lans  were  rc- 
le  they  were 
e  major  sent 
lat  colony  as 
i  some  treaty 
reated  Major 
o  then  lived 
Were  cour- 
as  an  angry 
i  -Alexander, 
^'en  him,  he 
loice  friend, 
"t  time,  the 
'ter  to  him, 
w  prevailed 
him  a  por- 
good.    Bm 
iJss  him,  in 
»nce  at  the 
d  home  he 

tnder.  And 
ston,  which 
t  it  is  very 
hove  been 
ject  to  the 
They  both 
new  what 
e  assured, 
tJiese  uvo 

ove-men- 
the  Eng- 
flistoricai 

"        Thi8 


um  fcome 
I  be  couia 
t  halfway 

">  possea 
^e  above 


CBAr.  I] 


ALGXANOER 


paper  eontdiu  an  account  of  the  transaction,  drawn  np  by  the  authorMea 
of  Plimoutb,  and  Mr.  Maikti*s  and  Mr.  HubbanTt  aceounts  are  the  mib- 
stapce  of  it  Ar  the  afiiur  had  caused  much  excitement,  and,  judging 
frtiln  the  writers  of  that  time,  particularly  the  latter,  some  recrimination 
upon  the  conduct  of  the  government  of  Plimouth,  by  some  of  the  other 
English,  who  were  more  in  the  habit  of  using  or  recommending  mild 
measures  towards  Indians  than  the  Plimouth  people  appear  to  have  beon, 
seems  to  have  been  indulged.  After  thus  premising,  wa  will  ofler  the 
document,  which  is  a  letter  vnitten  by  the  Rev.  John  Cotbm,  of  Plimouth, 
to  Dr.  /.  Mather,  and  now  printed  by  Judge  Dant,  in  his  edition  of  JMor- 
UnCa  Memorial.  There  is  no  date  to  it,  at  least  the  editor  gives  none ;  but 
if  it  were  written  in  answer  to  one  iW>in  Mr.  Mather  to  him,  desiring 
information  on  that  head,  dated  31st  April,  1677,*  we  may  conclude  it 
was  about  this  time ;  but  Mr.  Mather'a  "  Relation"  would  not  lead  us  to 
suppose  that  he  was  in  possession  of  such  information,  and,  therefore,  he 
either  was  not  in  possession  of  it  when  hn  published  his  account,  or  that 
he  had  other  testimony  which  invalidated  it 

The  letter  begins,  "Major  Bratford,  [who  was  with  Mr.  ffindaw  when 
Alexander  was  surprised,]  confidently  assures  me,  tliat  in  the  narrative  de 
Mtxandro  ihere  are  many  mistakes,  and,  fearing  lest  you  should,  through 
misinformation,  print  some  mistakes  on  that  subject,  from  his  mouth  1 
this  write.  Reports  being  liere  that  M:xander  was  plotting  or  privy  to 
plots,  against  the  English,  authority  sent  to  him  to  co^ne  down.  He  came 
not.  Whereupon  Major  Ifxnalovt  was  sent  to  fetch  him.  Major  Bradford, 
witi'<  some  others,  went  with  him.  At  Munponset  River,  a  place  not  many 
miles  hence,  they  found  Mexander  with  about  eight  men  and  sundry 
squaws.  He  was  there  alraiit  getting  canoes.  He  and  his  men  were  at 
breakfast  under  their  shelter,  their  ^uns  being  without.  They  saw  the 
English  coming,  but  continue^  eating ;  and  Mr.  Witulow  telling  their 
business,  Alexander,  freely  and  '^rdily,  without  the  least  hesitancy,  con- 
sented to  go,  giving  his  reason  . .iiy  he  came  not  to  the  court  before,  viz. ; 
Ix.ause  he  waited  for  Captain  fVUM^a  return  from  the  Dutch,  being 
desirous  to  speak  with  him  first.  They  brought  him  to  Mr.  CMia'a  that 
day,  and  Governor  Prince  living  remote,  at  Easlham,  those  few  magis- 
trates who  were  at  hand  '.  jsued  the  n.atter  peaceably,  and  immediately 
dismissed  Alexander  to  return  home,  which  he  did  part  of  the  way  ;  but, 
in  two  or  three  days  atler,  he  returned  and  went  to  Major  WinaUno'a  house, 
in'.eiiding  thence  to  travel  into  the  ha\i  and  so  home  ;  but,  at  the  major's 
house,  he  was  taken  very  sick,  and  was,  bv  water,  conveyed  to  Major 
Bradford's,  and  thence  carried  U|)on  the  shoulders  of  his  men  to  Tethquet 
River,  and  thence  in  canoes  home,  and,  about  two  or  three  days  after, 
died." 

Thus  it  is  evident  that  tE.sre  is  error  somewhere,  and  it  would  be  very 
satisfactory  if  we  could  erase  it  from  our  history  ;  hut,  at  present,  we  aii> 
able  only  to  agitate  it,  and  wait  for  the  further  discovery  ol*  documents 
before  Alexanaer's  tr;io  history  can  bo  given  ;  and  to  8us|)en(l  judgment, 
although  some  may  readily  decide  that  the  evidence  is  in  fnvor  of  the  old 
printed  accounts.  It  is  the  business  of  a  hititorian,  where  n  (loint  is  in 
dispute,  to  exhibit  existing  evidence,  and  let  tlie  reader  make  up  hi.s  own 
judgment. 

We  are  able,  from  the  first  extract  given  upon  this  head,  to  limit  the 
time  of  his  sachem:?hip  to  a  |M)rtion  ofthe  year  1UG2. 

It  will  have  appeared  already,  that  enough  had  transpired  to  inflnnic 
the  minds  of  the  Indians,  and  especially  that  of  the  sacliem  Philip,  if, 
indeed,  the  evidence  adducctl  be  considered  val'il,  regarding  the  blaina- 

*  See  lii.s  Memorial,  288 


SASSAMON- 


[Book  UI. 


Chap,  l) 


I  of  the  Eoglwh.  Nevertbelcas,  our  next  atep  coward  will  more 
ftlllir  develop  the  causes  ofPhUiv'i  deep-rooted  animosities. 

We  come  DOW  to  speak  of  John  S«is$amon,  who  deserves  a  particular 
oodoe ;  more  especially  as,  from  several  loanuscripts,  wo  arc  able  not 
ooljr  to  con«ct  some  imjportaut  errors  in  former  histories,  but  to  give  a 
more  miwMe  aooount  or  a  charnoter  which  must  always  be  noticed  id 
eotorin^  Uiwn  (he  study  of  t|iis  port  of  our  history.  Not  that  he  would 
otherwise  demMad  more  Dotice  thau  many  of  his  brethren  almost  silently 
passed  ovrr,  but  for  his  agency  in  bringing  about  a  war,  the  interest  of 
wliieh  increases  io  proportion  as  time  carries  us  from  its  {leriod. 

Mm  So$$amoH  was  a  subject  of  Philip,  an  unstable-minded  fellow ; 
and,  living  io  the  neighboriiood^  of  tlie  English,  became  a  convert  to 
Christianity,  learoed  their  lan^age,  anil  was  able  to  read  and  write,  and 
had  translated  some  of  the  Bible  into  Indian.  Being  rather  insinuating 
and  artful,  be  was  employed  to  teaoh  his  coimtrymen  at  Natick,  in  the  ca- 
pacity of  a  schoolmaster.  How  long  before  the  war  this  was,  is  not 
mentioned,  but  must  have  been  abotU  lj660,  as  he  was  Philip's  secretary, 
or  interpreter,  in  1662,  and  this  was  after  he  had  become  a  Christian. 
He  left  the  English,  ftora  some  dislike,  and  went  to  reside  with  .^Uezan- 
dtr,  and  afterwards  with  Phil^,  who,  it  appears,  employed  him  un  ac- 
count of  his  learning.  Alwavs  readess,  Stuaamon  did  not  remain  Ions 
with  Ph^p  before  be  returnea  again  to  the  English ;  ''and  he  manifested 
such  evident  signs  of  repentance,  as  that  he  was,  after  his  return  fi-om 
pa^ian  Philip,  reconciled  to  the  praying  Indians  and  baptized,  and  re- 
ceived, as  a  member,  into  one  of  the  Indian  churches;  yea,  and  employed 
as  an  instructer  amongst  them  every  Lord's  day."! 

Previous  to  the  war,  we  presume  in  the  winter  of  1672,  Scuaamon  was 
sent  to  preach  to  the  Namaskets,!  and  other  Indians  of  Middleborough, 
who,  at  this  time,  were  very  numerous.  The  famous  Watuapaquin  was 
then  the  chief  of  this  region,  and  who  appears  to  have  been  disposed  to 
encourage  the  new  religion  taught  by  Stuaamon.  For,  in  1674,  he  gave 
him  a  fract  of  land  near  his  own  residence  to  induce  him  to  remain  among 
his  people.  The  deed  of  gift  of  this  land  was,  no  doubt,  drawn  by  Saa- 
tamm,  and  is  in  these  words : — 

"  Know  all  men  by  these  presents,  that  I,  Old  Watuapaqviny  doe  graunt 
TOto  John  Saaaamon,  allies  frdaaaaomon,  27  acrees  of  land  for  a  home  lott 
at  Assowamsett  necke.  This  is  my  gift,  giuen  to  him  the  said  John  Sm- 
tamon,  by  me  the  said  Waiuapaquin,  in  Anno  1673,  [or  1674,  if  between 
1  Jan.  and  25  March.] 

Old  WATasPA^DiN        (J)     hia  marke. 
William  TosPAQuiN    DV    hia  vutrhe.  \ 
Witness,  alsoe,  Nanebeunt^    f    hia  marJfcc." 

As  a  further  inducement  for  Scuaamon  to  settle  here,  Old  Thupaquin 
and  his  son  deeded  to  Ftlix,  an  Indian  who  married  Saasamon''3  daughter, 
58  and  an  half  acres  of  land ;  as  "  a  home  lott,"  also.  This  deed  was 
dated  11  March,  1673,  O.  S.  which  doubtless  was  done  at  the  same  time 
with  the  other.    This  dau^  !iter  of  Saaaamon  was  called  by  the  Eugli^ 

*  "This  Sastamon  was  by  birtli  a  Massachusett,  his  father  and  mother  living  in  Dor- 
chester, and  they  both  died  Christians." — /.  Mather. 

t  Mather' .^  Relation,  74. 

X  The  inhabitants  of  the  place  call  it  Nematktt.  In  the  records,  it  is  almotl  always 
written  Namauakett. 

$  Spelt  also  Mtmeheuti 


•Til 

««,(» 

Neck, 
Indiar 

gpellir 


(Book  10, 

•n*  wiJi  more 

^  «  particular 
"fo  aWe  Hot 
i  but  to  giro  a 
bo  noticed  id 
tbat  he  would 
Jmost  silently 
be  intereat  of 
nod. 

nded  feJiow; 

a  convert  to 
la  write,  and 
iriosiiiuating 

:k,  in  the  ca- 
,  ,wa8,  is  not 
p  B  secretary, 

a  Christian, 
with  Mtxan- 

him  on  ac- 
remain  long 
3  manifested 
return  from 
ed,  and  re- 
d  employed 

taanun  was 
dleborough, 
Vaquin  was 
'disposed  to 
74,  he  gave 
lain  among 
wn  by  Saa- 


(loe  graunt 

home  lott 

John  Sas- 

f  between 

itnarke. 
'  marke. 


daughter, 

leed  was 

"ne  time 

I^uglish 


ig  in  Dor- 


Trap.  1] 


SASSAMON. 


il  always 


name  Betty,*  but  her  original  name  was  .^aaotodougk.  To  his  aoii-in 
law,  SoMomon  gave  his  land,  by  a  kind  of  wtil,  which  he  wrote  himM]£ 
not  long  before  his  death ;  pn)bably  about  the  time  he  became  tired  of 
liiH  new  situation,  which  we  suppose  was  also  about  the  time  that  he 
(iiscovercd  the  design  of  Philip  and  his  captains  to  bring  about  their  war 
of  extermination. 

Old  Tutpaqtiin,  as  he  called  himself,  and  his  son,  not  only  confirmed 
SauavMn^a  will,  hut  about  the  same  time  made  a  bequest  themselves  to 
his  daughter,  which,  they  say,  was  "  with  the  consent  of  all  the  chieffe 
men  of  Assowamsett."  This  deed  of  gift  from  them  was  dated  33  Dec. 
1673.  It  wus  of  a  neck  of  land  at  Assowamsett,  called  Nahteawamet. 
The  names  of  some  of  the  places  which  bounded  this  tract  were  Mash- 
quomoh,  a  swamp,  Sas^nkususett,  a  poii«l,  and  another  large  pond  called 
Chupipoggut.  Tobias,  Old  J%>nuu,  Pohonoho,  and  Kcmkunuki,  were 
upon  this  deed  as  wimesses. 

Felix  served  the  English  in  PhUip'a  war,  and  waa  living  in  1679,  in 
which  year  Governor  Winalow  ordered,  "  that  all  such  lands  as  were  for- 
merly John  SaaaammCa  in  our  collonie,  shal  be  senled  on  Fdix  his  son-in- 
law,"  and  to  remain  his  ai>d  his  heirs  "  foreuer."  Fdvc'a  wife  survived 
him,  and  willed  her  land  to  a  daughter,  named  Mercy.  This  was  in  1696, 
and  baclit  Wanno  witnessed  said  will.  There  was  at  a  later  period  an 
Indian  preacher  at  Titicutf  named  Thomas  Fdix,  perhaps  a  son  of  the 
former.!  ^^^  ^°  return  to  the  more  immediate  subject  of  our  dis- 
course. 

There  wu:^  a  Sassaman,  or,  as  my  manuscript  has  it,  Soaomon,  known 
to  the  English  as  early  as  1637,  but  as  we  have  no  means  of  knowing 
how  old  John  Saiaumon  was  when  he  was  murdered,  it  cannot  be  decid- 
'  -!  with  probability,  whether  or  not  it  were  he.  ■  This  Soaomon,  as  will 
!>.j  seen  m  the  life  of  Saaaacua,  went  with  the  English  to  fight  the 
Pcquots. 

Saaaamon  acted  as  interpreter,  v^itness  or  scribe,  as  the  case  required, 
on  many  occasions.  When  Philip  and  WootonekantuH,  his  wife,  sold, 
in  1664,  Mattapoisett  to  fFUliam  Bnnton,  Seuaamon  was  a  witness  and  in- 
terpreter. The  same  year  he  vrea  PhUip'a  agent  "  in  settling  the  bounds 
of  Acushenok,  Coaksett,  and  places  adjacenL"  Agiun,  in  1665,  he  wit- 
nessed the  receipt  of  £10  paid  to  Philip  on  account  of  settling  the  bounds 
the  year  before. 

There  was  a  Rowland  Saaamnon,  who  I  suppose  was  the  brother  of 
John.  His  name  appears  but  once  in  all  the  manuscript  records  I  have 
met  with,  and  then  only  as  a  witness,  with  his  brother,  to  PhUip'a  deed  of 
Mattapoisett,  above  mentioned. 

The  name  Sassamon,  like  most  Indian  names,  is  variously  spelt,  but 
the  way  it  here  appears  is  nenrest  as  it  was  understood  in  his  last  years, 
judging  from  the  records.  Itut  it  was  not  so  originally.  Wooaanaaman 
was  among  the  first  modes  of  writing  it. 

This  detail  may  appear  dry  to  the  general  reader,  but  we  mus*  occa- 
sionally gratify  our  antiquariiin  friends.    We  now  proceed  in  our  narrative. 

While  living  among  the  Namaskets,  Saaaamon  learned  what  was  going 

*  The  EiiG^lish  someUmes  added  her  surname,  and  hence,  in  the  account  of  Mr.  Bett- 
net,  (1  Col.  mass.  Hist.  Soe.  iii.  I . )  Betty  Sasemore.  The  noted  place  now  called  Betttf* 
Neek,  in  Middleboroiigh,  was  named  from  her.  In  1793,  there  were  eight  familiei  of 
Indians  there. 

t  Cotuhhcut,  Kelchiquut,  Tehticvt,  Kekettieut,  KetkiU.  Teightaquid.  Tetehqutt,  are 
spellings  of  this  name  in  the  various  books  and  records  I  nave  consultad. 

t  Backia'i  Middleborough,  b  1  Col.  Mats.  Hist.  8oc.  iii.  150. 


SASSAMON. 


[BooKin. 


GaAF.I.l 


forward  among  his  rounu^'men,  uiil,  when  b«  WM  coovineed  that  their 
de*i|rn  wus  blood,  goes  iiiniieduitoly  lo  Pliinouth,  and  communicates  his 
iliacovery  to  the  guveriior.  "  NuvertheieaB,  his  information,"  aaya  Dr.  /. 
Mather,*  "  (because  it  had  an  Indian  original,  and  one  can  lutfdly  believe 
them  when  they  do  speak  the  truth,)  was  not  at  firat  much  regarded." 

It  may  be  noticed  here,  that  at  this  time  if  any  Indian  appeared  ftiend- 
iy,  all  Indians  were  ao  declaimed  against,  that  scarcely  any  one  among 
the  English  could  be  found  that  would  allow  that  an  Indian  could  be 
fiiithful  or  honest  in  any  affrir.  And  although  some  others  besides  &•- 
aamon  had  intunated,  and  that  ravher  strongly,  that  a  "risinc  of  tlie  In- 
dians" was  at  band,  still,  as  Dr.  Mather  observes,  because  Indians  said  so, 
little  or  no  attention  was  paid  to  their  advice.  Notwithstanding,  Mr. 
Goofttn,  in  his  MS.  history ,t  wye,  tL<at.  previous  to  the  war;  none  of  the 
Christian  Indians  had  "beet  *'«itfjr  .huffed,  cither  with  unfiuthfuiness  or 
treachery  towards  the  Eng!ist  "  ^  Aut,  on  the  contrary,  some  of  them  had 
discovered  the  treachery,  pit  ■  v.y  '  ''-ifeiit,  the  ruksr  of  PkS^  before 
he  began  any  act  of  hostility."  '  .  aU'  ti  '>r  place  the  same  author  says, 
that,  in  April,  1675,  fFaiem  "ca:^  '.>  one  '^^  he  magistrates  on  purpose, 
and  informed  him  that  he  had  ground  to  tc  . .  that  sachem  Pm(^,  and 
other  Indians  Itis  confederates,  intended  some  mischief  shortly."  Again 
in  May,  about  six  weeks  before  the  war,  he  came  and  said  the  same. 
Adding  thut  PhUiai'a  men  were  only  waiting  for  the  trees  to  get  leaved 
out,  that  they  mignt  prosecute  their  design  with  mure  effect.  To  return 
to  Saaaamoii : 

In  the  mean  time,  some  circumstances  happened  that  gave  further 
grounds  of  suspicion,  that  war  was  meditated,  and  it  was  intended  that 
messengers  should  be  sent  to  PAt^,  to  gain,  if  possible,  the  real  state  of 
the  case.  But  before  this  was  eifocted,  much  of  the  winter  of  1674  had 
passed-  away,  and  the  Rev.  &u«aaioii  still  resided  with  the  Namaskets, 
and  others  of  his  countrymen  in  that  neighborhood.  And  notwithstand 
ing  he  had  enjoined  the  strictest  secrecy  upon  his  Euj^ish  fiienfls  at  Pll- 
mouth,  of  what  he  had  revealed,  assuring  them  that  if  it  came  to  Pkii^U 
knowledge,  he  should  be  immediately  murdered  by  him,  yet  it  by  some 
means  got  to  the  chief's  knowledge,  and  SoMoaion  was  considered  « 
traitor  and  an  outlaw ;  and  by  the  laws  of  the  Indiaus,  he  had  forfeited 
his  life,  and  was  doomed  to  euthr  death.  The  manner  of  effecting  it  was 
of  no  consequence  with  them,  so  long  as  it  was  brought  about,  and  it  is 
probable  that  PkUip  had  ordered  any  of  his  subjects  who  might  meet 
with  him,  to  kill  bun. 

Early  in  the  spring  of  1675,  Saasamom  vras  missing,  and,  on  search 
being  made,  his  body  was  found  in  Aasawomset  Pond,  in  Middleborough  t 
Those  that  killed  him  not  caring  to  be  known  to  the  English,  Loft  his  hat 
and  gun  upon  the  ice,  that  it  might  be  supposed  that  he  had  drowned 
himself;  but  from  several  marks  upon  his  body,  and  the  itict  that  his 
neck  was  broken,  it  was  evident  he  had  been  murdered.§  Several  per- 
sons were  suspected,  and,  upon  the  information  of  one  ciuled  Pohiduon, 


•  Relation  of  the  TroiMet,  Jtc.  74. 

t  Not  yet  published.  We  are  inrormed  it  soon  will  be.  It  will  Tonn  a  lasting  monu- 
ment of  one  of  the  best  men  of  those  days.  The  author  was,  .s  Mr.  £b'o(  expresses 
himself,  "  a  pillar  in  our  Indian  work."    He  died  in  1687,  agr«i  7j. 

t  Some  would  like  to  know,  perhaps,  on  what  authority  Mr.  Grahaame{HiH.  N.  Afmer. 
i.  40SJ  stales  that  Soitanum't  body  teas/oiind  in  a^fieid. 

(  Oookin't  MS.  Hist,  of  Christian  Indians.  This  author  says,  "  SaMuiaitd  was  the 
first  Christian  martyr,"  and  that  "  it  is  evident  he  suflered  deatfi  upon  the  account  of  his 
ChriAian  profession,  and  fidelity  to  the  English." 


fBooKin. 

oed  that  their 
niunicaies  hb 
B."  wys  Dr.  / 
*-^iy  believe 
regwded." 
*««d  friend- 
/one  ainooir 
fo  could  be 

f  of  die  In. 
owns  said  eo, 
^*^diag,  Mr. 
pone  of  the 
uthfuinese  or 
•of  them  had 
P«9,beftS 
auUior  sBjTB^ 

L.  5**^.  «nd 
•/y"    Again 

the  same. 
>t  leaved 

'o  retun 

«TO  further 
tended  thai 
««•  Slate  of 
r 1674  had 

KBinaskelBL 
withstand 
nds  at  PI|. 
to  PAay>>« 
"  by  some 
nsidered  « 
i  forfeited 
^og  it  vna 
,aud  it  is 
iffht  meet 

>n  search 
horough  X 
ft  bis  hat 
drowned 
that  his 
era!  per- 


expresws 

JV.Amer. 

'waaihtt 
uni  of  his 


Cbap.  I.] 


8A8SAMON. 


11 


Toibiai'*  one  ofPhHip*$  counaeUora,  his  son,  and  AtinttcuAmiUMMf,  were  u> 
prehended,  tried  by  a  jury,  conaiating  of  hulf  Indians,!  and  in  June,  1675, 
were  all  executed  at  Plimouth ;  "  one  of  them  before  bia  execution  con- 
ftsain^  the  munler,"  but  the  other  two  denied  all  knowledce  of  the  act, 
to  theu*  lest  breath.  The  truth  of  their  guilt  may  roasonably  be  called  in 
question,  if  the  circumatance  of  the  bleraing  of  the  dead  body  at  the  ap- 
proach of  the  murderer,  bad  any  influence  upon  the  juiy.  And  we  are 
narfiil  it  was  the  case,  for,  if  the  most  leamea  were  misled  by  such  hal- 
hicinations  in  those  days,  we  are  not  to  suppose  that  the  n>3re  ignorant 
were  free  from  them.  Dr.  Inereaat  MMer  wrote  within  two  yean  of 
the  affair,  and  he  bos  this  passage :  **  When  Tobias  (the  suspected  mur- 
derer) came  near  the  dead  body,  it  fell  a  bleeding  on  fresh,  as  if  it  had 
been  newly  slain;  albeit,  it  was  buried  a  considerable  time  before 
that.»t 

Nothing  of  this  part  of  the  story  is  upon  record  among  the  manuscript^ 
as  we  can  find,  but  still  we  do  not  question  the  authenticity  of  Dr.  Malner, 
who,  we  believe,  is  the  first  that  printed  an  account  of  iL  Nor  do  the 
records  of  Plimouth  notice  Stuaamon  until  some  time  afler  his  death. 
The  first  record  is  in  these  words :  "  The  court  seeing  cause  to  require  the 

Kiraonal  appearance  of  an  Indian  called  Tobias  before  the  court,  to  make 
rther  answer  to  such  inten'ogatorics  as  shall  be  required  of  liim,  in  re- 
ference to  the  sudden  and  violent  death  of  an  Indian  called  John  Sassa- 
man,  late  deceased."    This  was  in  Mareh,  1674,  O.  S. 

It  appears  that  TMas  was  present,  although  it  is  not  so  stated,  from  the 
fact  that  Tuspaquin  and  his  sou  tVUUam  entered  into  bonds  of  £100  for 
the  appearance  of  Thbias  at  the  next  court  in  June  following.  A  mort- 
gage of  land  was  taken  as  security  for  the  £100. 

June  having  arrived,  three  instf  nd  of  one  are  arraigned  as  the  murder- 
ers of  Saasamon.  There  was  no  intimation  of  any  one  but  Tobias  being 
guilty  at  the  previous  court  New,  Wampapaquan,.  the  son  of  Tobias, 
and  MaUashunannamo^  are  arraigned  with  him,  and  the  bill  of  indict- 
ment runs  as  follows :  "  For  that  being  accused  that  they  did  with  joynt 
consent  vpon  the  39  of  January  anno  1674,  [or  1675,  N.  9.]  att  a  place 
crfled  Assowamsett  Pond,  wilfully  and  of  sett  purpose,  and  of^mallice  fore 
thought,  and  by  force  and  armes,  murder  John  Sassamon,  an  other  In- 
dian, by  laying  violent  hands  on  him,  and  striking  him,  or  twisting  his 
necke  vntiU  bee  was  dead;  and  to  hyde  and  cunceale  this  theire  said 
murder,  att  the  tyme  and  place  aforesaid,  did  cast  his  dead  body  through 
a  hole  of  the  iyce  into  the  said  pond." 

To  this  they  pleaded  '*not  guilty,"  and  put  themselves  on  trial,  say 
the  records.  The  jury,  however,  were  not  long  in  finding  them  guiltv, 
which  they  express  in  these  words:  "  Wee  of  the  jury  one  and  all,  both 
English  and  Indians  doe  joyntly  and  with  one  consent  agree  upon  a 
veroicu" 

Upon  this  they  were  immediately  remanded  to  prison,  "and  from 
thence  [taken]  to  the  place  of  execution  and  there  to  be  hanged  by  the 
headjl  vntill  theire  bodies  are  dead."    Accordingly,  Tobias  and  Mattashun- 

*  His  Indian  name  was  Poggapatiossoo. 

t  Mather'i  Relation,  74.  Judee  Davis  retains  the  same  account,  (Morton's  Memorial, 
t89.)  which  we  shall  presently  show  to  be  erroneous. 

i  MaUitr's  Relation,  76. 

&  The  same  called  McUtashirmamy.    His  name  in  the  records  is  spelt  four  ways, 

I  This  old  phraseology  reminds  us  of  the  Frcnoh  mode  of  expression,  couper  It  eou, 
iMt  is,  to  cut  off  the  neck  instead  of  the  head  ;  but  the  French  say,  U  sera  pendu  par-son 
M«,  and  «o  do  modem  hangmen,  alias ^'un«<<,  of  our  times. 


ft 


8A88AMON. 


[Boor  III 


>  were  executed  on  the  8  June,  1675.  **  But  tho  said  Wampnpa- 
oMOis  on  aorno  considerationa  waa  raprieued  until  a  month  bo  ox|>in;«l." 
He  waa,  however,  ahot  within  the  month. 

It  ia  an  error  that  the  junr  that  found  them  guilty  wai  compoaed  of 
half  Indiana;  there  were  but  rour,  while  there  were  twelve  Engliahmon. 
We  will  again  hear  the  record : — 

"  lit  'vaa  judged  very  expedient  by  the  court,  that,  together  with  thiH 
Engliah  jury  aboue  named,  aome  of  the  moat  indifferenteat,  grauest  and 
aage  Indians  should  be  admitted  to  be  with  the  aaid  jury,  and  to  healp  to 
conauh  and  aduice  with,  of,  and  concemins  the  premiaea :  there  names 
are  aa  followeth,  viz.  one  called  by  an  Engnah  name  Hopt,  and  Maakip- 
pojpu,  fFannoo,  Otorge  Wamiivt  and  Aeanooiua;  theae  fully  concurred 
with  tho  jury  in  theire  verdict." 

The  names  of  tho  jurymen  were  ffUliam  Sabine,  fVUliam  Crocker, 
Edvmrd  Sturgia,  ffiUiam  Brookes,  MUhf.  Wiruloio,  John  Wadsworth,  An- 
drew Ringe,  Robert  Vixon,  John  Done,  Jon".  Bangs,  Jon".  Shaw  and 
Beni'.  Higgint. 

Tnat  nothing  which  can  throw  light  upon  this  important  affair  be  passed 
over,  we  will  here  add,  from  an  exceeding  scarce  tract,  the  following 
particulars,  although  some  parts  of  them  are  evidently  erroneous :  "  About 
five  or  six  years  since,  there  was  brought  up,  amongst  others,  at  the  col- 
lege at  Cambridge,  (Mass.)  an  Indian,  named  Soaomon ;  who,  after  some 
time  he  bad  spent  in  preaching  the  gospel  to  Urucu,  a  saeamore  Christian 
in  his  territories,  was,  by  the  authority  of  New  Plimoutn,  sent  to  preach 
in  like  manner  to  King  Philip,  and  his  Indians.  But  King  Philip,  (heath- 
en-like,) instead  of  receiving  the  gospel,  would  immediately  have  killed 
thia  Soaomon,  but  by  the  persuasion  of  some  about  him,  did  not  do  it, 
but  aent  him  by  the  hands  of  three  men  to  prison  ;  who,  aa  he  was  going 
to  prison,  exhorted  and  uught  them  in  the  Christian  religion.  They,  not 
liking  hia  diacoiuae,  immediately  murthered  him  after  a  most  barbarous 
manner.  They,  returning  to  King  Philip,  acquainted  him  with  what  they 
had  done.  About  two  or  three  months  {dler  this  murther,  being  discov- 
ered to  the  authority  of  New  Plimouth,  Joaiah  WinaUno  being  then  gov- 
ernor of  that  colony,  care  was  taken  to  find  out  the  miirtherers,  wfto, 
upon  search,  were  round  and  apprehended,  and,  after  a  fair  trial,  were  all 
hanoed.  This  so  exasperated  King  Philip,  that,  from  that  day  after,  he 
studied  to  be  revensed  on  the  Enfflish— judging  that  the  English  author- 
ity had  nothing  to  do  to  hang  an  uidian  for  killing  another.''* 

*  Present  State  of  Nem  Eturland.by  a  merchant  of  Boston,  in  reMpect  tolhepruent 
Bloody  Mian*  Wars,  page  3.  (olio,  London,  1676.    [Sine*  reprintad.] 


w 


f 


„i. 


fBooK  III 


iwiil  H'ampiipa- 
li  be  expinnl." 

■  compoded  of 
o  EnglMlimon. 

sther  with  tbiti 
•t,  grauett  and 
ind  to  healp  to 
:  there  names 
!,  and  Ma$l^ 
lily  concurred 

lltam  Croektr, 
^aJsworthj  An- 
1".  Shaw  and 

ffair  be  passed 
the  following 
30U8:  "About 
rs,  at  the  col- 
>o,  after  some 
lore  Christian 
ent  to  preach 
PAt/ip,(heath- 
y  have  killed 
id  not  do  it, 
he  was  going 
1.    Tbejr,  not 
>st  barbarous 
ith  what  they 
leinff  discov- 
ng  then  gov- 
therers,  wfio, 
trial,  were  all 
day  after,  be 
Klisb  autfaor- 


:t  to  the  pretent 


w 


Hi/, 


if'j.- 


/•'vK 


Amr  - 


-J=V^ 


-w 


-^"" 


V.V   «' 


— <g^,  -^     — .— — ■ 

^m^^^^^^^B^^:^-  ""^^^^^^rfMJW^^"*'    '■^M^^^gy^^*'^*— 

PHniljIFalias  METACOMBT  of  Pokaiioket. 

JStyftiret/  f/rm  the  tri^inul  as  /'iiNis/iftt  in  ^.•••tat. 


»»■ 


— ^-^ ,.     I 


*■ 


*#^ 


Cmkr.  U.) 


UFE  OF  KING  PIIIUP. 


13 


'(dtaiioket. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Lifk  fl/KINO  PHILIP— Ab  nal  name— Tht  name  of  hit  wifk—MwtuJh. 
quaU  $aha  ^fkU  landa — Recount  of  Aem^HxM  Jird  trtaiif  at  Plimowtii 
—ExpeMion  to  /fimtuekd-BvmU  of  1671— /^>u  the  WAR  ^lti75 
— Pint  aeU  ofhotUlihf — Swamp  f\ffht  at  Pocauti — JVVurvMiy  IlMpM 
ovtofkit  own  country — /t  purnud  bu  Ontko— Fight  at  Rtkobotk  Fimn 
— CuU  ^«  compoiw  i^Englith  under  CapL  Bttrt—lncidenta — Pigkt  at 
Sugar-loirf  HiU,  and  Aatrudion  ^f  Capt.  Lttkrop'a  eompanji—Piffhtt  ikt 
Bnjgliah,  vmder  Mottbf — Engliak  raUe  1500  men — Pkiltpntirta  to  JVar- 
raganaet — Sbroneii/JortUlethimtelfin  a  ^cat  neamp — Ducription  of  hit 
foHreaa — Engliut  march  to  attack  kUn—The  fprtat  Fight  at  J\arragantd 
— JIgainftiet  hit  countrif — VitUt  the  Mohawki — lU'devited  ttratagem — 
Eventt  (ff  lihfG — Retumt  again  to  his  country — Reduced  to  a  wretched 
condition— b  hunted  by  Churehr—Uia  chief  counaellor,  Jikhompoiny  kitted^ 
and  hit  titter  cantured^Hit  w\/k  tH%d  ton  fall  into  the  handt  of  Churdt— 
FKet  to  Pokanoket — It  mtrpmul  mtd  tUdn. — iS^ctmeii  qf  the  frampantag 
Ltnguage-^Other  euriout  mtdUr. 


I 

U« 


Iif  regard  to  the  native  or  Indian  name  of  Philip,  it  wema  a  miatake 
has  always  prevailed,  in  printed  accounts.  Pometacom  gives  as  near  its 
Indian  sound  as  can  be  approached  by  our  letters.  The  first  syllable  was 
dropped  in  familiar  discuiirse,  and  hence,  in  a  ^ort  time,  no  one  imagined 
but  what  khad  always  been  so;  in  nearly  every  original  deed  executed 
'y  him,  wnich  we  have  seen,  and  they  are  many,  bis  name  so  appears. 

is  true  that,  in  those  of  dlnertut  years,  it  is  spelt  with  some  little  varia- 
Jon,  all  which,  however,  criiveyed  verv  nearly  the  Same  sound.  The 
variations  are  Pwmataeom^  Pamataeom,  Fometaeome,  and  Pometacom;  the 
last  of  which  prevails  it*  the  records. 

We  have  another  im{iOrtaut  discovery  to  communicate:*  it  is  no  other 
tb^  the  name  of  the  wife  of  Pometarom — the  innocent  Wootoncka- 
hoSks!  This  was  the  name  of  her  who,  v/ith  her  little  son,  fell  into  the 
.hfWilt  of  Cant.  Ckurdt.  No  wonder  that  PhUip  was  **  now  ready  to  die," 
ilB  aoiQe  of  bis  tntitotrous  men  told  Church,  and  that  <*hi8  heart  nas  now 
ready  to  tinko !"  All  thAt  was  dear  to  him  was  now  swallowed  up  in  tBe 
vortex !  Biit  they  still  liiwd,  and  this  most  harrowed  his  soul — uved  for 
what  ?  to  serve  as  slaves  in  ati  unknown  land !  could  it  be  otherwise  than 
that  madnes»  should  seiste  upon  him,  and  despair  torment  him  in  evenly 
|4aee  ?  that  in  bis  sleep  he  should  hear  the  anguishing  cries  and  law- 
ent|iti,on8  of  tfoolonekaauilu  and  hit  son  ?  But  vre  must  change  the 
scene. 

It  seems  as  though,  for  many  veara  before  jibe  war  of  1675,  Pometacom, 
and  nearly  all  of  his  people  sold  off  their  lands  as  ftst  as  purchasers  pre- 
sented themselves.  They  saw  the  prosperity  of  the  Ehiglish,  and  they 
were  just  such  pbiloeopbers  as  are  easily  captivated  hy  anv  show  of  os- 
tentation. They  were  ionukin*  their  manner  of  life^  to  wnich  the  prox- 
imity of  the  whites' was  a  dead^  poison,  and  were  eager  to  obtain  such 
thin||(s  as  their  neighbors  possessed;  tfe^se  were  only  to  be  obtained  by 
parting  with  their  lands.    That  the  reader  may  form  some  idea  of  the 

*  The  author  feeU  a  peculiar  satiifactioa  (bat  ii  ha*  fallea  to  hi*  lot  to  be  the  Int  to 
]tiiUi(h  the  real  name  o(  the  great  laeheiii  of  liw  WasipaiKMigi,  aad  alto  thai  of  the 
ihaier  of  hi*  perib,  WootontKumuke. 


"^p'*  "  ■  --  - 


4 


t4 


LIKE  OF  KINU  PHILfP. 


[Book  HI. 


iwidity  with  which  the  Indians'  lands  in  Plimouth  colony  were  disposed 
at,  we  add  the  fultowing  items: — 

In  a  deed  dated  23  June,  1664,  "  WOKam  BrtnUm,  of  Newport,  R.  I. 
merchant,"  "  for  a  valuable  consideration"  paid  b^  him,  buys  Matapoiaett 
of  Phittp.  This  deed  bcginn,  "  t,  Cumalacom  abas  Philip,  chief  sachem 
of  Mount  Hope,  Co\/.siimpsit  mid  of  all  territories  thereunto  belonging." 
PhUip  and  his  wife  bo;h  signed  this  deed,  and  Toekamoekj  Wtcopavhim^ 
MaoHquasor^-,  Pompaqiuue,  .^pemiaiak,  Taquanknclu,  Paqumuuk,  Wata- 
pat  yhm,  Aqx^taquiah,  John  SoMonwn  tne  interpreter,  JZ(r<«afu<  iSaMamon, 
and  two  Euglisnnien,  si.^ned  as  witnesses. 

Id  16G.'>,  he  eahi  the  ooon^ry  about  Acushena,  J|now  New  Bedford,]  and 
Coaxet,  [now  in  Comptin,]  /'hilip's  father  havmg  previously  sold  some 
of  the  same,  J^IC  was  umv  given  him  to  prevent  any  claim  from  him, 
and  to  pay  for  his  marking  out  the  same. 

John  frc'taansman  [one  of  the  names  of  Sasaamon]  witnessed  this 
deed. 

Id  1667,  Philip  :«lls  to  Conatant  SmithworOi,  and  others,  all  the  meadow 
Ixuids  from  Dntiuiouth  to  Matapoiaett,  far  which  he  had  £15.  Particular 
bounds  to  all  tracts  are  mentioned  in  the  deeds,  but  as  they  were  gener- 
ally or  oilen  stakes,  trees,  and  heaps  of  stones,  no  one  at  this  time  can 
trace  many  of  them. 

The  same  year,  for  «£10  sterling,"  he  sells  to  Hua.  WHltt  and  others, 
<*  all  that  tract  of  land  lying  between  the  Riuer  Wanascottaquett  and  Ca- 
watoquissett,  being  two  miles  long  and  one  broad."  Pawaaquena,  one  of 
Philip'a  counsellors,  and  7V*m  alias  Sawauett,  an  interpreter,  were  wit- 
nesses to  the  sale. 

In  1668,  **  Philip  Potnttaeoni,  and  Tatammnaqtu\  alias  Caahetoaahedf 
sachems,"  for  a  "  valuable  consideration,"  sell  to  sundry  English  a  tract 
of  some  i?quaft3  miles.  A  part  of  it  was  adjacent  to  Pokanoket.  In  de- 
scribing it,  Menienuckquag'3  and  TowanseR  neck  are  mentioned,  which 
we  conclude  to  be  in  Swansey.  Besides  two  Englishmen,  SompoimUen, 
alias  Tom,  an.'  jVunonuiUnew,  son  of  Thonuu  Pianta,  were  witnesses  to 
this  sale.  ^^ 

1  lie  next  year,  the  same  sachems  Eell  500  acres  in  Swansey  for  AG. 
Wamuo,  a  counsellor,  and  Tom,  the  interpreter,  were  witnesses. 

In  1668,  Philip  and  Uncompcuoen  laid  claim  to  a  part  of  New-meadows 
neck,  alleging  that  it  was  not  intended  to  be  conveyed  in  a  fonner  deed, 
by  Oaaameqmn  and  fVamauUct,  to  certain  EnglBih,  "  although  it  appears, 
says  the  record,  prettv  clearly  so  expressed  in  said  deed,"  "  yet  that  peace 
and  friendship  ma^  be  continued,"  "Capt  fftUet,  Mr.  Brown  and  John 
Man,  in  the  behalf  of  themselves  and  the  rest,"  agree  to  give  Philip  and 
IMeompauxn  the  sum  of  £11  in  goods. 

Philip  NANcsKOOKxt  hia  ^  mark, 
ViTcoHPAWEn  hia  X  mark. 

Tom  Sansdwest,  interprtier, 

Atui  filMROD. 

The  same  year,  we  find  the  following  record,  which  is  doubly  interest- 
ing, from  the  plan  with  which  we  are  able  to  accompany  it,  drawn  by 
PhU^  himself,  who,  no  doubt,  over  urged  to  sell  certam  lands,  contracts 
or  agrees,  by  the  following  writing  under  bis  hand,  that  *'  this  may  inform 

•  Perhaps  Uncompoin. 

t  Written  in  another  deed,  Atuniamomatt,  This  deed  was  in  the  next  year.  It  was 
of  500  acres  of  land,  "more  or  lesse,"  in  Swansey;  and  £30  the  consideration.  Hugh 
CoU.Josiiu  Wintlmo,  John  CoggeshaU  and  Cotutanl  SoiUkicorth  were  the  purchasen, 
and  IVcmueo,  a  counsellor,  one  of  the  x^ituesses. 

LThis  double  name,  we  suppose,  was  meant  to  stand  for  the  signature  of  himself  and 
. 


the  hoiij 
land  wi^ 
it  still; 
the  sainl 
wee  are! 

tbel 
Wanasl 


Sepa- 
conetl. 


fBooi  ID. 

f  were  disposed 

Newport,  R.  I. 
uys  Motapoisett 
>t  chief  sachem 
nto  beloogiag." 
:,  Wteopavhim,* 
auonack,  moa- 
""fffi  Stutamon, 

Bedford,]  and 
usly  sold  some 
um  from  hioi, 

witnessed  this 

II  the  meadow 
5.  Particular 
Y  were  gener- 
thls  time  can 

t  and  others, 
|uett  and  Ca- 
ttqueru,  one  of 
er,  were  wit- 

Caahewaahedf 
iglish  a  tract 
>Ket.  In  de- 
ioned,  which 
Sompointeetij 
witnesses  to 

sey  for  AiO. 

68. 

»w-meadows 

i>nner  deed, 

it  appears, 

that  peace 

and  John 

)  Philip  and 


>Iy  interest- 
,  cilrawn  by 
B,  contracts 
nay  inform 


•ear.  It  wa< 
tion.  Hiigh 
I  purcbaaen, 

hinueir  aod 


Cbap.  II.] 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


15 


n 


the  honoured  court  [of  Plimouth,' 


that  I  Philip  ame  willhig  to  aeD  th« 


land  within  this  draught;  but  the  Indians  that  are  vpon  it  may  liue  vpoa 
it  still ;  but  the  land  that  it  [waste]*  may  be  sould,  ami  fVattaehvoo  'u  of 
the  same  minde.  I  have  sed  downe  all  the  princiimll  names  or  the  land 
wee  are  willingshould  bee  sould." 

*'  From  Pacanaukett  Phillip  P  hit  marke.^ 

the24ofthel2mo.  1668." 


WannscohocheU. 


WewenseL 


Tkialineiiapafh. 


Panbanet. 


Patantatonet. 


Afcoochamet. 


Maehapquake. 


Ascopompamocke 


AponeceU. 


T^iais  apath. 


Anequeas8ett. 

Cottoyowsekeesett. 

"  Oaameguen"  having,  "  for  valuable  considerations,"  in  the  year  1641, 
sold  to  John  Brovon  and  Edtoa-d  fVinslow  a  tract  of  land  eight  miles 
squ|re,  situated  on  both  sides  of  Palmer's  River,  Philip,  in  1668,  wv 
required  to  sign  a  quit-claim  of  ibe  same.  This  he  did  in  presence  of 
Umptakiaoke,  Phillip,  and  Peebe,^  counsellors,  Sonconewhew,  PhUlip's 
brother,  and  Tom  the  interpreter. 

Also  in  1669,  for  £10  "  and  another  valuable  and  sufficient  gratuity," 
he  sells  to  John  Cook  of  Akusenag  in  Dartmouth,!  "  one  whole  island  ners 
the  towne,"  called  Nokatay. 

The  same  year,  Philip  and  Thupaquin  sell  a  considerable  tract  of  land 
in  Middleborough,  for  £13.  Thomas  the  interpreter,  WUliam,  the  son  of 
Tuspaqiiin,  and  Benjamin  Church,  were  witnesses. 

In  1671,  Philip  and  ^'Monjokam  of  Mattapoisett,"  for  £5,  sell  to  Hti^h 
Cole,  of  Swansey,  shipwright,  land  lying  near  a  place  called  Acaahcwati, 
in  Dartmouth. 

In  1672,  PhUin  sold  to  William  Brenton  and  others,  of  Taunton,  a  tract 
to  the  Boutliwani  of  that  town,  coutaiiiing  12  square  miles,  for  £143;  and, 
a  few  days  after,  adjoining  it,  four  square  miles  more,  to  Constant  Southworth. 
Othei-s  were  concerned  in  the  sale  of  tlie  larger  tract,  as  is  judged  by  the 
deeds  being  signed  by  JSTunkampahoonett,  Umnathum,  alias  JVimrorf,  Chee- 
maughton,  and  Capt.  Annawam,  besides  one  Philip.  Thomas,  alias  Sank- 
mU,  was  among  the  witnesses.    The  sale  of  the  last  tract  was  witnessed 

*  So  in  tlie  recoids. 

t  Called,  in  Mr.  Hubbard's  history,  TTube  ;  he  was  afterwards  killed  at  Swansey,  in 
the  beginning  of  the  war. 
X  Tnie  place  where  Cook  lived  is  now  included  in  New  Bedford. 


l¥ 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


[Book  til. 


by  Mundshmn,  alias  Nimrod,  Hoackompmohan,*  aud  CapU  Annowan,  \^- 
namm.] 

These  -iro  !>m  a  [)art  of  the  sale.i  of  land  by  Pometacom.  Many  other 
chiefs  Fold  very  lurgely,  particularly  Walnapaquin  aud  Joaiaa  Wampalwk. 

Wr.  meet  svi'tli  a  siiigulur  record  of  Phuip  previous  to  this  time,  the 
author8hi|>  of  vvliicli  we  attribute  to  John  Sasaamon,  and  which,  besides 
extending  uur  kiiowicdgu  of  Philip^  into  his  earlier  times,  serves  to  make 
us  acquainted  witii  Sassamon'a  acquirements  in  the  language  of  the 
pilgrims. 

"  Know  ull  men  by  ti)6so  presents,  that  Philip  haue  ^uen  power  vuto 
fFatuchpoo^  and  Sampsonl  and  thi^re  brethi-cn  to  hold  and  make  sale  of 
to  whom  they  will  by  my  consent,  nnd  they  shall  not  haue  itt  without 
they  be  willing  to  lett  it  goc  it  slial  be  sol  by  my  consent,  but  without  my 
knowledge  they  catniot  .safely  to :  but  with  my  consent  there  is  none  that 
can  lay  cliiiin6  to  that  laud  which  they  haue  marked  out,  it  is  theires  for- 
ener,  soc  therefore  none  can  safely  purchase  any  otherwise  but  by  fVa- 
tachpoo  and  Sampson  and  their  brctheren.  Philip  1666." 

At  the  court  of  Plimouth,  1673,  "Mr.  Ptler  Talmon  of  Rhode  Hand 
I  imploined  against  Philip  allies  Wcwaaowanvuitt,  sachem  of  Mount  Hope, 
brother  or  predecessor  of  Pacanawkett  us  heire  adminnostrutor  or  suc- 
cessor vnto  his  brotlier  or  predecessor  fVamsitta,  Sopaquitt,^  or  Alexander 
<leceased,  in  an  action  on  the  case,  to  the  damage  of  £800  forfeiture  of  i 
liond  of  such  a  value,  bearing  date,  June  the  28th,  1661,  giuen  to  the  said 
Peter  Talman,  obliging  him  the  said  Wamsitla  allies  Allexander  to  make 
good  to  hitu,  his  heires  and  a  deed  of  gif^  of  a  considerable  track  of  land 
att  Sapowett  and  |)laces  adjacent,  as  in  the  said  deed  is  more  particularly 
expressed;  for  want  wherof  the  complainant  is  greatly  damnifyed." 

Whether  the  conduct  of  the  people  of  Plimouth  towards  Wamautia, 
Pometacbm^a  elder  brother,  and  other  neighboring  Indians,  made  them 
always  suspicious  of  the  chief  sachem,  as  it  had  their  neighbors  before  in 
the  case  of  Miantunnomoh,  or  whether  Philip  were  in  reality  "  contriving 
mischief,"  the  same  year  of  his  coming  in  chief  sachem,  remains  a  ques- 
tioR,  to  this  day,  with  those  best  acquainted  with  the  history  of  those 
times.  * 

The  old  benevolent  sachem  MaaaaaoU,  alias  Wooaamequin,  having  died 
in  the  winter  of  1661-2,  as  we  believe,  and  but  fevv  months  afler  died 
also  Mexander^  PhUip'a  elder  brother  and  predecessor,  Philip  himself,  by 
the  order  of  succession,  came  to  be  chief  of  the  Warapanoags. 

Philip  having  by  letter  complained  to  the  court  of  Plimouth  of  some 
injuries,  at  their  October  term,  1668,  they  say,  "In  answer  unto  a  letter 
from  Philip,  the  sachem  of  Pocanoketi,  &c.,  by  way  of  petition  requesting 
the  court  for  justice  against  Drancia  fVaat,  [fFeat,]  for  wrong  done  by  him 
to  one  of  his  men  about  a  gun  taken  from  him  by  the  said  Jfaat ;  as  also 
for  wrong  done  unto  some  swine  of  the  said  Indian's.  The  court  have 
ordered  the  case  to  be  heard  and  determined  by  the  selectmen  of  Taun- 
ton ;  nnd  in  case  it  be  not  by  them  ended,  that  it  be  referred  unto  the 
next  March  court  at  Plimouth  to  be  ended."  How  the  case  turned  we 
have  not  found.  But  for  an  Indian  to  gain  his  point  at  an  English  court, 
unless  his  case  were  an  exceeding  strong  one,  was;  we  apprehend,  a  rare 
occurrence. 

*  Probably  "  Philip's  old  uiicie  Akkontpoin." 

t  Sometimes  Tukpoo,  by  abbreviation.  Spo  a  furtlicr  arcounl  of  him  in  the  lifo  of 
Tatoson. 

X  Many  Indians  boro  the  same  English  name.  In  1671,  there  was  a  Sampson  of 
Nobscussctt,  and  another  of  Nauset. 


par 
that, 


5  That  Is,  nicknamed  Alexander,  accordin^r  to  the  French  mode  of  expression  ;  oji 
r  sobriquH  Alexander,  as  1  imaj^ine.  Mr.  Iluhbard  says  of  Philip,  (Nairativc,  10,) 
Bit,  "  for  bis  ambitious  and  haughty  spirit,  [he  was]  nicknamed  King  Philip." 


■* 


[Book  tit. 
hmwan,  f^. 

Many  other 
w  ff^atnpcUttek. 
tliis  time,  the 
«^hich,  besides 
erves  to  make 
juage  of  the 

power  viito 
nake  sale  of 
'tt  without 
without  my 
«  none  that 
theires  for- 
but  by  ffa- 
i-ip  1666." 
Ihode  Hand 
*ount  Hope, 
tttor  or  suc- 
or  Mexander 
■feiture  of  i 
n  to  the  said 
fw  to  make 
■ack  of  Jand 
Fmrticularlv 
fyed."        ' 

s  ff^amauUa, 
made  them 
rs  before  in 
"contriving 
aihs  a  ques- 
jy  of  those 

« 

laving  died 
'  after  died 
himself  by 

h  of  some 
to  a  letter 
requesting 
ne  by  him 
';  OS  aJso 
;ouit  have 
of  Taun- 
unto  the 
u-Hcd  we 
ish  court, 
id,  a  rare 


ihc  lifo  of 

otnpson  of 

^'^sioll  J  OM 
'ive,  10,1 


Cbap.  II.] 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


17 


**  He  was  no  sooner  styled  sachem,''  says  Dr.  /.  Matker,*  "  but  imme- 
diately, in  the  year  1662,  there  were  vehement  sut  picions  of  his  bloody 
treachery  against  the  English."  This  autlior  wrote  at  the  close  of  PhUip*t 
war,  when  very  few  could  speak  of  Indians,  without  discovering  great 
bitterness.  Mr.  Morton^  is  the  first  who  mentions  Mdacomet  in  a  printed 
woric,  which,  being  before  any  difficulty  with  him,  is  in  a  more  becoming 
manner.  "  This  year,"  (1662,)  he  observes,  "  upon  occasion  ot'  some  sus- 
picion of  some  plot  intended  by  the  Indians  against  the  English,  Philip, 
the  sachem  of  Pokanoket,  otherwise  called  Melacom,  made  hit*  appearance 
at  the  court  held  at  Plimouth,  August  6,  did  earnestly  desire  the  continu- 
ance of  that  amity  and  friendship  that  hath  formerly  been  between  the 
governor  of  Plimouth  and  his  deceased  father  and  brother." 

The  court  expressing  their  willingness  to  remain  his  friends,  he  signed 
the  articles  prepared  by  tliem,  acknowledging  himself  a  subject  of  the 
king  of  England,  thus : — 

"  The  mark  of  ^  Phillip,  sachem 
oTPocanakett, 
The  mark  of  <]  Vwcumpowett, 
vnkeU  to  the  aboue  said  saehemJ* 

The  following  persona  were  present,  and  witnessed  this  act  of  PhiU^, 
and  his  great  captain  Uncompoin : — 

"John  Sassamon, 
Hie  mark  n^  q/" Francis,  sachem  o/JSTauaet, 
Tlu  mark  DI  of  Nihroo  alias  Pumfasa, 
me  mark  '\S  ^Pcnckqcaneck, 
The  mark  ^  o/*A(JDETe<ioesh."J 

Of  the  uneasiness  and  concern  of  the  English  at  this  period,  at  the 
hostile  movements  of  Philip,  Mr.  Hubbard,  we  presume,  was  not  inform- 
ed;  or  so  imf  .tant  an  event  would  not  have  been  omitted  in  his  minute 
and  valuablF  istory.  Mr.  Morton,  as  we  before  stated,  and  Mr.  Mather 
mention  it,  ut  neither  of  these,  or  any  writer  since,  to  this  day,  has 
made  the  matter  appear  in  its  true  light,  from  their  neglect  to  produce 
the  names  of  those  that  appeared  with  the  sachem. 

For  about  nine  years  succeeding  1662,  very  little  is  recorded  concern- 
ing Philip.  During  this  time,  he  became  more  intimately  acquainted  with 
his  English  neighbora,  learned  their  weakness  and  his  own  strength,  which 
rather  increased  than  diminished,  until  his  fatal  war  of  1675.  For,  during 
this  period,  not  only  Uieir  additional  numl)ers  gained  them  power,  but 
their  arms  were  greatly  strengthened  by  the  English  instruments  of  war 
put  into  their  hands.  Roger  JVUliams  had  early  brought  the  Narragansets 
into  friendship  with  Massasoii,  which  alliance  gained  additional  strength 
on  the  accession  of  the  young  Metofomet.  And  hero  we  may  look  for  a 
main  cause  of  that  war,  although  the  death  of  Alexander  is  generally 
looked  upon  by  the  early  historians,  as  almost  the  only  one.  The  con- 
tinual broils  between  the  English  and  Narragansets,  (we  name  the  Eng- 
lish first,  as  they  were  generally  the  aggressoi-s,)  could  not  be  unknown 
to  Philip ;  and  if  his  countrymen  were  abused,  he  knew  it.  And  what 
friend  will  see  another  abused,  without  feeling  a  glow  of  resentment  in 
his  breast?  And  who  will  wonder,  if,  when  these  abuses  had  followsd 
each  other,  repetition  upon  repetition,  for  a  scries  of  years,  that  they 
should  at  last  break  out  into  open  war  ?    The  Narraganset  chiefs  were 


•  Relation,  TC. 

i  From  ihe  Rocorda  in  mamucript. 

a* 


t  In  his  N.  England's  Memorial. 


\h 


L,FE  OF  Kma  PHILIP. 


(Book  Hi. 


hil 


jtr;, . "  ->ttpi<>uout«  at  the  ^icriod  of  which  we  speak ;  there  were  several  of 
.  „a'.,  but  no  one  up|ic:irH  to  Jinvc  hml  a  general  cuinrtmnd  or  ascendency 
«i.er  the  nU]  and  there  nan  l>e  httle  dnuht  but  that  they  unanimously 
iVipOKcd  tlieir  cause  iu  tiiH  liantis  of  Philip.  Nimgrtt  waa  at  this  timv 
2«>wn  old,  and  though,  for  iimiiy  yours  after  the  murder  of  Miardun- 
nomoh,  he  seems  to  have  iiad  ttic  cliief  autiiority,  yet  puftitlaniniity  was 
alvrays  rather  a  predominant  trait  in  his  character.  His  age  had  probably 
caused  his  witiidrawal  from  thu  otbci's,  on  their  resolution  to  second 
Philip.  Canonchet  was  at  tliis  period  the  nnost  conspicuous;  Puinkam 
next ;  Potok,  Magnus,  the  squaw-siichem,  whose  husband,  Mrikaah,  had 
been  dead  Mjveral  years ;  and  lastly  MaUatoae. 

Before  proceeding  with  later  events,  the  following  short  narrative,  illus- 
trative of  a  |x;culiar  custom,  it  will  lie  proper  to  notice. 

There  is  a  tradition  current  ut  Nantucket,  that,  in  the  year  1665,  an 
Indian  named  John  Gibbs  of  ihm  island  had  spoken  something  conceniing 
a  dead  relative  of  Philip ;  and,  as  it  was  an  observance  or  law  among 
them,  that  whoever  should  speak  evil  of  the  dead  should  be  put  to  death, 
Philip  went  there  to  execute  this  law  upon  Gibha.  He  was,  however,  de- 
featM  iit  his  design,  for  one  of  Gibbs's  friends,  understanding  PuUip^s 
intention,  ran  to  hin)  and  givo  him  notice  of  it,  just  in  time  for  him  to  es- 
cape ;  not,  however,  without  great  exertions,  for  Philip  came  once  in 
sight  of  him,  uf\er  pursuing  him  some  time  among  the  Enghsh  from 
house  to  bou»"  ;,  but  Gibbs,  by  leaping  a  bank,  got  out  of  sight,  and  so 
escaped.  Philip  tvould  not  leave  the  island  until  the  English  had  ran- 
somed John  at  the  exorbitant  price  of  nearly  all  the  money  upon  the 
island.*  Gibbs  was  a  Christian  Indian,  and  his  Indian  name  was  ^aa- 
samoogh.  He  was  a  preacher  to  his  countrymen  in  1674,  at  which  lime 
there  were  l)elonging  to  his  church  30  members. 

What  grounds  the  English  had  in  the  spring  of  the  year  1671,  for  sus- 

S>ecting  that  a  plot  was  going  ibrward  for  their  destruction,  cannot  satis- 
actorily  be  ascertained  ;  but  it  is  evident  there  were  some  warlike  prep- 
arations made  by  the  great  chief,  which  very  much  alarmed  the  Eng- 
liri),  as  in  the  life  of  Awashonks  we  shall  have  occasion  again  to  notice. 
Their  suspicions  were  further  confirmed  when  they  sent  to  him  to  rome 
to  Taunton  and  make  known  the  causes  for  his  operations ;  as  he  &»- 
covered  ■'  lihyness,"  and  a  reluctance  to  comply.  At  teugth,  on  the  lOtli 
of  April,  this  year,  he  came  to  a  place  about  four  miles  irom  Taunton, 
accompanied  with  a  band  of  his  wamors,  attired,  armr  ^minted  as 

for  a  warlike  expedition.  From  this  place  h«  sent  messe-  -  i  Taunton, 
to  invite  the  English  to  come  and  treat  with  bim.  The  ,  vi.  nor  either 
vras  afraid  to  meet  the  chief,  or  thought  it  beneath  his  dignity  to  comply 
with  his  reguest,  and  therefore  sent  several  persons,  among  whom  was 
Rafter  WiUiama,  to  inform  him  of  their  deterntination,  and  tneir  good  dis- 
position towards  him,  and  to  urge  his  attendance  at  Taunton.  He  agreed 
to  go,  and  hostages  were  left  in  the  hands  of  his  \»  rriors  to  waiTant  his 
safe  return.  On  coming  near  the  village  with  a  low  of  his  wairiors,  he? 
made  a  stop,  which  appears  to  have  been  occasioned  by  the  warlike 
parade  of  the  English,  many  of  whom  were  for  immediately  attacking 
fctm.  These  were  the  Plimouth  peoj)le  that  recommended  this  rashness, 
but  they  were  prevented  by  the  commissioners  from  Massachusetts,  who 
met  here  with  the  governor  of  Plimouth  to  confer  with  Philip. 

•  A  (Viend  of  the  author,  now  living  at  Naiitncket,  oblig-ingly  offered  to  furnish  him 
wHh  .-.Atever  could  be  found  relating  to  the  Indians  of  tnat  place  ;  it  is  presumed  he 
«e-  ;  -*i»'over  notbing',  as  he  has  not  since  been  htte'.rd  from.  For  some  of  what  we 
have  ^' vr.'!!  above,  see  I  C'd.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  159,  turnisbed  for  that  work  by  Mr. 
Zardutui  Maey,  whose  bi  co.  tor,  it  is  said,  assisted  in  secreting  Aitasanio^gh. 


::■**■ 


**«»*^=": 


\^if\ 


"^n^^^^^W^^f^^ 


(Book  III. 

ore  several  of 
r  ascendency 
unaniinously 
at  this  tinjif 
of  Miaraun- 
lanliuiry  was 
had  probcbly 
>n  to  second 
"BiPuinkam 
•/anksah,  harl 

rrativc,  iIJ„B. 

car  1665,  an 
Sr  «onceniJng 

'aw  aiijontr 
put  to  death, 
lowever,  do- 
ing PnUip'f 
*r  him  to  es- 
me  once  in 
nglish  from 
ight,  and  so 
»h  had  ran- 
'y  upon  the 

was  ^aa- 
wJnch  time 

*^i,  for  sijs- 
innot  SHtis- 
ariiite  prep- 
i  the  Eng- 
to  notice, 
'n  to  rome 
as  he  dm- 
n  the  ion, 
i  Taunton, 
/•aintcd  an 
'  Taunton, 
lor  either 
■o  comply 
horn  was 
Rood  rtis- 
If!  agrpcd 
iiTant  his 
'Tiors,  ho 
'  warllR,. 
attacking 
lashness, 
5«s,  who 


I'nilsh  him 
'sumed  he 
f  what  we 
■k  by  aif . 


ua/>.  li.j 


UR  OF  KINO  PHILIP. 


^ 


Id  tlio  end  it  wm  WNkI  thai «  ooundl  dbould  be  held  in  the  ^neetiiM- 
houae,  one  nde  of  wluch  should  Nr  occupied  by  the  lodiaoB^  and  m 
other  by  the  Enslish.  PMKp  had  iiUeged  that  the  English  injured  the 
planted  lands  of  nis  people,  but  this,  the  English  say,  was  in  no  wise  sus- 
tained. He  said  his  warlike  pi'eparations  were  not  against  the  English, 
but  the  Nr  rragansets,  which  the  EngKah  also  say  was  proved  to  hia  faoe 
to  be  fiilse ;  and  that  this  so  confouiraed  him,  that  he  confessed  the  whole 
plot,  and  "that  it  was  the  naughtineaa  of  his  own  heart  that  put  him  upon 
that  ruoellion,  and  nothin|f  of  any  provocation  from  the  Englian.'^ 
Therefore,  with  four  of  hw  counsellors,  whose  names  were  TtivoMr, 
Capt.  Ifurpoie,  fFoonkapon^unt,  [Vnkompoin,]  and  Mmrod,  he  signed  a 
flubmi9Bion,'and  an  engagiBment  or  ftienaship,  which  also  stipulated  that 
he  should  give  up  all  the  arms  among  his  people,  into  the  hands  of  the 
governor  of  Plimouth,  to  be  kept  as  bug  as  the  government  should  '*see 
reason.'H 

The  English  of  Massachusetts,  having  acted  as  umpires  in  this  affidr, 
were  looked  to,  by  both  parties,  on  the  next  cause  of  complaint.  Philip 
having  delivered  the  arms  which  himself  and  men  had  with  tbem  at 
Taunton,}  promised  to  deliver  the  rest  at  Plimouth  by  a  certain  tinne. 
But  they  not  being  delivered  according  to  agreement,  and  some  other  dif- 
ferences occurring,  a  messenger  was  sent  to  Boston  IVom  Plimouth,  to 
make  complaint ;  hut  PhUip,  perhaiw,  understanding  what  was  intended, 
was  quite  as  early  at  Boston  in  person  ;y  and,  by  his  address,  did  not  fkil  to 
}te  well  Yeceived,  and  a  favorable  refiort  of  him  was  returned  to  Plimouth ; 
xnd,  at  the  same  time,  proposals  that  commissioners  from  all  the  United 
Colonies  should  meet  Philip  at  Plimouth,  where  all  difficulties  where 
expected  to  be  settled.  This  meeting  to6k  place  the  same  year,  Septem- 
ber, 1671,  where  the  issue  of  the  meeting  was  very  nearly  the  same  as 
that  at  Taunton.  «•  The  conclusion  was,"  says  Mr.  JlfatAer,§  ** Philip  ac- 
knowledged his  offence,  and  was  ap|H>inted  to  give  a  sum  of  money  to 
defray  the  charges  which  his  insolent  clamors  had  put  the  colony  unto." 

As  usual,  several  articles  were  drawn  up  by  the  English,  of  what 
Phiiip  was  to  submit  to,  to  which  we  find  the  names  of  three  only  of  his 
captains  or  counsellors,  C/iieom/>aen,  who  was  his  uncle,f  Wotokom  and 
Samkama. 

Great  stress  in  those  days  was  laid  on  the  Indians  submitting  them- 
selves as  "subject  to  his  majesty  iihe  king  of  England."  This  they  did 
only  to  get  rid  of  the  importunity  of  tlie  English,  as  their  course  imme- 
diately afterwards  invariably  showed. 

Tiie  articles  which  the  government  of  Plimouth  drew  up  at  tbis  time, 
for  Philip  to  sign,  were  not  so  iliiiieral  as  might  be  imagmed,  were  we 
not  to  produce  some  of  them.    Article  second  reads, — 

"  I  [Philip]  am  willing,  and  do  projnise  to  pay  unto  the  government  of 
Plimouth  £100,  in  such  thin^  as  I  have ;  but  I  would  entreat  the  fuvor 
that  I  might  have  three  years  to  pay  it  in,  forasmuch  as  I  caimot  do  it  at 
present."  And  in  articio  third,  he  promises  "  to  send  unto  the  governor, 
or  whom  he  shall  appoint,  five  wolves' heads,  t/'Ae  can  g«<  lAem;  or  m 


*  Hubbard,  Indian  Wars,  11,  Isl  edition. 

t  The  articles  of  this  treaty  may  bo  scun  in  Hubbard,  Mather  and  H%Uchi7Uon's  liis- 
tories. 

1  Mather's  Relation,  73.  $  Ibid. 

n  PerhHus  this  was  the  time  Mr.  Josselyn  saw  Philip  nt  Boston,  richly  caparisonod.  a» 
will  hereafter  be  mentioner^ 

1  Called  by  Church,  Akkompom. 


»^ 


■f 


LIFE  OP  KINO  PHILIP. 


IB0OSM 


cttkT.  nil 


uuuiy  M  be  ean  procure^  until  they  come  to  five  wolres'  beada  yc«rtj.* 
Tlitse  vtielM  were  dated*  39  hapt.  167J.  and  were  signed  by 

The  mark  P  qf  Paiuur  ; 

The  mark  T  qf  Wohkowpahknitt  ^ 

T%t  mark 

Thenuvk 

TTumark 


qf  WOTTAKOUSBBIM  ; 
qf  SoRKANDHOO ; 
qf  WOONASUCM, 

aUu  NiMKon; 
The  mark  Y  of  Woospasock, 
aliaM  Captain. 


V 

T 
ft 


On  the  3  Nor.  following,  PkHip  accompanied  Takanumma  to  PU- 
meutb,  to  make  his  submission,  wbicli  he  did,  and  acknowledged,  by  a 
wriking,  that  he  would  adhere  to  the  articles  signed  by  Philip  and  the 
otbera,  the  29  Sept.  before.  Tokamona  was  brother  to  Avoashonka,  and, 
•t  this  time,  was  sachem  of  Secouet,  or  Saconett  He  was  afterwards 
killed  by  the  Narra^ut;ets.| 

A  general  disarming  of  the  neighboring  Indians  was  undertaken  during 
the  spring  and  summer  of  1G71,  and  nothing  but  trouble  could  have  been 
expected  to  follov/. 

That  nothing  may  be  omitted  which  can  throw  light  upon  this  impor- 
tetdt  era  in  the  biography  of  Philip,  we  will  lay  before  the  reader  all  the 
unpublished  information  furnished  by  the  records.^  Having  met  in  June, 
1671,  "The  court  Fof  Plimouf'i]  deterniins  all  the  guns  in  our  hands, 
th'tt  did  belong  to  Philip,  are  j  :stly  forfeit;  and  do  at  the  present  order 
the  dividing  of  thorn,  to  be  kept  at  the  several  towns,  according  to  their 
equal  proportions,  until  October  court  next,  and  then  to  be  at  the  court's 
dispose,  OS  reason  iirny  appear  to  them,  and  then  to  belong  unto  the  towns, 
if  not  otherwise  dis()usea  of  by  the  court 

"  That  which  the  court  grounds  their  judgment  upon  is, — For  that  at 
the  treaty  at  Taunton,  Philip  and  his  'council  did  acknowl:-^ge  that  they 
had  been  in  a  prcparat'cu  for  war  against  us ;  and  that  not  giounded  upon 
an<;  ii^jury  sustained  from  r.s,  nor  prc>vocation  given  by  us,  but  from  their 
naughty  heaits,  and  because  he  had  formerly  violated  and  broken  solemn 
covenants  made  and  renewed  to  us ;  he  then  freely  tendered,  (not  being 
in  a  capacity  to  be  kept  faithful  by  any  other  bonds,)  to  resign  up  all  his 
English  arms,  for  our  future  security  in  thiit  respect.  He  failed  greatly  in 
the  performance  dioreof,  by  8ecret[ly]  conveying  away, and  carrying  home 
several  guns,  that  might  and  siiould  have  been  then  delivered,  and  not 
pving  them  up  since,  according  t<<  I  is  engagement ;  nor  so  far  as  is  in  his 


^wer ;  as  appears  in  that  many  guns  are 


known  still  to  he  amongst  the 


"'4lidian8  that  live  by  hiin,  and  [he]  not  so  muc;)i  as  giving  order  to  some 
of  his  men,  that  i\re  iindor  his  immediate  command,  about  the  bringing  in 
of  their  arms. 

"  In  his  endeavoring,  since  tht..  treaty  [at  Taunton,]  to  render  us  odious 
to  our  neighbor  colony  by  fu's^t  re|)orts,  complaints  and  suggestions  ;  and 
his  refusing  or  avoiding  a  treaty  Vtith  us  concerning  those  and  other  mat- 
ters that  are  justly  offen.'-'.x  o  to  iih,  notwithstanding  his  late  engugcmer^  as 
well  as  former,  to  suli.i:'  io  the  '>x'.uq\i  authority,  mid  the  authority  of  this 
colony. 

"  It  vras  also  orderr,;;  by  lui:  court  that  the  arms  of  the  Indians  of 


•Tliern  is  no  date,  but  the  year,  r.f.x  i.c  avy  |  r'nted  account.  Mr.  Hiibbard  by  mis- 
take omlttR:!  it,  and  tliosn  who  bsve  .'tioee  written,  have  not  given  themselves  the  pleasure 
of  recurring  to  (he  records. 

t  Vncompoin.  «,.  JSee  ChKixk,SD. 

^  Piimoulh  Colony  Roords.  in  matttuc-ipf.         '  ''  "* 


* 


(Boosnc 
eads  ycoify  » 


;■, 
iir. 

mo  to  Pli, 

edged,  by  a 

>*jp  and  the 

<non^,  and, 

■fterwarda 

tken  during 
liave  been 

this  impor- 
der  all  the 
'et  in  June, 
our  hands, 
esent  onler 
"g  to  their 
the  court's 
the  towns, 

'or  that  at 
'  tliat  thejr 
tided  upon 
from  their 
en  solemn 
not  being 
up  all  his 
Srently  in 
ing  home 
)  and  not 
i  is  in  his 
angst  the 
to  some 
nging  in 

s  odious 
ns;  and 
ler  mat- 
irier^_  as 
of  this 

ans  of 


hy  mig. 
pleasure 

39. 


citiT.  n.] 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


31 


Namassakctt  and  Asaowwnflctt,  that  were,  fetched  in  bj  Major  Winahm. 
and  those  that  were  with  him,  are  confiscated^  and  forfeit,  from  the  saia 
Indian!!,  for  the  grounds  above  expressed ;  they  being  in  a  compliance 
with  PhxUt}tt  in  his  late  plot:  Ana  vet  would  neither  by  our  governor^ 
order,  nor  l)y  PkiUipe''$  desire,  bring  m  their  anna,  as  was  engaged  by  the 
tiaeaty  ;  and  the  said  ^uns  are  ordered  by  the  court  to  the  major  and  his 
company  for  their  satisfaction,  in  that  expedition. 

«'  This  court  have  agreed  and  voted"  to  send  "  some"  forewto  "  Saeenett 
to  fi!tch  in"  the  arms  among  the  Indians  there. 

If  then,  therefore,  these  fndians  had  not  already  become  hostile,  oo  one 
would  marvel  hod  it  now  become  the  ca^.  Bows  and  arrows  w«re 
almost  entirely  out  of  use.  Ouns  had  so  far  t><iperseded  them,  tliat  un- 
doubtedly many  scarce  could  use  them  with  effect,  i'jprocuring  themselTes 
game :  fiot  could  it  be  expected  otherwise,  for  the  English  had,  by  nearly 
40  years'  intercourse,  rendered  their  arms  far  more  necessary  to  the  exist- 
ence of  the  Indians  than  to  thoir  own :  hence  their  unwillingness  to  part 
with  them.  Philip,  it  is  said,  directed  the  Middleborough  Indians  to  give 
up  their  guns.  His  object  in  this  was  to  pacify  the  En^ish,  judging 
that,  when  war  should  begin,  these  Indians  would  join  the  English,  or  at 
least  many  of  them ;  and,  therefore,  it  affected  his  cause  bat  little  which 

Earty  possessed  them ;  but  not  so  with  his  immediate  followers,  as  we 
ave  just  seen  in  the  record. 

A  council  of  war  having  convened  at  Plimouth,  23  AugiMt,  1671,  the 
following,  besides  the  matters  already  expressed,  they  took  into  consid- 
eration :  Philip's  "entertaining  of  many  strange  Indians,  which  might  por- 
tend danger  towards  us.  In  special  by  his  entertaining  of  divers  Baconett 
Indians,  professed  enemies  to  this  colony,  and  this  against  good  counsel 
given  him  by  his  friends.  The  premises  considered  [the  council!  do 
unanimously  agree  and  conclude,  that  the  naid  PhUlip  hath  violated  [the] 
covenant  plighted  with  this  colony  at  Taunton  in  April  last. 

"  2.  It  IS  unanimously  agreed  and  concluded  by  the  said  council,  that 
we  ore  necessarily  called  to  cause  the  said  sachem  to  make  his  personal 
appearance  to  make  his  purgation,  in  reference  to  the  premises ;  which, 
in  cose  of  his  refusal,  the  council,  according  to  what  at  present  appears, 
do  determin  it  necessary  to  endeavor  his  reducement  by  force ;  inasmuch 
as  the  controversy  which  hath  seemed  to  lie  more  immediately  betWMIk 
him  and  us,  doth  concern  all  the  English  plantations.  It  is,  therefore, 
dntermined  to  state  the  case  to  our  neighbor  colonies  of  the  Massachusetts 
and  Rhode  Island ;  and  if,  by  their  weighty  advice  to  the  contrary,  we  are 
not  diverted  from  our  pretont  determinations,  to  signify  nnto  them,  that 
if  they  look  upon  themselves  concerned  to  engage  in  the  case  with  u* 
against  a  common  enemy,  it  shall  be  well  accepted  as  a  neigblK>rly  kind- 
ness ;  which  we  shall  hold  ourselves  obligeld  to  repdy,  when  Providence 
may  so  dispose  that  we  have  opportimity. 

"Accordingly, letters  were  despatched  and  sent  IVom  the  council, one 
unto  the  said  PhitUp  the  said  sachem,  to  require  his  })ersonal  appearance 
at  Plymouth,  on  the  13th  day  of  September  next,  in  reference  to  the  par- 
ticulars alwve  mentioned  against  him.  This  letter  was  sent  by  Mr.  James 
Walker^  one  of  the  council,  and  he  was  ordered  to  request  the  company 
of  Mr.  Roger  WUliams  and  Mr.  James  Brown,  to  go  with  him  at  the- 
delivery  of  the  said  letter.  And  another  letter  was  sent  to  the  governor 
and  council  of  the  Massachusetts  by  the  hands  of  Mr.  John  Freeman,  one 
of  our  magistrates,  and  a  third  was  directed  to  the  governor  and  coundl 
of  Rhode  Island,  and  sent  by  Mr.  Thomas  HincUeytina  Mr.  ConstatU  Soilth- 
umrth,  two  other  of  our  magistrates,  who  are  ordered  by  our  council  with 
the  letter,  to  unfold  our  present  state  cf  matters  relating  to  the  premises, 
and  to  certify  them,  also,  more  certainly  of  the  time  of  the  meeting 


LIFE  OP  KING  PHILIP. 


(Book  UZ. 


C3«Ar.  U 


together,  in  rofinrncc  to  cnngement  with  tlie  Indiana,  ir  there  be  a  going 
r.trtli,  whicli  will  lie  on  the  30  of  Se|itoinlier  next. 

■>  1(  wax  fiirtlir.r  ordvriNl  by  the  council,  tiiat  tliuHJ  Ibrmerly  prcaarol  diall 
n«iiiatii  iHKJui*  ilio  Hunio  in);>i-o.s8inont,  until  ttio  uuxt  meeting  of  the  said 
council,  on  the  13  dav  of  SupL  next,  and  so  abo  until  the  intended  ex- 
pedition ia  iasued,  unless  thoy  ahall  see  cause  to  alter  them,  or  add  or 
detract  from  them,  as  occasion  may  require :  And  that  all  other  matters 
remain  as  tiiny  were,  in  way  of  preparation  to  the  said  expedition,  until  we 
shall  see  tliu  mind  of  Ood  further  by  the  particulara  foranamed,  improved 
for  that  purpose. 

"  It  was  further  ordered  by  the  council,  that  all  the  towns  within  this 
jurisdiction  shall,  in  the  interim,  be  solicitously  careful  to  provide  for  their 
safety,  by  conveiiient  watches  und  wardings,  and  ouiying  their  arms  to 
the  meetings  on  the  Lord's  days,  in  such  manner,  as  will  best  stand  with 
their  particulars,  and  the  common  safety. 

**  Anu  in  particular  they  order,  that  a  guard  ahall  be  provided  for  the 
safety  of  the  governor's  person,  during  the  time  of  the  above-named 
troubles  and  expeditions. 

"  And  the  council  were  summoned  by  the  president,  [the  governor  of 
PUmouth,]  to  make  their  personal  appearance  at  Plymouth,  on  tlie  13th 
day  of  Sept.  next,  to  attend  such  further  business  as  shall  be  then  presented 
by  providence,  in  reference  to  the  premises.  [Without  any  intermediate 
entry,  the  records  proceed :] 

"  On  the  13  Sept  1671,  the  council  of  war  appeared,  according  to 
their  summons,  but  PhiUip  the  sachem  appeared  not ;  but  instead  thereof 
repaired  to  the  Massachusetts,  and  made  complaint  against  us  to  divers  of 
the  gentlemen  in  place  there ;  who  wrote  to  our  governor,  by  way  of  per- 
suasion, to  advise  the  council  to  a  compliance  with  the  said*  sachem,  and 
tendered  their  help  in  the  achieving  thereof;  declaring,  in  sum,  that  they 
resented  not  his  offence  so  deeply  as  we  did,  and  that  they  doubted 
whether  the  covenants  and  engagements  that  PMUip  and  his  predecessors 
had  plighted  with  us,  would  plainly  import  that  he  had  subjected  himself^ 
and  people,  and  country  to  us  any  further  than  as  in  a  neighborly  and 
frieiidly  correspondency." 

TnuB,  whether  Philip  had  been  able  by  misrepresentation  to  lead  the 
court  of  Massachusetts  into  a  conviction  that  his  designs  had  not  been 
fiiirly  set  foith  by  P^m^outh,  or  whether  it  he  more  reasonable  to  conclude 
that  that  body  were  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  whole  grounds  of 
complaint,  and,  therefore,  considered  PUmouth  nearly  as  much  in  error 
as  Pkil^,  by  assumins  authority  not  belonging  to  them,  is  a  case,  we 
apprehend,  not  difficult  to  be  settled  by  the  reader.  The  record  cc:a- 
tinues : — 

**  The  council  having  deliberated  upon  the  premises,  despatched  away 
letters,  declaring  their  thankful  acceptance  of  their  kind  profier,  and 
invited  the  commissioners  of  the  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut,  they 
[the  latter]  then  being  there  in  the  Bay,  [Boston,]  and  some  other  gentle- 
men to  come  to  Plymouth  and  afford  us  their  help:  And,  accordingly,  on 
the  24  of  Sept.  1671,  Mr.  John  ffinthrtm.  Gov.  of  Connecticut,  Maj. 
Gen.  Leverett,  Mr.  Thog.  Datiforlh,  Capt  /r'm.  Davia^  with  divera  others, 
came  to  Plyitioutb,  and  had  a  Ibir  nud  dnliltcraio  hearing  of  the  contro- 
versy between  our  colony  and  the  said  sachem  PhiUip,  he  being  personally 
present ;  there  being  also  compKtPiit  intorpreters,  both  English  and  Indians. 
At  which  meeting  it  was  proved  by  sufficient  testimony  to  the  conviction 
of  the  said  Phillip,  and  satisfaction  of  all  that  audience,  both  [to]  tlie  aaid 
gentlemen  and  others,  that  he  had  broken  his  covenant  made  with  our 
colony  at  Taunton  in  April  last,  in  divers  particulars :  as  also  carried  very 
unkindly  unto  us  divers  ways. 


(Boos  m. 

>»•  going 

Mvneil  diall 
of  tiifl  aaid 
utendod  ox- 
•t  or  add  or 
^  nuitteni 
on,  until  we 
i>  >ni|in>ved 

within  this 
<*«  for  their 
iir  arms  to 
Stand  with 

ed  for  the 
ove-uamed 

ovemor  of 

">  tlie  13th 

presented 

termediate 

rarding  to 
id  thereof 

divers  of 
«y  of  per- 
•nem,  and 
that  they 

doubted 
Miecessors 
i  himself 
l*orJy  and 

>  lead  the 
not  been 
conclude 
xinds  of 
in  eiTor 
case,  w© 
►rd  cca« 

]d  away 
er,  and 
ut,  they 
gentle- 
^^y,  on 
t.  Maj. 
othera^ 
i^ontro- 
wnally 
Hliana. 
iictioB 
le  said 
th  our 
I  very 


CMAP.  ll.J 


LIFE  OF  KINO  PHILIP. 


<*  1.  Ill  that  he"  hnd  neglected  to  bring  in  his  rrms,  although  "  coiDp»> 
tent  time,  yea  his  time  etilargod"  to  do  it  in,  as  before  stated. 

"2.  That  he  had  carried  insolently  and  proudly  towards  uh  on  several 
occasions,  in  refusing  to  come  down  to  our  court  (when  sent  (or)  to  have 
speech  wiih  lilin,  to  procure  a  right  understanding  of  matters  in  difference 
betwixt  us." 

This,  to  say  the  least,  was  a  wretchedly  sorrv  complaint.  That  an  inde- 
pendent chief  should  refuse  to  obey  his  neighbors  whenever  they  had  a 
mind  to  command  him,  of  the  justness  of  whose  mandates  he  was  not  to 
inauire,  surely  calls  for  no  comment  of  ours.  Besides,  did  PhUip  not  do 
as  nc  agreed  at  Taunton  ? — which  was,  that  in  case  of  future  troubles, 
both  jmrties  should  lay  their  complaints  before  Massachusetts,  and  abide 
by  their  decision  ? 

The  3d  charge  is  only  a  repetition  of  what  was  stated  by  the  council 
of  war,  namely,  harboring  and  abetting  divers  Indians  not  his  own  men, 
but  "  vogabonds,  our  professed  enemies,  who  leaving  their  own  sachem 
were  harbored  bv  him." 

The  4th  has  likewise  been  stated,  which  contains  the  complaint  of  his 
going  to  Massachusetts,  "  with  several  of  his  council,  endeavoring  to 
uisinuace  himself  into  the  magistrates,  and  to  misrepresent  matters  unto 
tbeni,"  which  amounts  to  little  else  but  an  accusation  against  Maasachu- 
■etts,  as,  from  what  hns  been  before  stated,  it  seems  that  the  "  gentlemen 
in  place  there"  had,  at  least  in  part,  been  convinced  that  Philip  was  not 
so  much  iu  fault  as  their  friends  of  Plimoutli  had  pretended.* 

"5.  That  he  had  shewed  great  incivility  to  divers  of  ours  at  several 
times;  in  special  unto  Mr.  Jamea  Brmon,  who  was  sent  by  the  court 
on  special  occasion,  as  a  messenger  unto  him ;  and  unto  Hugh  Cole  at 
another  time,  &c. 

"The  gentlemer  forenamed  taking  notice  of  the  premises,  having  fully 
heard  what  the  aaid  Phillip  could  say  for  himself,  having  free  liberty  so 
to  do  without  interruption,  adjudged  that  he  had  done  us  a  great  deal  of 
wron^  and  injury,  (respecting  the  premises,)  and  also  abused  them  by 
carrying  lies  and  ftlse  stories  to  them,  and  so  misrepresenting  matters  unto 
them ;  and  they  persuaded  him  to  make  an  acknowledgment  of  his  fkult, 
and  to  seek  for  reconciliation,  expressing  themselves,  that  there  is  a  great 
difference  between  what  he  asserted  to  the  government  in  the  Bay,  and 
what  he  could  now  make  out  concerning  his  pretended  wrongs;  and 
such  had  been  the  wrong  and  damage  that  he  bad  done  and  procured 
unto  the  colony,  as  ought  not  to  lie  m)rne  without  competent  reparation 
and  satisfaction ;  yea,  that  he,  by  his  insolencies,  had  (in  prooabilityj 
occasioned  more  mischief  from  the  Indians  amongst  them,  than  had 
fallen  out  in  many  years  before ;  they  persuaded  him,  therefore,  to  humble 
himself  unto  the  magistrates,  and  to  amend  his  ways,  if  he  expected 
peace ;  and  that,  if.  he  Went  on  in  his  refractory  way,  he  must  expect  to 
smart  for  in" 

The  commissioners  finally  drew  up  the  treaty  of  which  we  have  before 
spoken,  and  PhUjp  and  his  counsellors  subscribed  it ;  and  thus  ended  the 
chief  events  of  Iwl. 

Whether  it  were  before  this  time,  or  between  it  and  the  war,  that  what 
we  at(^  about  to  relate  took  place,  is  not  certain,  but  it  probably  belongs 
to  the  latter  period.  It  is  this : — ^The  governor  of  Massachusetts  sent  an 
ambassador  to  PkUyi,  to  demand  of  him  why  he  would  make  war  upon 

*  Not  a  very  high  compliment  to  the  authorities  of  Massarhusetts  ;  for  it  appears,  if  thia 
went  the  case,  Philip  had  succeeded  in  doceivinjj  them  in  matters  of  which  certainly  Ihey 
night  have  been  correctly  informed,  as  we  should  rather  apprehend  they  were  )  baviof 
been  preieul  at  Taunton,  and  heard  both  sides  of  the  story  afterwards. 


LinS  OF  KINO  PHILIP. 


fDooK  in. 


ikf  fiagiyi,  and  ro<|iie«ted  him,  nt  tha  aame  time,  to  enter  into  •  treaty. 
The  Mchem  made  hiiii  thia  luiawer : — 

**  yaur  ffwcrnor  i$huta  aMtet  of  King  CharU$*  i(f  Englmd.  I  thaU 
wttinal  mth  a  tultfteL  l»haUtrtat<(f  peace  mdy  with  iKt  kmg,  mi/ hroUttr. 
Wiim  Kt  coiRM,  /  am  reaify."^ 

Tbia  ia  litoral,  althougn  we  have  changed  the  order  of  the  worda  a 

naud  is  worthy  of  a  place  upon  the  same  page  with  the  speech  of 
roouB  Ponu,  when  taken  captive  by  Mezander.t 

We  meet  with  nothing  of  importance  until  the  death  of  Sauamon,  in 
1674,  the  occasion  of  wnicli  was  charged  upon  PhUip,  and  was  the  cauoe 
of  bringing  alwut  the  war  with  him  a  year  sooner  tlian  he  had  ex|>ected. 
Tbb  event  prematurely  discovered  his  intentions,  which  occasioned  the 
partial  n^cantation  of  the  Narraganscts,  who,  it  is  reported,  were  to  fur- 
niah  4000  men,  to  be  ready  to  lali  upon  the  Enirlish  in  1076.  Concert, 
therefore,  was  wanting ;  and  although  nearly  all  the  Narragauscis  ulti- 
mately joined  against  the  English,  yet  the  powerful  cflTect  of  a  general 
simultaneous  movement  was  lost  to  the  Indians,  PhUip'i  own  people, 
many  of  wlioai  were  ao  diaconcerted  at  the  unexpected  beginning  of  the 
war,  continued  some  time  to  waver,  doubting  which  side  to  show  them- 
■elvea  in  &vor  of;  and  it  was  only  from  their  bein^  without  the  vicinitv  of 
tha  ESngUah,  or  unprotected  by  them,  that  determmed  their  course,  whico 
waa,  in  almost  all  cases,  in  favor  of  PhUip.  Even  the  Praying  Indianp, 
had  they  been  left  to  themselves,  would,  no  doubt,  maay  of  them,  have 
declared  in  his  favor  also,  as  many  really  did. 

Until  the  execution  of  the  three  Indians,  suuposed  to  be  the  murderers 
of  iSSiufamon,  no  hoatility  was  committed  by  PnUip  or  his  warriora.  About 
the  time  of  their  trial,  he  was  said  to  be  marchiug  his  men  "  up  and  down 
the  country  in  arms,"  but  when  it  was  known  that  they  were  executed, 
he  could  no  longer  restrain  his  young  men,  who,  upon  the  24th  of  June, 
proToked  the  people  of  Swansey,  by  killing  their  cattle,  and  other  injurie8,$ 
until  they  were  hred  upon,  which  was  a  signal  tc  commence  the  war,  and 
what  they  had  desired ;  for  the  superstitious  notion  prevailed  among  the 
Indians,  that  the  party  who  fired  the  first  gun  would  be  couquered.|| 
Tbey  liad  probably  been  made  to  believe  this  by  the  English  themselves. 

It  was  upon  a  last  day  that  this  great  drama  waa  opened.    As  the  peo- 

*  Cluu-Ui  II.  whoffl  reign  was  from  1660  to  1676, 
,  ^  t  Prttent  State  of  N.  E^.  68. 

/tThe  conqueror  asked  him  liow  he  would  be  treated,  who,  in  two  words,  replied, 
''uke  a  king."  Being  asked  ir  he  had  no  other  request  to  make,  he  said,  "  No.  Every 
lUag  is  comprehendea  in  that."  {Plutarch's  Life  of  Alexander.)  M'o  roiiid  wish,  in 
■Mny  CMC*,  that  the  Eof^ish  conquerors  had  acted  with  as  much  ma|[;noiumity  towards 
the  udiant,  as  AUxamder  did  towardi  those  he  overcame.  -  Porua  was  treated  as  he  had 
denied. 

^  "  In  the  mean  time  Kin^^  Philip  mustered  up  about  500  of  his  men,  and  arms  them 
eompleal ;  and  had  ((otten  about  8  or  900  of  his  nrighborinir  Indians,  and  likewSae 
arms  them  compleat ;  (i.  c,  guns,  powdei  anu  bullets ;)  but  how  many  he  hath  engaged 
to  be  of  kit  party^  is  unknown  to  any  amonr  us.  The  last  spring,  several  Indians  were 
Men  in  small  parties,  about  RehoboUi  and  Swafuey,  which  not  a  little  aflTrighted  the  in- 
habitants. Who  demanding  the  reason  of  them,  wherefore  it  was  so  1  Answer  was 
made.  That  they  were  only  on  their  own  defence,  for  they  understood  that  tiie  English 
intended  to  cut  them  ofT.  About  the  20(h  o{June  last,  seven  or  eight  of  King'  Philip's 
men  came  to  Swansey  on  the  Lord's  day,  and  would  g^nd  a  hatchet  at  an  iiinabitant's 
house  there ;  the  master  told  them,  it  was  the  sabbath  day,  and  their  God  would  be  ve^ 
aagry  if  be  should  let  them  do  it.  They  returned  this  answer :  They  knew  not  who  Jhps 
Cktd  was,  and  that  they  would  do  it,  for  all  him,  or  his  God  either.  From  thence  they 
wmt  to  another  house,  and  took  away  some  victuals,  but  hurt  no  man.  Immediately 
tkey  met  a  man  travelling  on  the  road,  kept  him  in  eitstody  a  short  time,  then  dismist 
■im  qaietly  :  giving  him  this  caution,  that  he  should  not  work  on  his  God's  day,  awjl|ljijat 
jMshould  tell  no  lies."    Pruent  State  of  N.  Eng.  p.  8  and  9  of  the  new  edition. 

iCalJendar. 


Ciur.  ll] 

pie  we 

when  onl 
aeon,  wel 
We  kUl 
countrv,r 
Engliah  ' 

hand,  it 
doubt  oil 
intrude 


fHooif  m. 

nto  a  trnaty. 

tnd.    I  tikdl 
tHj/brotAtr. 

he  worda  n 
speech  of 

ioMainofi,  in 

M  the  cause 
il  exfiectad. 
wioiied  tbe 
vert'  to  fur- 
Concert, 
aiisela  ulti. 
f  a  general 
wn  people, 
>«ng  of  the 
how  them- 
vicinitv  of 
irse,  which 
ig  indianp, 
hem,  ii^ye 

murderers 
31-8.  About 
and  down 
executed, 
1  of  June, 
r  injuriea,« 
B  war,  and 
unong  the 
>uquered.|| 
ieinselve& 
s  the  peo- 


•ds,  replied, 
"o.  Every 
lid  wish,  m 
iiy  towards 
d  as  he  had 

arms  Iheni 
H  likewiae 
li  engaged 
Hans  wei« 
ed  the  ID- 
iswer  was 
eEurlUh 

inabitaiit's 
Id  bevenr 
t  whojhii 
Buce  they 
nediately 
'n  dlsmist 

u 


Ciur.  U.l 


LITE  OF  KINO  ruiur. 


pie  were  P^tumiuK  from  meeting,  tliey  were  firc<l  upon  by  the  Indiana, 
when  one  waa  killed  and  two  wounded.  Two  oiIhtw,  froing  for  n  Mf 
faoOf  were  killed  on  tbeir  way.  lu  another  |mu1  of  tli«  tuwn,  aix  uthera 
were  Hilled  tbo  aanie  day.  Swanaey  waa  tbo  next  town  to  PhOw*$ 
couotrv,  and  hia  ni<  ii  wore  an  well  acquainted  with  all  the  walka  of  tbe 
gnyliah  aa  Ihey  were  tht  niaelvea. 

It  ia  not  Buppoacd  that  PkOip  dinx;tc<l  tbia  attack,  but.  on  the  other 
hand,  it  haa  been  aaid  liiat  it  waa  iigaiiiat  li  >  s  wiahea.  But  there  can  be  no 
doubt  of  hia  hostility  and  great  ilcaire  tu  rid  hia  country  of  the  whit* 
intruden ;  for  bad  ha  not  ri'aaon  to  say, 

"  Exarsere  l!;iH>s  animo :  subit  ira,  cRdenlem 
Ulcisci  piiii-iani,  el  ireteraias  sumerc  [xxnu''  T 

The  die  was  cast  No  other  alternative  ai>peared,  but  to  raTage,  bum 
and  destroy  as  fast  aa  was  in  his  {tower.  There  had  been  no  war  for  a 
long  time,  cither  among  themselves  or  with  the  English,  and,  therefbre, 
numerous  young  warriors  fVom  the  neighboring  tribes,  entered  into  hia 
cause  with  great  ardor  ;  eager  to  perform  exploits,  such  aa  had  been  re- 
counted to  them  by  their  aires,  and  such  as  they  had  long  waited  an 
opportunity  to  achieve.  The  time,  they  conceived,  had  now  arrived,  and 
tneir  aogls  expanded  in  proportion  to  the  greatness  of  the  undertaking. 
To  conquer  the  EngUsh !  to  lead  captive  their  haughty  lords !  must  have 
been  to  them  thoughts  of  vast  magnitude,  and  exhilarating  in  the  highest 
degree. 

'.      Town  after  town  tell  before  them,  and  wiien  tlie  Engliah  forces  marched 
*  \  in  one  direction,  they  were  buming  and  laying  waste  in  another.    A  part 

'of  Taunton,  Middleborough  and  Dartmouth,  m  the  vicinity  of  Pocaaaet, 
upon  Narraganset  Bav,  soon  followed  the  destruction  of  Swansey,  which 
was  burnt  immediately  after  the  24th  of  June,  on  being  abandoned  by  the 
inhabitants. 

,,     PkUip  commanded  in  perscn  upon  Pocasaet,  where,  upon  the  18th  of 

^-  Jnly,  he  was  discovered  in  a  **  dismal  swamp."  He  had  retired  to  thia 
place,  which  is  adjacent  to  Taunton  River,  with  the  most  of  his  Wampa- 
noags,  and  such  othere  as  had  joined  him,  to  avoid  falling  in  with  the 
English  army,  which  was  now.  pursuing  him.  From  theh-  numbersL  the 
English  were  nearly  able  to  encompass  the  swamp,  and  the  fiite  of  JPntZtp 
they  now  thought  sealed.  On  arriving  at  its  edge,  a  few  of  PkSip^s 
warriors  showed  themselves,  and  the  English  rushed  in  upon  them  with 
ardor,  and  by  this  feint  were  drawn  far  mto  an  ambush,  and  "  about  15 
were  slain.**  The  leaves  upon  the  trees  were  so  thick,  and  the  hour  of 
the  day  80  late,  that  a  friend  could  not  be  distinguished  flnom  a  foe, 
"whereby  'tis  verily  feared,  tfaM  [the  English  themselves]  did  somethnea 
unhappily  shoot  Englishmen'  instead  of  Indians."*  A  retreat  was  now 
ordered,  and,  considering  PhSip's  escape  impossible,  the  most  of  the 
forces  left  the  place,  a  few  Only  remainm^,  "  to  starve  out  the  enemy." 
That  PkSifi'a  force  was  greM  at  this  time  is  certain,  from  the  fkct  that  a 
hundred  wigwams  were  found  near  the  edge  of  the  swamp,  newly  con- 
structed of  green  bark.  In  one  of  those  the  English  found  an  old  man, 
who  informed  them  that  PhUip  Was  there.  He  lost  but  few  men  in  the 
encounter,  though  it  is  said,  that  he  had  a  brother  killed  at  this  time.f 
.  The  idle  notion  of  building  a  fort  here  to  starve  out  Philip,  was  suflS- 
"ll'ciently  censured  by  the  historians  of  that  day.    For,  as  Capt  C^tutk 


ns— 


*  MiUlur'i  Brief  Hist.  War,  5. 
■      t  This  is  upon  the  authority  of  the  anonymous  author  of  the  "  Prttent  Sude,"  See. 
of  which  we  shall  eUewhere  have  occasion  to  take  noUce.     ^^  ,^^,^^^^,  ^,^  ^^^^ 


<o 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


1.0 


1.1 


lii|21    12^ 

>tt  122  |Z2 

i«    12.0 


us 

lU 

u 


IL25  iU 


1^ 


6" 


m 


.■» 


Photographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


23  WIST  MAIN  STRUT 

WEBSTIR.N.Y.  MSIO 

(716)872-4503 


»^ 


■^ 


LIFE  or  KINO  ^HIT.TP. 


(BooKin. 


mattmu  it,  to  MUa/brtfor  nUUng  to  cover  the  ptapUfnm  noboAi,* ' 
ntner  a  ridiculous  idea.  Thia  observation  he  made  upon  a  fort's  being 
built  upon  Mount  Hope  neck,  some  tiine  after  every  Indian  bad  left  diat 
side  or  the  country,  and  who,  in  fket,  vrare  laying  waste  the  towns  before 
mentioned. 

The  swamp  where  i*AtUp  was  now  confined,  was  upon  a  piece  of  coun- 
try which  projected  into  Tkunton  River,  and  vras  nearly  seven  miles  in 
extent  After  being  suarded  here  13  days,  which,  in  the  end,  was  greatly 
to  his  advantage,  and  afforded  him  sufficient  time  to  provide  canoes  in 
which  to  make  his  escape,  he  passed  the  river  with  most  of  his  men,  and 
made  good  his  retreat  into  the  country  upon  Connecticut  River.  In 
eflfectinff  this  retreat,  an  accident  happened  which  deprived  him  of  some 
of  bis  dioicest  and  bmveA  captains,  as  we  shall  proceed  to  relate. 

Aboitt  the  96  July,  167&  Ondko,  with  two  of  his  brothers^  and  about  50 
men,  came  to  Boston,  by  direction  of  ttwas,  and  declared  their  deaire  to 
assist  the  English  against  the  Wampanoags.  A  few  En^ish  and  three 
Natickswere  added  to  their  company;  vaa  immediately  despatched,  by 
way  of  PUmouth,  to  the  enemy'a  country.f  This  circuitous  route  was 
taken,  perhapa,  that  thev  might  have  their  instructiona  immediately  from 
the  governor  of  that  colony;  Massachusetts,  at  that  time,  probably,  sup- 
posing the  war  might  be  ended  without  their  direct  internrence.  This 
measure,  as  it  proved,  was  very  detrimental  to  the  end  in  viAw ;  for  if 
they  had  proceeded  directly  to  Seekonk,  they  would  have  been  there  in 
aeason  to  nave  met  PhUi^  and  his  warriors  in  their  flight  fit>m  Pocaaset. 
And  this  force,  beina  joined  with  the  other  English  forces,  then  in  the  vi- 
cinity, in  all  probability  might  have  finiahed  the  war  by  a  single  fight  with  . 
him.  At  least,  his  chance  of  escape  would  have  been  small,  as  be  had  to 
crosB  a  lu^  extent  of  clear  and  open  country,  where  thev  must  have  been 
cut  down  m  flight,  or  fought  man  to  man.  Whereas  Onato  was  encamped 
at  aome  distance,  having  arrived  late  the  night  before,  and  some  time  vras 
lost  in  rallying4  They  overtook  them,  however,  about  10  o'clock  in  the 
morning  of  the  Ist  of  August,  and  a  smart  fight  ensued.  PhU^  having 
brought  his  best  men  into  the  rear,  many  of  them  were  slain ;  among 
these  was  Mmrod,  alias  Winmaihim,  a  great  captain  and  counsellor,  vi^ 
had  signed  the  treaty  at  Tkunton,  four  years  before. 

From  what  cause  the  fight  was  suqpnided  is  unknown,  Auough  it  would 
seem  fiy>m  some  rektions,  that  it  was  owing  to  OneftoV  men,  who,  sedhg 
themselves  in  posseiiion  of  consadsrable  |riunder,  fdl  to  loading  them- 
selves with  It,  and  thusnve  PkXp  time  to  escape.  From  this  view  of  the 
eaae,  it  would  appear  Uiat  the  Hohegana  were  the  chief  aetorr  in  the 
oflfenaive.  It  is  said  thai  the  Naticka  urged  iounediate  and  further  pur- 
suit, which  did  not  take  place,  in  conaequenee  of  the  extreme  heat  or  the 
weather:  and  thus  the  main  Iwdy  were  pem^tted  to  MOtpe. 

Mr.  JVWesMm,  of  Rehoboth,  gave  an  account  of  the  amir  in  a  letterKin 
which  he  said  that  "  14  of  the  enemy^i  prindpal  men  were  slain."  Ue 
also  mentioned,  in  tenns  of  great  respect,  die  Naticka  and  Hohegans 
under  Ondb.^ 

Having  now  taken  a  position  to  innoy  the  back  settlements  of  Massa- 
chusett%his  warriom  fell  vigoroualy  '<t  tl  e  work ;  one  town  after  another, 


*  Hut.  PMip^  War,  p.  6.«d.  4to. 

t  TiMy  were  •*oadiKled  bjr  (iiivter*in«<t«r  8»\ft,  aad  m  conpai^  of  bone.  T^ 
governor  of  Plimouth,  uiKteratandiDg  the  route  taken  by  these  forcet  to  be  by  way  cf 
Plmeuth,  tiniiie<li«tely  ordered  them  to  Rehoboth,  otherwiee  nothug  would  Mve  oeea 
oftcted  at  this  time  againiit  PUIip. 

i  Gookm't  MS.  HisL  Praying  fndiaas. 

4  Gitokm,  ibid.  Oneko  was  the  oldest  son  and  soceesrar  of  Ifmu,  sad,  Bka  lot 
blaer,  was  opposed  to  Chiislianily. 


m 


CBAr.  U.] 


LIFE  OF  KII10  PHILIP. 


and  ooe  company  of  mldien  aAer  another,  were  awept  off  by  tbem.  A 
nrraon  being  established  at  Nortbfield,  CapL  Biekard  Been^  of  Water- 
town,*  with  &  men,  was  attacked  while  on  their  way  to  reinforce  them, 
and  30  df  the  36  were  killed.  Robtrt  Pepper,  of  Roxhury,  was  taken 
captive,  and  the  others  effected  their  escape.  PUZtp't  men  had  the  ad- 
vantage of  attacking  them  in  a  place  of  their  own  choonng,  and  their  niit 
fire  was  very  destructive.  Been  retreated  with  bis  men  to  a  small  emi- 
nence, and  nudntained  the  unequal  fight  until  their  ammunition  was  spent, 
at  which  time  a  cart  containing  ammunition  fell  into  the  hands  oP^e 
Indians,  and,  the  captain  being  killed,  all  who  were  able  took  to  flight 
The  hill  to  which  the  English  fled,  at  the  beginning  of  the  fight,  was 
known  aftervrards  by  the  name  of  Beers^t  Mountain. 

Some  time  in  the  month  of  August,  **  King  PM{^'«  men  had  taken  a 
young  lad  alive,  alxiut  14  years  old,  and  bound  him  to  a  tree  two  nights 
and  two  days,  intending  to  be  merry  with  him  the  next  dm,  and  that  they 
would  roast  him  alive  to  make  sport  with  him ;  but  God,  over  nighL 
touched  the  heart  of  one  Indian,  m>  that  he  came  and  loosed  him,  and 
bid  him  run  grandk,  (i.  e.  run  apace,)  and  l^  that  means  he  eacaped."t 

About  this  time,  some  English  found  a  smgle  Indian,  an  old  man,  near 
Quabaog,  whom  they  captured.  As  he  would  not  give  them  any  inibr- 
mation  respecting  his  countrymen,  or,  perhaps,  such  as  they  desired,  they 
pronounced  him  worthy,  of  death ;  so  "  they  lud  him  down,  Comemt^ 
the  Dutchman,  lifting  up  his  sword  to  cut  off  his  head,  the  Indian  WmA 
up  his  hand  between,  so  that  his  hand  was  first  cut  off,  and  partly  his  head, 
and  the  second  blow  finished  the  execution.''^ 

It  was  about  this  time,  as  the  author  of  the  "Present  State"  relates, 
that  "  King  PAtIt]p,now  be^nningiu  '.rant  money,  liavih^  a  coat  made  aii 
of  wampampeag,  (i.  e.  Indian  money,)  cuts  hiH  COat  to  pieces  and  distrib- 
utes it  plentifully  among  the  Nipmi  Jg  sachems  and  others,  as  well  as  to 
the  eastward  as  southward  and  all  round  about.''§ 

On  the  18  Sept.  Captain  Lothrop,  of  Beverly,  was  sent  from  Hadley 
wi^  about  88  men,  to  bring  away  the  corn,  grain,  and  other  valuabfe 
articles,  from  DeeHield.  mving  loaded  their  teams  and  commenced 
their  march  homeward,  they  were  attacked  at  a  place  called  Sugarloqf 
mU,  wliere  almost  eveiy  man  was  slain.  This  company  conasted  of 
choice  young  men,  the  flower  of  Essex  county.H  Eighteen  of  the  men 
belonged  to  Deerfield.f  Capt  Jttwely,  being  not  far  o^upon  a  scout,  was 
drawn  to  the  scene  of  action  by  the  report  of  the  guns,  and,  having  with 
him  70  men,  charged  the  Indians  with  sreat  resolution,  although  he  com- 
puted their  numbers  at  a  1000.  lie  had  two  of  his  men  killed  and  eleven 
wounded.  The  Indians  dared  him  to  begin  the  fight,  and  exultingly  said 
to  him,  "  Come,  Motdy,  come,  you  seek  Jndurnt,  vou  trani  Indians ;  here  i$ 
Jndiant  enough  for  you."**  Afler  continuing  a  fight  with  them,  Irom  eleven 
o'clock  until  almost  night,  he  was  obliged  to  retreat  The  Indians  cut 
open  the  bags  of  wheat  and  the  feather-neds,  and  scattered  their  contents 
to  the  wind£**  After  Moady  had  commenced  a  retreat.  Major  Treat,  with 
100  Eruflish  and  60  Mohegans,  came  to  his  aBsistance.  Their  united 
forces  obliged  the  Indians  to  retreat  in  their  tum.ft  Thf)  Indiaiis  were  said 

*  Manutrripl  document*. 

fPres.  Slate  of  N.  Enr.  &c.  IS.  %  Manuscript  in  library  of  Mass.  Hist.  Sor. 

^  Pres.  Slate,  13.  If  inis  were  the  case,  Philip  must  have  had  an  immense  b\g  roat— 
yea,  even  bincr  than  Dr.  Johnson's  great  coat,  as  represented  by  BotwM ;  the  side 
pockets  of  which,  he  said,  were  large  enough  each  to  contain  one  of  the  huge  volume* 
of  bis  folio  dictionary  ! 

nHuhbard't  Narrative.  IT  These  were  the  teuniten. 

**  Manuscript  letter,  written  at  the  time. 

tt  /.  MaUui^t  History  of  the  War. 


->*»-'•■ 


iC^i 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


[Book  til 


Ciur.n.]| 


to  have  lost,  in  t!io  various  cncoaiitcrs,  96  »Uin.  It  wtm  a  groat  over8tgbt» 
that  Captain  Lothrop  should  have  sunered  his  men  to  stroll  about,  wnile 
passiug  a  dangerous  defile.  "  jMany  or  the  soldiura  having  been  so  foolkh 
and  secure,  as  to  put  their  amui  in  ihe  carts,  and  step  aside  to  gather 
grapes,  which  proved  dear  and  deadly  graptt  to  them."*  The  same 
author  observes, "  TIuh  was  a  black  and  fatal  d^y,  wherein  there  were  eight 
persons  made  widows,  and  8ix-and*twentv  children  made  fiitueilras^  all 
in  one  little  plaiUution  and  in  one  day ;  and  above  sixty  persona  buried  in 
one  dreadful  grave !" 

The  Narrasansets  had  not  yet  heartily  engaged  in  the  war,  though 
there  is  no  doubt  but  they  stood  pledsud  So  to  do.  Therefore,  having 
done  all  that  could  be  expected  upon  the  western  frontier  of  Massachu- 
setts, and  concluding  that  his  presence  among  his  allies,  the  Narragansela, 
was  necessary  to  ke<;p  tliem  from  abandoning  his  cause,  Pkdif  was  next 
known  to  be  in  their  country. 

An  army  of  1500  English  was  raised  l^y  the  three  colonies,  Massachu- 
setts, Plimouth  and  Connecticut,  for  the  purpose  of  breaking  down  the 
power  of  PhUip  among  the  Narragansets.  They  determined  upon  this 
course^  as  they  had  been  assured  that,  in  the  spring,  that  nation  would 
come  with  all  their  forbe  upon  them.  It  was  not  known  that  PkSUp  was 
among  them  when  this  resolution  was  taken,  and  it  was  but  a  rumor  that 
the^  had  taken  part  with  him.  It  was  true,  that  they  had  promised  to 
deliver  up  all  the  Wampanoass,  who  should  flee  to  them,  either  aUve  or 
dead  ;  but  it  is  also  true,  that  Uiose  who  made  this  promise,  had  it  not  in 
their  power  to  do  it ;  being  persons,  chiefly  in  subordinate  stations,  who 
liad  no  right  or  authority  to  bind  uiy  but  themselves.  And,  iher»lbre,  as 
doubtless  was  foreseen  by  many,  none  Of  PhUip^a  people  were  delivered 
up,  although  many  were  known  to  have  been  among  them.  Thus,  in  ferv 
wor^,  have  we  exhibited  the  main  grounds  of  me  mighty  expedition 
against  the  Narrasanscts  in  the  winter  of  167S. 

Upon  a  small  island,  in  an  immense  swamp,  in  South  Kingston,  Rhode 
Island,  Philip  had  fortified  himself^  in  a  manner  superior  to  what  was 
common  among  his  countrymen.  Here  he  intended  to  pass  the  winter, 
with  the  chief  of  his  friends.  They  had  erected  about  SCO  wigwams  of 
a  superior  construction,  in  which  was  deposited  a  great  store  of  provisnns. 
Baricets  and  tubs  of  comf  were  piled  one  upon  another,  about  the  inside 
of  them,  which  rendered  them  bullet  proof.  It  was  supposed  that  about 
3000  persons  had  here  taken  up  their  residence. 

But,  to  be  more  particular  upon  the  situation  of  *'the  scene  of  the 
destruction  of  the  Narragansets,"  we  will  add  at  follows  fhim  the  notes 
of  a  gentleman  lately  upon  the  spot,  for  the  express  purpose  of  gwning 
information.  "What  was  called  T^  bUmd  is  now  an  upland  meadow, 
a  few  feet  higher  than  the  low  meadow  with  which  it  is  surrounded. 
The  island,  by  my  estimate,  contains  flvro  three  to  four  acrea.  One  fourth 
of  a  mile  west,  is  the  Uoquepau? ;  a  small  stream  also  at  a  short  distance 
on  the  east**  The  celebrated  island  on  which  the  fort  was  built  is  now 
in  the  farm  of  J.  G.  Clark,  Esq.  a  descendant  of  John  CIdri,of  R.  1.  and 
i^ut  30  rods  west  of  the  line  of  the  "  Pettyswamscot  Purchase.*  Water 
still  surrounds  it  in  wet  seasons.  It  was  cleared  by  the  father  of  the 
present  possessor  about  1780,  and  although  improved  firom  that  time  to 
the  present,  charred  corn  and  Indian  implements  are  yet  ploughed  up4 

*  /.  Mather's  History  of  the  War,  18. 
'  t  AOO  bushels,  says  Dr.  /.  MiUher.    Hollow  trees,  cut  oflT  about  the  len|rth  of  a  bami, 
were  used  by  the  Indians  for  tubs.  In  such  they  secured  their  com  and  other  mioi. 

X  MS.  communication  of  Rev.  Mr.  Ely,  accompanied  by  a  drawinr of  the  island,  lis 
shape  is  very  similar  to  the  shell  of  on  oyster.  Average  icctanxtuar  Uses  thioagti  it 
measure,  one  35  rods,  aaother  20. 


■«?  ' 


[BooKin. 


chaf.  n.] 


LIFE  OF  KINO  PHILIP. 


W  overejgtii, 
*l»ut,w1iUe 
en  so  fooliah 
le  to  gather  ' 
The  same  ' 
«,were  eight  ; 
iCueilcga^aO  ' 
DB  buried  in  ' 

^r,  though 
03«,  having 
Massacbu- 
urragaoaetB, 
!P  was  next 

Massachu- 
down  the 
upon  this 

Uon  would 

PU2^  was 

rumor  that 

nomised  to 

ir  alive  or 

d  it  not  in 

tions,  who 

ur«fi>re,  as 

I  delivered 

IU9,  in  few 

expedition 

>n,  Rhode 
what  was 
»e  winter, 
{warns  of 
rovisions. 
the  inside 
hat  about 


le  of  the 
the  notes 
r  gaining 
meadow,  / 
rounded.  * 
le  fourth  * 
distance  ^ 
t  is  now  ? 
tl.and  1 
'  Water   - 
r  of  the 
:  time  to 
lup4 


rains, 
wd.    lis 


President  SUtet,  in  his  edition  of  Choscb's  IIistort  or  Philip^  WAJt»t . 
states  that  the  Narraganset  fort  is  seven  miles  nearly  due  west  from  the 
South  Ferry.  This  agrees  with  data  Aimisbed  by  Mr.  JQy,  in  stating  the 
returning  march  of  the  English  army.  Pine  and  cedar  were  said  to  nave 
been  the  former  growth.*  An  oak  300  years  old,  standing  luwn  the 
island,  was  cut  down  in  1782,  two  feet  in  diameter,  11  feet  vom  the 
ground.  From  another,  a  bullet  was  cut  out,  surrounded  by  about  100 
onnuii,  at  the  same  time.  The  bullet  was  lodged  there,  no  doubt,  at  the 
time  of  the  fight  We  will  now  return  to  our  narrative  of  the  expedition 
to  this  pLice  in  December,  1675. 

After  n«.«rly  a  uionih  from  their  setting  out,  the  English  army  airived 
in  the  Narri^saiiset  country,  and  made  their  head  quarters  about  18  miles 
from  PkU^>*t  Cott.  They  had  been  so  long  upon  their  march,  that  the 
Indians  were  well  enough  apprized  of  their  approach,  and  had  made  the 
best  arranoements  in  their  power  to  withstand  them.  The  army  bad 
ahready  sumred  much  from  the  severity  of  the  season,  being  obliged  to  en^. 
camp  m  the  ojpen  field,  and  without  tents  to  cover  them ! 

The  19th  or  December,  1675,  is  a  memorable  day  in  the  annals  of  New 
England.  Cold,  in  the  extreme, — the  air  filled  with  snow, — the  English 
were  obliged,  ftt>m  the  low  state  of  their  provisiona,  to  march  to  attabk 
PU^  in  his  fort  Treacherv  hastened  bis  ruin.  One  of  his  men, 
by  hope  of  reward,  betrayed  nis  country  into  their  hands.  This  man 
had,  probdiily,  lived  among  the  English,  as  he  had  an  English  nameb,.. 
He  was  called  Peier,j  and  it  was  by  accident  that  himself  with  thir^-i.^ 
five  othera,  had  just  before  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  fortunate  Cq>- 
tain  Mutly.  No  Englishman  was  acquainted  with  the  situation  o(Phi'y*t 
fort;  and  but  for  their  pilot,  Peter,  there  is  very  little  probability  that  tmy 
could  have  even  found,  much  less  effected  any  thing  against  it  For  it 
was  ope  o'clock  on  that  short  day  of  the  year,  befora  thev  arrived  within 
the  vicinity  of  the  swamp.  There  was  but  one  point  where  it  could  be 
assailed  with  die  least  probability  of  success ;  ana  this  was  fortified  by  a 
kind  of  block-house,  direcdy  in  front  of  the  entrance,  and  had  also  flankers 
to  cover  a  cross  fire.  Besides  high  palisades,  an  immense  hedge  of  fiillsn 
trees,  of  nearly  a  rod  in  thickness,  surrounded  it,  encompasmng  an  area 
of  about  five  acres.  Between  the  fort  and  the  main  land  was  a  body  of 
water,  over  which  a  great  tree  bad  been  foiled,  on  which  aH  must  pass 
and  repass,  to  and  fix>m  it  On  coming  to  this  place,  the  Eiiglish  soldien, 
as  numy  as  could  pass  upon  the  tree,  vrhich  would  not  admit  two  abreast 
rushed  forward  upon  it,  but  were  swept  off  in  a  moment  by  the  fire  ot 
Pk3w'$  men.  Still,  the  Blngliah  so!- Jiers,  led  by  their  captains,  supplied 
the  places  of  the  shun.  But  asaiti  and  again  were  they  swept  finm  the 
fttal  avenue.  Six  captaimi  and  a  great  many  men  had  follen,  end  a  par- 
tial, but  momentary,  recoil  from  the  face  of  death  took  place. 

Meanwhile,  a  handAil,  under  the  fortunate  Jtfotefy,  had,  ss  iqiraculous 
as  it  may  seem,  got  within  the  fort.  These  were  contendinshand  to 
hand  with  the  Indians, and  at  fearful  odds,  when  the  cry  of  "They  run! 
tkn  run  P*  brought  to  their  assistance  a  considerable  Ixx^  of  their  feUow 
souJiers.  They  were  now  enabled  to  drive  the  Indians  from  their  main 
Iweastwork,  and  their  slaughter  became  immense.  Flying  fivrn  wiswaiv 
ID  wigwam — men,  women  and  children,  indiscriminat^y,  were  hewn 
down  and  lay  in  neaps  upon  the  snow.  Being  now  masten  of  the  fort, 
at  the  recommendation  of  Mr.  ChurchJ^  General  Wiikjlow  was  ^ut  ^, 

*  Holities's  Anasls,  i.  376, 

tTiM  name  otPeler  among  the  Indians  was  so  common,  that  it  is,  perhaps,  past  deter- 
mination who  this  one  was.    Mr.  Hubbard  cails  bim  a  fugiliyis  Trom  the  Narragaiiset^,^ 

X  Afterwards  the  ftmous  Colonel  Church.  He  led  the  second  party  that  ei|tar«4  Mb 
ibrl,  and  wu  badly  wounded  in  the  couM^  of  the  fifht, 


'f 


80 


LIFE  OP  KINO  PHILIP. 


[BooBin. 


quarter  the  army  in  it  for  the  prmient,  which  offered  comfbrtable  babitn- 
tiOM  to  the  tick  and  wotinilud,  besides  a  plentiful  supply  of  provisiona. 
But  one  of  the  captains*  and  a  surgeon  opposed  the  measure ;  profasbly 
from  the  apprehension  that  the  woods  was  full  of  Iniiana^  who  would 
cimtinue  their  attacks  upon  theni,  and  drive  them  out  in  their  turn.  There 
was,  doubtless,  some  reason  for  this,  which  was  strengthened  from  the 
fact  that  manjr  Bnglish  were  killed  aAer  tliey  had  possteaaed  themsehres 
of  the  fort,  hy  those  whom  they  had  iust  dispossessed  of  it  Notwith- 
standing, had  ChureVr  advice  Men  ibilowed,  mrhaps  many  of  the  lives 
of  the  wounded  would  have  been  saved ;  for  he  was  seldom  out  in  his 
judgment,  as  his  continued  successes  proved  afterwards. 

After  fighting  three  hours,  the  English  were  obliged  to  march  18  miles, 
before  the  wounded  could  be  dressed,  and  in  a  moat  horrid  and  boisterous 
night  Eighty  English  were  killed  in  the  fisht,  and  150  wounded,  many 
oT  whom  died  afterwards.  The  English  left  the  ground  in  considerable 
haste,  leaving  eight  of  their  dead  in  the  fort 

Plulip,  and  such  of  his  warriors  as  escaped  unhurt,  fled  into  a  place  of 
aafbty,  until  the  enoray  had  retired ;  when  they  reramed  again  to  the  fort 
*"  '  Bnglish,  no  doubt,  apprehended  a  pursuit,  but  PkUip,  not  knowing  their 
.nmetf.  situation,  and,  perhaps,  judging  of  their  loss  from  the  few  dead 
which  (hey  left  behind,  made  no  attempt  to  harass  them  in  their  retreat 
Before  the  fight  was  over,  many  of  the  wigwams  were  set  on  fire.  Into 
these,  hundrads  of  innocent  women  and  children  bad  crowded  them- 
selves, and  perished  in  the  general  conflagration !  And,  as  a  wiiter  of 
that  day  expresses  himself  "  no  man  knoweth  how  many."  The  English 
learned  aflerwards,  fbomsome  that  fell  into  their  hands,  that  in  all  about 
700perished.f 

Toe  sufferings  of  the  English,  after  the  fight,  are  almost  without  a 
parallel  in  history.  The  horrore  of  Moscow  will  not  longer  be  remem- 
bered. The  myriads  of  modem  Europe,  assembled  there,  bear  but  small 
proportion  to  the  number  of  their  countrymen,  compared  with  that  of  the 
army  of  New  England  and  theirs,  at  the  fi^ht  in  Narraganset 

Col.  'Chunk,  then  only  a  volunteer,  was,  in  reality,  the  JVfapoIeon  in  this 
fight  W^  will  hear  a  few  of  his  observations.  *^By  this  time,  the  Eng- 
lish people  in  the  fbrt  had  bc^n  to  set  fire  to  the  wigwams  and  houses, 
which  Mr.  Chmrch  labored  hara  to  prevent;  they  told  nim  they  had  uirdera 
Stam  the  seneralto  bum  theiti;  he  be^d  them  to  forbear  iraril  he  had 
discoursed  the  general."  Then,  hastening  to  him,  he  urged,  that  "  The 
wigwams  were  musket-proof,  being  all  uned  with  baskets  and  tubs  of 
gnin,  and  other  provisions,  sufficient  to  suppiy  tlie  whole  army  until  the 
spring  of  the  year;  and  evcv  wounded  man  might  have  a  good  warm 
house  to  lodge  in ;  which,  otherwise,  would  nacessarily  perish  with  the 
storms  and  cold.  And,  moreover,  that  the  army  had  no  other,  provision 
to  trust  unto  or  depend  upon;  that  he  knew  that  Plymouth  fbre^  had  not 


•Probably  JIfow/ji.  .■  ■  \   ■■■  ,,;•.* 

t  There  is  printed  in  Hutehiimm'*  Hist  Mast.  L  SOO.  a  letter  which  nvea  the  paftwur 
lain  of  the  Narraganset  firht.  I  have  compared  it  with  the  ori^nal,  aira  find  it  correct 
ia  the  main  particulars.  He  n.istakes  in  asertbinr  it  to  Maj.  aradfird,  for  it  is  sirned 
by  James  Oliver,  one  of  the  PUmoatb  captains.  HytchiiuoH  copied  flnom  a  copy,  whieb 
was  without  signature.  He  omits  a  passace  concerning'  TV),  or  7V#e,  who,  Otirtr  savi, 
confirmed  his  narrative.  ThsU  man  nad  "  mai-ried  an  Indian,  a  Wompanoac— he  tno4 
to  times  at  us  in  the  swamp— w«s  taken  at  Providence,  [by  Captain  Fetmtr,]  Jan.  14tb>-> 
brought  to  us  the  16tb— executed  the  I8th ;  a  sad  wretch.  He  never  heaid  a  sermon  but 
ooee  this  14  years ;  he  never  heard  of  the  name  of  Jetu*  Chrut.  His  father  coiag  to 
neaV  him,  lost  his  head,  and  lies  unburied."  Hubbard  says,  (Narrative,  69. )  tint "  he  was 
condemned  to  die  the  death  of  a  traitor,  and  traitors  of  those  days  were  quartered.  As 
to  bis  religion,  he  was  found  as  ignorant  as  an  heathen,  which,  no  doubt ,  eaused  the  bwar 
tsars  io  M  shed  at  his  tuneral."    A  sonowfiil  record ! 


rorteWe  babiM- 
of  pniiriaom^ 
"«;  pnbabh 
in^  who  would 
Mr  turn.  There 
ened  ftom  th„ 
•d  themwhreg 
■  '»•    Wotwith- 
ny  of  the  lives 
o«n  out  in  hjg 

•areh  18  miles, 
■nd  boisteroas 
ounded,  nrany 
■"  considerable 

nto  a  place  of 
ain  to  the  fort, 
knowing  their 
'  the  few  dead 

their  retreat. 

on  fire.    Into 

owded  them- 

w  a  writer  of 

The  Enriish 

in  att  aoout 

•f  without  a 
""  oe  renoeni- 
f^bot  smaU 
ith  that  of  the 

pofcon  in  this 
me,  the  Eng- 
>and  houses 
'y  bad  orders 
until  be  had 
I,  that  «  The 
and  tubs  of 
*>7  nntil  the 
good  warm 
sh  with  the 
er  provision 
"068  had  not 


^  tlw  part^eu. 
"•d  fl  correct 
•r  it  is  nigaed 
leppy,  which 

1  Jan.  14(1^ 
A  aermon  kut 
[hermMcto 
bal'^heWu 
irtered.    A« 

BdUrarewM- 


CliAr.  n.) 


Lve  or  Kmo  philip. 


■0  maeb  aa  one  hiaeuh  left"  Tlie  general  was  for  acceding  to  Chirtlft 
proposition,  but  a  captain  and  a  doctor  prevented  it,  as  we  have  befora' 
obaerred;  the  former  threateniiig  to  shoot  tho  general's  hoiw  undflt 
him,  if  be  attempted  to  march  in,  and  the  latter  said,  Ckurek  should  blead 
to  death  like  a  dose,  before  he  would  dress  his  wounds,  if  he  gave  siich 
advice.  Chink  then  proceeds:  "And,  burring  up  all  the  bouses  aitd 
provisions  in  die  fort,  the  army  returned  the  same  night  in  Uie  storm  and 
cold.  And,  I  suppose,  every  one  that  is  acquainted  with  the  cireumMaiieee 
of  that  night's  march,  deeply  laments  the  miseries  tiiat  attended  them ; 
especially  the  wounded  ana  d^nr  men.  But  it  mercifully  came  to  pass 
that  Capt  Andrtw  Bdeher  arrived  at  Mr.  Smith*i,  [in  Namwanset,]  that 
very  night  from  Boston,  with  a  vessel  loaden  with  provisions  m  the  army, 
who  must  otherwise  have  periahed  for  want."* 

Soon  after  this,  Pt^ip,  with  manv  of  his  followers,  left  that  part  of  the 
country,  and  resided  in  difttrent  places  upon  Connecticut  River.  Soma 
report  that  he  took  up  his  residence  near  Albanjr,  and  that  be  soBcitedthe 
Mohawks  to  aid  bim  against  the  En^isb,  but  without  succeas. 

The  story  of  the  fom  stratagem  said  to  have  been  resorted  to  by  PkS^ 
for  this  object,  is,  if  it  be  true,  the  deepest  stain  upon  his  character.  Ae* 
cordinff  to  one  of  the  historiansf^  of  the  war,  it  waa  reported  at  Bostotl,  in 
the  end  of  June  or  bennning  of  July,  1676,  that  "  those  Indians  who  ailt 
known  by  the  name  of  Mauquaw<»8,  (or  MohaiK^  i.  e.  man-eateijs;)  hat 
lately  follen  upon  Philip,  and  killed  40  of  his  men.  And  if  tbe  vsii«De« 
between  Phuip  and  the  Mauqiiawogs  came  to  pass,  as  is  commonly  ra^ 
ported  and  apprehended,  there  was  a  marvellous  finger  of  God  in  it.  Volt 
we  hear  that  PhUip  being  this  vrinter  entertain  dd  in  the  Mohawkf^  ceantry^ 
made  it  his  design  to  breed  a  quarrel  between  tbe  English  and  theiti^  to 
effect  which,  divers  of  our  returned  captives  do  report,  that  he  resolved 
to  kill  some  scattering  Mohawks,  and  then  to  say  that  the  English  had 
done  it;  but  one  of  these,  whom  he  thought  to  have  killed,  was  only 
wounded,  and  got  away  to  bis  countrymen,  giving  therri  to  underatand 
that  not  the  English,  but  PAsKp,  had  killed  the  men  that  Were  murdered ; 
so  that,  instead  of  bringing  tbe  Mohawks  upon  the  Eag^b,  he  hrouglit 
diem  upon  himself." 

.imHiB.'HiJji  4V.I  J' 

"  On  hm  ^B  fltaiu  what  aeeidtMi  aUend,  '    .  -m  !  • «  .n^hnH 

Cronrd  every  walk,  abd  darken  to  tbe  end !"  '  >  i  t  oiut)H 

I^otoer  qf  Solitude.^.     .    .lit 

The  author  of  the  anonymous  <f  Lettehs  to  LonnoN"  has  this  pw« 
8ue§  concerning  PhU^*t  visit  to  the  Mohawks.  "  King  PhUip  and  some 
oftbese  northern  Indians,  being  wandered  up  towards  Albany,  tlie  Moliucks 
marched  out  very  strong,  in  a  warlike  posture,  upon  tbem.,<putting  thorn 
tofliffbt,and  pursuing  them  as  for  as  Hassicke  River,  which  is  about iwo 
days*^  march  m>m  the  east  ade  of  Hudson's  River,  to  tbo  north-east,  killing 
divers,  and  bringing  away  some  prisoners  with  great  pride  and  triumph, 

*  "  Our  wounded  men,  (in  number  about  IfiO,)  bein^  dressed,  were  sent  into  Rhode 
Island,  as  tbe  best  place  for  their  accommodation ;  where,  arcordini^ljr,  tbo.y  were  kindly 
received  by  the  governor,  and  others,  only  some  churlish  Quakers  were  not  free  to  cnterr 
lain  them,  until  compelled  by  Ihf  governor.  Of  so  inhumane,  peevish  and  untoward  a 
<Gsposition  are  these  Nabalt,  as  not  to  vouchsafe  civility  to  those  that  had  ventured  tlicir 
fives,  and  received  dangerous  woiwds  in  their  defence."  A  new  andfurtlitr  Nar.  SfC. 
cf  th*  bUmdy  Ind.  Waf,  1 

t  Dr.  /.  Mather,  Brief  Hist,  38. 

X  By  Jotifh  Story,  now  the  eminent  Judge  Story.  The  words  in  italics  we  have  sub- 
stituted for  others. 

fin  his  third  part,  which  he  calls  "  A  continAed  Areonnt  of  the  Bloady  Indian  War» 
6om  March  till  August,  1(76,"  page  13.  fol.  Lond.  1676. 


LIFE  OF  XING  PHILIP. 


CBooBin. 


whkb  ill  miocflH  on  that  •ide,  when  they  did  not  expect  any  eooajr, 
hafiiif  lately  endeavored  to  make  up  tbe  apeient  a?)iinoaitie%  did  veiy 
apuoh  daunt  and  diaeourage  tbe  aaid  nortbern  Indiana,  ao  tbat  aoaM  huo- 
dredacame  hi  and  aubmittad  tbenwelvea  to  the  Engliah  at  Plinioutb  edony, 
•pd  PAi^p  hiinaelf  ia  run  aitulkiog  away  into  aome  awampwitb  not  above 
Urn  men  attending  bim." 

The  various  atiacka  and  eneountera  be  bad  with  tbe  Engliab,  ftom 
Fabruarv  to  AL^piat,  1^6,  are  ao  minutely  recorded,  and  in  8a>  many 
wiKka,  that  we  will  not  enlarge  upon  them  in  tbia  place. 

When  aucceaa  ao  longer  attended  bim,  in  tbe  weatem  parte  of  Sfaapa- 
ohvaetta,  iboae  of  bia  alliea  whom  be  had  seduced  into  tbe  war,  upbraided 
^aA  accuaed  him  of  bria^ng  all  their  roiaf^onea  upon  them ;  that  they 
ha.^  no  cauae  of  war  a^inat  tbe  Eogliab,  aiid  had  not  engaged  in  k  but 
Sm  bia  aolieitatiena;  and  many  of  the  tribn  acattered  tbemaelvea  in  dif- 
ftreat  duvctions.  With  dl  that  would  follow  bim,  aa  a  last  retreat,  PkHip 
n^raad  to  Pokanoket 

The  Pecomptuok  or  Desrfield  Indians  were  amons  tbe  first  who  aban- 
doned bis  oauae,  and  many  of  die  other  Nipmucu  and  Narraganants 
■OQn  folkiwad  their  ezwnpK 

On  tbe  Utb  of  July«  he  inmng»ifid  to  surpritM  Taunton,  but  was  repulsed.* 
Hia  cemp  wm  now  «t  Meti^wiset.  Tbe  English  came  upon  him  here, 
wider  Captain  Chireh,  who  captured  many  orJIiis  people,  but  be  eaccped 
oyer  Taunton  River,  aa.  be  bad  done  a  year  before,  out  in  tbe  oppoaito 
direction,  and  screened  himself  once  more  in  tho  woods  of  Poeaseet.  *iie 
uaed  many  atrategems  to  cuioffCapt  Church,  and  seems  to  h&ve  w.  jd 
and  followed  him  fiom  place  to  place,  until  tbe  end  of  this  month  ■  * 
be  waa  eontinuelly  loaing  one  componv  of  his  mer  after  another.  Son,  - 
scouta  ascertained  tbat  be,  end  many  or  bia  men,  were  at  a  certain  pla^x 
upon  Taunton  River,  and,  from  appearances,  wore  about  to  repass  it.  His 
oamp  was  now  at  this  place,  and  tbe  chief  of  his  wairiora  with  bim. 
Some  aoldieia  from  Bridgewater  fell  upon  them  here,  on  Sunday,  July 
90,  and  killed  ten  warriors ;  but  Philip,  having  disguised  himself,  escaped^ 
Hw  uncle,  Mkon^fain,  waa  among  ti^ct  slain,  and  hif  owa  sister  tak^n 
prisoner. 

Tbe  late  attempt  by  PhUip  upon  Taunton  bad  caused  tbe  people  of 
Bridgewater  to  be  more  watchful,  and  some  were  continually  oq  the  scou  . 
Some  time  in  tbe  day,  Saturday,  29  /ul]^,  four  men,  as  they  were  ran^in^- 
tbe  woods,  diseovered  one  Indian,  and,  rightly  judging  there  were  mere  at 
hand,  made  all  haste  to  inform  the  other  inhabitants  of  Bridgewater  of 
tbefar  discovery.  Cmi^^H  fFUtit  aiid  .haqik  Edtm  were  ^'pressed"  to  go 
"post*  to  tbe  governor  of  PHmoutb,  at  Marehfleid,  wbo"went  to  Plf» 
moutK'  with  them,  the  next  day,  [30  July,]  to  send  Capt.  €%tp;A  with  bin 
eompiny.  And  Capt  Church  came  with  Ui«m  to  Monponset  on  the  sab* 
bath,  end  came  ao  further  that  day,  he  told  them  he  would  meet  them  tbe 
next  day."  Here  ffittia  and  Edgon  left  bim,  and  arrived  at  home  in  the 
evening.  Upon  bearing  of  the  arrival  of  Church  in  their  neighborbooA, 
31  noen  "went  out  on  Monday,  suppooing  to  meet  with  Capt.  Church; 
but  they  came  upon  the  enemy  and  fought  with  them,  and  tpok  17  of 
them  alive,  and  also  much  plunder.  And  tliey  all  returned,  and  not  on* 
of  them  fell  by  the  enemy ;  and  received  no  help  from  CAtwvA."  Tbia 
account  is  given  from  an  old  manuscript,  but  ^ho  iu  author  was  is  nM 


•  A  captive  negro  made  his  escape  from  Philip'*  men,,  and  «fave  notice  of  iheir  ,i^i|^- 
lioa ;  "whereupon  tbe  inhabitants  stood  upon  (heir  aniarJ,  an^  souldiers  were  timoMsly 
sent  in  to  them  for  their  relief  and  defence."    Preimevicy  'of  Prayer,  8.  ■ 

fTn  Mid  that  he  had  newly  cut  off  his  bair,  that  be  nicbt  npt  be  1w<;<rn-''  ^M^-' 
hmrd,  Nwr.  101.  \  ' '  ''''  ''"'■'••'  '■■'^^- 


Cut*.  IL] 

eeruin.* 
on  tbe  evejl 
mouth,"! 
near  night,! 
went  into  f 

On  the 
tera,  killed 
escaping.  I 
und  hia  wi^ 
No  soon 
attract  Btte| 
been  dest 
of  the  faiif 
elapsed, 
fying  to  M 
every  bunr 
the  wretcl 
the  decree 
Someo: 
"You  ha' 
poo?  and 
killed  or  t 
his  bead, 
C*«rcM 
morning, 
moved  v« 
Bridgevva 
ing,  h«  BO 
hod  fiiUen 
the  Btum{ 
and  hod  ( 
hoBtily  to 
which  th 
dian,  eeei 
clapped 
threw  hii 
and  mac 
river,  w 
Bcatl^^^rec 
their  wc 
about  ni 
the  flyi" 
picked  I 
Whom  t 
return  t 
aparty 
cess,hfl 
immed! 
they  hi 
who« 
great  i 
when  I 


IBooaiD. 

''••■•■jr. 

■one  huo- 
nsth  eoioDy, 
ootajbeve 

nuuijr 

of  IHaipa* 
lUpbiBided 
;  that  they 
3d  ID  k  but 
vea  in  dif- 

vrhoaban. 
iraganaots 

repulsed.* 
bim  bere, 
e  eweped 
BoppoeUo 
ioawt.  >ie 

» W.        jd 

onth ; 
or.  Soi,  . 
tain  plaftv 
s  it  Hia 
vitb  fcm. 
day,  ^uly 
eM«pedvf 
ter  takm 

•eople  of 
hoBi'.ov  , 

•  mere  at 
vatei  of 
r  logo 
;  to  P», 
iritbhiu 
the  weih- 
iMmthe 
sin  tbe 
i>rfaoo4 
Jhurch; 
:  17  of 
lotQiie 
Thie 
is  nee 


Caar.  IL] 


LITE  or  KDfo  raiup. 


certain.'  Cfturei**  account  diflbn  oooaidetably  flom  it  He  mf,  that  «* 
on  the  evening  of  the  aame  day  he  and  hia  company  marched  iVom  Pli-<< 
mouth,  "they  heard  a  amart  firing  at  a  diaianoe  from  diem,  but  it  bein*  "• 
near  night,  and  the  firing  of  abort  continuance,  they  miaaed  the  place,  enait 
went  into  Biidgewater  town."  ' 

On  the  1  fkuguat,  the  intrepid  tiuirth  came  upon  Phflh'M  head  quai^'t 
tera,  Icilied  and  took  about  190  of  hia  people,  PAifap  hima'  Ir  veiy  natfowl v  < 
csicaping.  Such  was  hia  precipitation,  that  be  left  all  hia  wampum  behind, :  i 
and  nia  wife  and  aon  fell  into  the  handa  of  Ckurek.  ■^ 

No  aoooer  had  the  atory  of  the  deatruction  o{  the  Indiana  began  lo<>< 
attract  attention,  (which,  however,  waa  not  until  a  long  time  after  the^  had  ' 
been  de8troyed,i  much  inquiry  was  made  concerning  the  ftte  of  thni  aon 
of  the  famous  Metaeotnet;  and  it  waa  not  until  conaiderabk- tikne  had 
elapsed,  that  it  waa  discovered  that  he  viraa  aold  into  alavery !    It  ia  gratiiiii! 
fyiag  to  learn  what  did  become  of  him,  although  it  muat  cauM  pam  in 
every  humane  breaat ;  not  more  for  the  lot  of  ,voung  M^aeomet,  than  for 
the  wretched  depravity  of  the  minda  of  those  who  adviaed  and  executed  -> 
the  decree  of  alavery  upon  him.  i'^ 

Some  of  PhUip'g  Indiana,  who  now  aerved  imder  Chwreh,  aaid  to  hitoj:^ 
"  You  have  now  made  PkUip  ready  to  die ;  for  you  have  made  him  aa'  ^ 
poor  and  miserable  as  he  used  to 'make  the  English.  You  have  now' 
killed  or  taken  all  hia  rehitions — ^that  they  believed  he  would  soon  liav«)^' 
his  head,  and  tha*^  thie  hout  had  almost  broken  his  heart."  •'■^■ 

CKvreh^  relates  this  attack  upon  the  flying  chief  aafollovni:->'*  Next  ' 
morning,  [afier  the  skirmish  in  which  wJUompotn  was  killed,]  Capt  Ckureh 
moved  very  early  with  his  company,  ;v.hich  was  increased  by  many  of 
Bridgevvater  that  listed  under  him  for  that  expedition,  and,  by  their  pitt- 
ing, ho  soon  c<uiie,  ver^  still,  to  the  top  of  the  great  tree  which  the  enemy 
had  fallen  across  the  river ;  and  the  captain  spied  an  Indian  atting  iipoa 
the  stump  of  it,  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  and  he  clapped  his  gun  up. 
and  bad  doubtless  despatched  him,  but  that  one  of  his  own  Indians  callwi' 
hastily  to  him  not  to  fire,  for  he  believed  it  was  one  of  his  own  men ;  upon 
which  the  Indian  upon  the  stump  looked  about,  and  Capt  Chunks  Ith 
dian,  seeing  his  face^  perceived  hia  miitake,  tor  he  knew  him  to  be  I^ip ; 
clapped  up  his  gun  and  fired,  but  it  waa  too  late ;  for  PPitZtp  immediateljF'  > 
threw  himself  ofiT  the  stump,  leaped  down  a  bank  on  the  side  of  the  riverf  ' 
and  made  his  escape.  Capt  CmircA,  as  soon  as  possilde,  got  over  the 
river,  ^nd  scattered  in  quest  of  Philip  and  his  company,  but  the  enemy 
scatlr.fed  and  fled  eveiy  way ;  but  he  picked  up  a  considerable  many  of 
their  women  and  children,  among  which  were  PiM(tp*«  wife  and  son  of 
about  nine  years  old."  The  remainder  of  the  day  waa  spent  in  pursuing 
the  flying  Philip^  who^  with  his  Narraganseta,  was  still  formidiMe:  '^ley 
picked  up  many  prisoners,  firom  wliom  they  learned  the  force  of  those  of 
whom  they  were  in  pursuit  At  i  light,  Ckureh  was  under  obligation  to 
return  to  his  men  he  had  left,  but  c  ommiasioned  lAgh^ool,  captalnj  to  lead 
a  party  on  discovery.  Lighlfoot  returned  in  the  morning  with  good  sue* 
cess,  having  made  an  important  discovery,  and  taken  13  pribo^ers.  Ckttrck 
immediately  set  out  to  nilow  up  their  advantage.  He  soon  came  where 
they  had  made  fires,  and  shortly  after  overtook  their  women  and  ohiMreD, 
who  "  were  foint  and  tired,"  and  who  informed  them  ''that  PhUip,  with  a 
great  number  of  ihe  enemy,  w^re  a  little  l>3fore."  It  was  almost  sunset 
when  they  came  near  enough  to  ouserve  them,  and  **  PkUip  soon  came  tQ 


*  It  is  published  by  Mr.  Mitehel,  in  his  Talu-<.b!e  account  of  Brideewater,  and  lupposed 
to  havfB  Men  written  by  Con\fori  WilHa,  named  abqve,    Sen  1  Col.  Mw».  Hist.  Soc.  vH, 

t  Hut  Pmijfs  War,  38.  ed.  4lo.        •*•"  '■'"''^'  *>*"  •>»■  '« ^'^'•>« 


unc  or  KINO  pmup. 


PiooilB. 


I- 


m  «i|»,«id  M  tobraaktef  uid  ehofpini^  wood, to  make  ilfw}  and  kgiMC 
MiiM  Umjk  tnadA."  C%mm4,  ooneennting  his  foUcwera,  formed  tiMm  into 
•  >«ii«lB,  and  wt  dbwa  MwitlMNtt  any  nuiae  or  fire."  Their  priaonan 
ahowed  grmt  aigabof  feeiv  but  www  aaaily  put  in  eonfldenee  bjr  tba  oon- 
eiliatonr  conduct  of  Otwrek.  Tiiua  stood  mattera  in  Ckmdifg  eamp  tbrougfa 
tba  ni^  of  th^  B  AUguct,  ie7&    At  dawn  of  dajr,  b«  toM  Ua  prtwneia 


tmtk.f 

U  baiag  now  Ujbt  aaoogb  to  mike  the  onaal,  dkurvA  aent  finward  two 
aoldlera  to  ieani  PkUifa  ^tion.  PkU^  no  lea  wary,  had,  ac  the  nme 
time,  apBt  out  two  apiee  lo  aee  if  ttiy  wera  in  putauit  of  him.  The  re- 
■pac^  apieaof  the  two  frmona  eUeft  fave  the  alarm  tofSth  eampa  at 
tne  aame  tiaae;  biti,  unhappily  Ibr  PMfib,  his  antaooniM  waa  prepared 
for  dM  event,  whihi  be  waa  aet.  **  All  fled  at  the  first  tidinn  f of  the 
apiea,]  left  their  kettlea  boiling,  and  meat  wasting  upon  their  wooden 
aMi^  iud  ran  kila  a  awamp  with  no  other  breakftat.  than  what  Cant. 
CKsirdk  aftanrarda  treated  tliero  with."  Ckmnh  sent  bis  lieutenant,  Mr. 
iMOe  Hntkmdt  on  one  aide  of  the  awamp,  while  himaelf  ran  upon  the 
other,  eaoh  with  a  email  party,  hoping,  aa  tiie  ewamp  waa  small,  to  prevent 
the  eacape  of  any.  Expeetbg  that  when  PA^j*  should  discover  the 
English  at  the  flvther  extremity  of  the  swamp,  he  wouU  turn  back  in  his 
own  track,  and  ao  caeape  al  the  laune  phwe  he  entered,  CfturoA  had, 
thM«<ore,  statidned  an  ambush  to  entrap  him  in  such  an  event  But  the 
warineaa  of  PhS^  disappointed  him.  He,  thinking  thi>.t  the  English 
would  pursue  him  into  the  swamp,  had  fomied  an  auuNuh  for  them  also, 
iHtt  Win,  in  like  manner,  disappointed.  He  had,  at  the  same  time,  sent 
forward  a  band  of  hia  wairiora,  who  foil  into  (be  handa  of  Chitnh  and 
JBbislawrf.  They,  at  fim^  attempted  to  fly,  and  then  ofleiad  reaialanee ; 
but  Cfturdk  ocdMred  JKritmoat  to  tell  them  the  impraeticabiKty  of  such  a 
step.  Heaecordiuly  ealledtothem,aiid8akl,  "Iffiktgf  ibwf  onerimtt«y 
wtn  eU  dtdd  awn.**  Thia  threat,  with  the  preaence  of  the  Eugliah  and 
Infflans^  ao  amaced  them,  that  thiej  suffered  ,**tlie  EnsKsh  to  come  and 
lake  the  guns  out  of  their  handa,  when  they  were  ooth  charged  and 
eo^ed."  Having  aaeured  tiieae  whh  a  guard,  armed  with  the  guns  just 
takes  from  them,  C$mnk  prsaatis  through  the  swamp  in  search  of  PtStip^ 
towavda  theatad  at  whieh  that  obief  Mii  entered.  Having  waited  until 
he  kad  no  kopca  of  ansMring  CaM.  ClfWtt  P*fly  now  moved  on  after 
the  eompamr  he  bad  aent  forwata,  aikdl  thna  the  two  partiea  met  The 
Enrilah  had  the  advantage  of  the  fliBi  diaeovcfey,  and,  covered  by  treea, 
mane  the  firat  fire.  mHp  alood  Ub  nound  foratime,  and  mainwned  a 
deauerete  flcht ;  but,  a  main  body  of  hia  tMurriora  havi  if  been  capitured, 
which,  by  thia  tinke,  he  began  to  apprehend,  as  they  AH  not  come  to  hia 
aid,  be,thereflM«,fled  back  to  the  pomt  wfalire  he  entered  the  swamp,  and 
thua  fell  into  a  aeoond  ambush.  Here  the  Engiish  were  wonted,  having 
one  of  thrir  number  sitdn,  via.  7%oma«  .^ica»4  of  Plimouth;  thoa 
eaeaped,  ibr  a  Aw  d^i^  ."^Ul^  and  some  of  his  beat  captains,  such  «a 

•  Hitt  PWV*  War, ». 

t  One  of  Churehf*  Imuu  soldien,  but  of  whom  he  makes  no  mention. 

%  Aa  imprevid^  Mlew,  given  lo  iniosieation,  and,  from  Chtmh't  espressiob  aboat 
h»  being  Killed,  "  not  being  so  cnrefiil  as  he  might  have  been  "  it  leaves  room  to  doubt 
wbMherlie  were  not  at  Ibis  tine,  under  the  effects  of  Kqaor.  He  bad  been  often  fined, 
and  onee  whipped,  for  getting  drunk,  beatinr  his  wife  and  children,  defiuniog  the  cha»> 
aeler  of  deceased  magistrates,  and  otlier  misdemeanors. 


re- 


I)ra.u-n  by  J.  Ncilsan. 


Kng.by  .VH-Ihicand. 


i-.ni 

place,  una  IM 
long  time,  h* 
for  he  WM  al 

Siut  to  death 
earing  the  ■ 

of  hi*  eh>«^ 
flauurdaynaj 
«P9aiiiped,a 
•o  M  »  WM 

)m  ioimenM 
.Pfcfltpwa* 
i.Dg  on  but 
directiT  up( 
ai^ibiMliat  < 

upon  bwn 
There  « 

fceattng* 
other  evei 
whieb  w« 
have,  new 
oiKjaediog 
flomeaodi 
cootuned 

EMGLA^ 
BeliewW 
BMtfM 

Apeooiit 
likWeli 

the  war, 
Hewaa 

ehanee, 

<  went  DC 

•  aofadi 

Indtan 
reitth 
tfk«r< 


SKAT    OF    ]IC3^(S    FH11!■."]1I^ 


CMr.ni 


iini'OPiiiiio- 


1\upatpiin  mi  TatotML   Tbbwa  Att8Wi<b»W|/iMl>Mtp*«  Dumbin 
luul  (IwmMd,  anee  the  lit.  17&  Ajr  tlM  MMitlotM  df  CkarA.* 

PMA^,  hftving  now  bu*.  few  foUln,w«pJdl^:fM,,c|^TSn  flmn  pkec  to 
place,  uid  UtUy  to  bk  aocieM  aBpi  mm  PoMlMMk,  Tp*  EojriWi,  Ibr  • 
loDC  tintw,  had  endeavored t* kil lliait"*l oomM ■■•  Had bim oirbiaj^iMri | 


lODj 

for 


16  was  always  the  flnt  wlw ' 


Bmyria^ 


fiut  to  death  one  of  his  ineot  ftNr  ttfmi§  Mo  ^Hu^umtoB.  his  farolhar, 
earing  the  same  fiue,  d«aerted'Miii.«iMl  gB^  C«|IMb  ClUireft  M  aeeoaBt 
of  his  «9hi«(V  •itu■(y>l^and  «CanJi^)fi4  ,)Nn.|B  \iit,magt,,JBm^  «■ 
Sauirday  raomiog,  19  Aug,  Clp«4 «Mvift  i»  mv>mfa,mm%fmm  im 


eocain|ied,and,  befera  ha  ww  diaaoveivdi  bad 
so  aa  lo  encompass  it.  except  ■  sowUl  phoe. 
QoLHitgt  to  rush  intoibeswauiu  and  Ml  upon  Pi 
bo  ioimediaiely  did'~)N'<  was  dweoverad  m  h» 
PhOip  was  lb*  fifit  to  Ir.    Hav^Qc  bui JiMt 
'ISickitbsiirbaftd^ 

wbo 


but  a  p«rta<'biickitbaifi»b*  Kd  « 


tog  on  , 

directly  upon  ab  Bngiiabioao  and  an  Ii 

aiabiMi  at  the  edge  of  tiba  sw^mp^  the 


ibaa  aidandC>aiitifai 

bki  Mdit.    Coflitac 

4JW<rsifii.  the  InSiaip.  wbofe  gun  wm  bxSled  wUb  MN».MipLffriM.M»e 
through  bis  beavL  and  another  not  ahow  two  iaehM  A<p»  l|t.  iit\fcU 
iipoohtefteeintli^awdand  WBlBr,wtthbipgiuiiiBd«f,biiit.^{         ,  <. 

There  were  many  reports  in  dnalation  of  tbie  fmU/tuian  oltiWiilPt 
great  tragedy  of  the \VaiopaDoag  saehem,  wbkh,oociaiipfnid>  aafal  iQWiy 
otb«r  events,  difiaient  aeoounia  being  handed  aawD.)  bitt  all  i«f  tbam 
whicb  we  have  seen,  tbotMh  maniftalljr  contiadiotoiTiii  pa«M  paitiwlira, 
have,  nevertheless,  some  fteta  of  grapi  impoitanoe.  ^IV  IbUawifgrbaiag 
exoaraioriy  carious,  we  give  tlijt  aubstaiiQe  irf*  it,  Baaidea  anntaiwiag 
aomeadditiondftcta,itaerv«atoahoWaBaoflbedillRfB»tn^faBi'  Ilia 
contained  in  a  atngle  sheet,  in  fblio  Ibtm,  printed  is,  jUofifloo,  1677,  aad 
yrmt  UoenUl  4  Nov.  of  that  year.  Ita  tWa^  w,  -  Tmt  .WAftit, ,  m  NRW 
ENGLAND  viaiM,T  bmpso.    King  Pflnip,  tbat 


Beheaded,  and  most  of  bis  Bloiidy  Adbaranta  aiib«n)tt4d;t»,MiV(gr«J^ 
Raat  fled  fitf  up  hito  the  CkMiqtray,  wbicb  baM>  jdva*  ibaloliWMMa  Jm- 
c9Krageni«nt  to  pranara  for  thair  $attlsinaflt>,  Sabg  aitVua  pod  pBlAvt 
Aoeount  brought  in  by  CMe6JMM«,Ma>twaf  «  veaaal  nfrfvly  wrkTMLlnvni 
aimkltlMii/'  IiaaubatanoaiaaafoUinfa:  PMi^b«d„»4ien  ba  b^an 
the  war,  300  man,  but  whm  ha  waa  Ullad,  10  oafy  lacnauiadijaf  itb^«aa. 
Ha  waa  a  '•pestilent  ringleodar."  The  swamp  in  wMcb  bflifnwiltillad, 
mm  "ao  Vioae,  that  our  men  (iprit  19' tbe  middle"  in  ,th|i  .4aild«  f  JPy 
ebanee,  the  Indian  cuide  and  tW  M  Pllmouth  man,  baiof  n|iBl|iar„Aia 
f^ide  aqiied  ui  Indian,  and  bida  tba  Pliaiouth  roan  abool,  wthaae  gon 
want  not  off,  oUy  flashed  in  the  pan;  v^tb  that  tba  Iodia«;|ook«4  labwtt, 
aad  waa  going  to  ahoot,  but  the  Pfirooutb  man  nravianiad  biiOi  awdifliot 
tfta«Mroir  through  the  body,  dead,  vrith  a  braoa  of  baUatai  aBd,»fV>mwb- 
iag^  tbe  p^ee  where  be  lay,  upon  aearcb,  it  i^mafad  to  ha  Klng.PMip, 
19  4Mir  Qoaooall  amazement  and  great  joy.  Tbm,  aeasanaMa  tpaay  Mvaa 
aoan divided ;  tfaear  cut  off  bia  bead  and  baad^and  eonvayed  tbaaft'to 
Bboda  wand,  and  quartered  bia  body,  and  bung  it  WIod  four  traea.  tQa» 
Indian  laora  of  King  PkOVt  company  they  than  IdUad^  and  aqoia  oClka 
feat  they  wounded.  But  the  awaiiq>  being  ao  tbick  and  lairy,  they  iw4o 
fheur  eaeape." 

if  *  Chunk,  41.    In  the  accooat  of  T€Uo$tm,  Ckttr^U  awrative  is  eostiuMJ.  :„^* « 
tBrotlwrorilUeniMii.  .u 

tCapt.  Roftr  GatiUfn,  of  R.  I.    Plimouth  granted  Um  100  tens  of-laad  on  J^tc 
~'it,  in  1676,  for  hit  eminent  Mmecf.    PUw^  Renrd$.  ^,  , 

ituW  .Vo' ' 


».-|'MfHliii^ii\, 


UFB  OF  UNO  PmUP. 

"  Ookl,  with  the  bMM  he  slew,  ho  slwiw } 
O'w  nim  no  iUial  tpiril  w«epi ) 


[Bwui 


•        •«•••• 

Even  that  Ne  fived.  is  for  Ua  eonqaeror'i  tangat  { 
Bjr  foM  ikiM  hb  dealh-fonr  muii  b«  Mag} 
!. <!|l^J  ^iii  !((•  it'h  No  ebraaielM  but  Ihein  wiiU  tell 

Hit  wMiniAi)  dooa  to  fiuure  tinee ) 

May  theie  upon  hit  vtitues  dwell, 

And  in  hii  fats  Toifet  hit  crime*."— 4>n^g:«(. 


■^<u^,.]\ 


.UUI 


""  UMiipme  of  tbe  man  stadimed  with  Alderman  wm  CaUb  Cook,*  iHio 

'  hid  ^taran  hi  ntany  of  Ckwr^^o  hazardous  expeditkins  before  the  present. 
8e«in|  that  he  could  not  hare  the  honor  of  killing  PJU%,  he  was  deai- 
;  mm  'n  possible  of  having  a  memento  of  the  mightf  exploit  He  therefovs 
nreraimd  upon  Mlerman  to  exchan(:e  guns  with  him.  This  gun  was 
Icept  in  the  family  until  the  present  centuiy,  when  the  late  baae  Lofhrip 
Eijq.  «r  PHmouth  obtained  the  lock  of  it  ftom  Mr.  SjfiwmuB  Cook,  late  of 
Kingston.  Sjlvanu$  was  great-trandson  of  CVde&.f  The  stock  and  bar- 
Mi  of  the  gtan  are  still  retained  dt  the  descendants  of  the  name  of  C0M4 
We  ale  able  to  add  yet  a  little  ror  the  ffratifieation  of  the  curious :  a  kck 
shoiirB  in  die  libraiy  of  the  Mass.  Hist  Soc.  is  said  t  >  be  the  same  which 

'  Mdtrman  used  in  sLooting  Philip.  This  Mderman  was  a  subject  of  fFu- 
Utmoo.  In  the  commencement  of  this  war,  he  went  to  the  governor  of 
nimouth,  acd  decnred  to  remain  in  puace  with  the  En^isb,  and  immedi- 
itely  took  up  hiii  reridence  upon  an  island,  remote  from  the  triboi  en- 

•  A|Bd  in  the  war.  Btit  after  Philip  had  returned  to  his  own  country, 
Munniim,  upon  some  occasion,  visiteti  him.    It  was  at  this  time  that  he 

■iMrned  the  thte  of  his  brother  before  spoken  of;  or  his  murder  was  ac- 
todljf'eommitted  while  he  was  present  This  caused  his  flight  to  the 
Ebgnh,  which  he  thought,  probably,  the  last  resort  for  vengeance.    He 

'  *eame  down  flrom  thence^  says  Chunk,  (wliere  Philip'B  camp  now  'vAs,) 
on  to  Sand  Point  ov«r  against  7Vt/M,  ana  holtow^d,  and  made  sigitt  to  be 
ftloh'd  orer"  to  the  islsM.  He  wa«  iitomedilateljr  brought  ov^r,  and'  gave 
the  infimnation  desired.  Capt  Oiurth  had  but  just  arrived  upon  Rhode 
Iriand,  and  wis  about  eight  miles  from  the  upper  end,  where  ^Idernum 
landed.  He  had  been  at  home  but  a  few  minutes,  when  **thay  spy'd  two 
horsemen'  ootnhig  a  great  pace,'*  and,  as  he  prophesied,  **  the^  came  vi^th 

'  tydings."  Major  iSScttpbn/  and  Capt  QoltUnr  were  the  horsemen,  *<  who 
hnniMUately  ask'd  Capt  Churt^  wudheisowdgive  to  hear  some  newa  qf 
Phitip.  He  reply'd,  That  imu  what  he  wanted.'^  The  expedition  was  at 
ikibe  eatttred  upon,  artd  Mdenhan  vrettt  as  their  pilot  But  to  returti  to 
thefUlofPJUhj*;— 

''  "By  this  time,"  continues  Church,  "the  eneiriy  perceived  they  were 
fvayhttd  on  the  east  side  of  the  swamp,  tacked  short  about,"  and  were  led 
out  of  tboir  dangerous  8)tuati6n  by  the  great  captain  Anmiwon.  "The 
man  that  had  sbot  down  PkUip  ran  with  all  speed  t6  Capt.  Ckureh,  and 
informed  him  of  his  exploit,  who  commanded  him  to, be  alent  about  it, 
and  let  no  man  more  know  it  until  they  had  drove  the  swamp  clean ;  but 
when  they  had  drove  the  swamp  through,  and  found  the  enemy  had  es- 
<ftqied,  or  at  least  the  most  of  them,  and  the  sun  now  up,  and  so  the  dew 

'jgtohe  that  they  could  not  easily  tmck  them,  the  whole  company  met  to- 
gether at  the  place  where  the  enemy's  night  shelter  was,  and  then  Capt 

*  Baylit$,  in  bit  N.  Plimoulti,  ii.  168,  tayt  hit  name  was  Francis,  but  at  he  gives  no 
authority,  ive  adhere  to  older  authority, 
t  This  Cahb  Cook  was  son  of  Jacob  of  Plimouth,  and  was  bom  there,  39  Mar.  I6AI. 

ge  had  two  or  more  brothert ;  Jacob,  bom  14  May,  1663,  and  Francis,  5  Jan.  1663-4. 
au.-  !.  is  not  probable  that  Francis  wat  a  soldier  at  thit  time,  at  he  was  only  m  his 
ISthyear. 
t  Col.  Matt.  Hist.  Soc.  iv.  69. 


ORi^r.n.l 

Ckivreh  gave 

army'g«'^«, 
jmllcd  oMi  of 
(tians  took  h 
\w\Hg  otlicrw 
luul  a  dolefi 
on.!  of  tbe^ 
As  the  won 
/artMtlwP 
fuwaiehashi 
rol  abovt  t^ 
With  the 
was  his  chi« 
at  the  comn 
"PWipl 
sionesl  by  t 
liead  niul  tl 
such  gent!e 
Ue  got  man 
The  bail 
executed  « 
tiuner,  bid 
hatchet,  an 
directing  it 
mode  tnatil 
as»  [arse] , 
Hisheaf 
for  90  yet 
in  savage 
sepulture. 
CkurA 
rived  wit! 
August  1 
"received 
inies  k>lk 
sameprit 
was  all  tl 
Durinj 
with  thei 
thei '  ene 
Indians 
andanin 
when  th 
mterpos 
the  exp 
lence  ol 
prayer, 
they[tl 
prayed 
Phtisp'' 
twenty 


or&p.  n.] 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


™«  present. 

■^ 'WIS  dew- 

[ne  thereibm 

gun  was 

\pook,  late  ^ 
^k  and  Imr- 
le  of  Co*tt 
nous  2  a  lock 
■•me  wbieh 
fleet  oflTee- 
fovemor  of 
md  inunedi- 
B  trihea  en- 
'^  eouotiy, 
ime  that  lie 
•e*"  was  ac- 
■ight  to  the 
:eance.    He 

■i«08  to  be 
*!•,  and  gare 
ipon  Rhode 
e  '^Uerman 
y  spy'd  two 

came  with 
men, «  who 
»«  news  qf 
ion  was  at 

returti  to 

»hey  were 
a  Were  led 
w.    "The 
wre^aod 
It  about  h, 
lean ;  but 
yhad  6s- 
'  the  dew 
1^  met  to- 
en  Capu 

'0  jivet  no 

♦Jar.  I65I. 
nl66S-i, 
wljrmhi. 


dtirrA  gave  them  the  news  of  PUlip'a  death.  Upon  which  the  whoh 
urmy*  gHve  three  loud  huzzai>.  Capt.  Church  ordered  his  body  to  he 
{Milled  (Hit  of  the  mire  on  to  the  uplnnd.  So  some  of  Cnpu  Chweh*t  In- 
dians took  hold  of  him  h\  his  storkings,  and  some  by  his  small  breeches, 
twiiig  otherwise  naked,  and  drew  him  thruush  the  mud  unto  the  upland ; 
iUMi  a  doleful,  great,  naked -dirty  beast,  he  looked  like."  (Now  rollows 
onK  of  the  nuist  barbarous  passages  in  the  life  of  the  excellent  C  rek. 
As  the  word  ezce//en/  may  surprise  some  of  my  readers,  I  will  ad  .noM 
far  OM  it  ia po$aAUfor  a  tearrior  to  bt  «o.)  Capt.  Church  then  said,  "■For- 
asmuch as  he  has  caused  many  an  Enrluhman^s  hod^  to  lie  unlniried  and 
rot  above  pround,  not  one  of  his  bones  mall  be  buried  I* 

Willi  the  ^at  chief,  (ell  five  of  his  most  trusty  followers,  one  of  whom 
was  his  chief  captain's  son,f  and  the  very  Indian  who  fired  the  first  gun 
at  the  commencement  of  the  war. 

**  PhUip  having  one  very  remarkable  hand,  being  much  scarred,  occa- 
sioned by  the  splitting  of  a  pistol  in  it  formerlv,  Capt.  Church  gave  the 
liead  niiii  that  hand  to  JUdtrnuau,  the  Indian  who  shot  him,  to  show  to 
stirh  gentSeiiien  as  would  liestow  gratuities  upon  bun ;  and  acc</rdingly 
he  got  many  a  penny  by  it."^ 

The  Iwrbarous  usage  of  beheading  and  quartering  traitors  was  now 
executed  iiiion  the  fallen  Philip.  Church,  "calling  his  old  Indian  execu- 
tioner, bid  him  behead  and  quarter  him.  Accordingly,  he  came  with  his 
hatchet,  and  stood  over  him,  but  before  he  struck,  he  made  a  small  speech, 
directing  it  to  Philip,"  saying,  '*  Fou  have  been  a  veryrreat  man,  and  htive 
made,  many  a  num  afraid'of  j^ ;  bid  so  big  as  you  be  I  will  now  shop  your 
aas  [arse]  ybr  jfou."    He  then  proceeded  to  the  execution  of  hiq  orders. 

His  hc»d  was  sent  to  Plimoutli,  where  it  was  exposed  upoii  a  ^bbet 
for  90  years,  and  one  of  his  hands  to  Bosto/i,  where  it  was  exhibited 
hi  savage  triumph,  and  his  nnangled  body  was  denied  the  right  of 
sepulture. 

Chunk  and  his  company  returned  to  the  island  the  same  day,  and  ar- 
rived with  the  prisonera  at  Plimouth  two  days  after,  namely,  Tuesday, 
August  15,  "ranging  through  all  the  woods  in  their  way."  They  now 
"  recrived  their  premium,  which  wus  30  aJaUings  per  head,"  for  all  ene- 
mies killed  or  tuen,  "instead  of  all  wages,  and  PhUip'a  head  went  at  the 
same  price."  This  Asiounlet/  to  only  four  and  aixpenee  apiece,  ''which 
was  all  the  reward  they  had,  except  the  honor  of  kifling  Phtlip.^ 

During  the  bkmdy  contest,  the  pious  fathers  wrestled  long  and  often 
with  their  God,  in  prayer,  that  he  would  prosper  their  arms  pnd  deliver 
their  enemies  into  their  hands ;  and  when,  upon  stated  days  of  prayer,  the 
Indians  gained  advantage,  it  was  looked  upon  as  a  rebuke  of  Providence, 
and  animated  them  to  greater  sincerity  and  fervor ;  and  on  the  contrary, 
when  their  anns  prevailed  upon  such  days,  it  was  viewed  as  an  immediate 
mterposition  in  tlieir  fiivor.  The  philosophic  mind  will.be  shocked  at 
the  expressions  of  some,  very  eminent  in  that  dof  for  piety  and  excel- 
lence of  moral  life.  Dr.  hureaae  Mather,^  in  speaking  of^  the  efficacy  of 
prayer,  in  bringing  about  the  destruction  of  the  Indians,  says,  "  Nor  could 
they  [the  EnglishT  ".ease  crying  to  the  Lord  against  Philip,  until  they  had 
prayra  the  bullet  into  his  heart."  And  in  speaking  of  the  slaughter  of 
Ph^''a  peoplfi,  at  Narratfanset,  he  says,  "  We  hav^  heard  of  two-and- 
twenty  Indiau  captains,  slain  all  of  them,  and  brought  down  to  hell  in 

*  Eighloen  En^isb  ami  twent>Mwo  Indians  constituted  his  army  a  we«k  before,  but 
we  know  not  how  many  were  at  the  taking  of  Philip,  though  we  may  suppose  about 
the  same  number.    Hence  this  e?;pediUon  cost  the  colony  £S. 

t  Verr  probably  a  son  of  Vmcompoin,  or  Woomuhum. 

t  Pktkffi  War. 

9  In  Ins  "  Prevalency  of  Prayer,"  page  10.  i  _ 


UFE  OF  lUNQ  PHuar. 


[Boos  m. 


one  day."  Again,  in  spealiing  of  a  chief  wtio  had  sneered  at  the  Eng- 
lish religion,  and  who  had, "  witlial,  hdded  a  most  hideous  blasphemy, 
immediately  upon  which  a  bullet  took  him  in  the  head,  and  dashed  out 
his  brains,  aeuciing  his  cursed  soul  in  a  niument  amongst  the  devils,  and 
blanthemers  in  hell  forever."* 

These  extracts  are  made  with  no  other  view  than  to  show  the  habits 
of  thinking  in  those  times. 

The  low  and  vulgar  epithetsf  sneeringly  cast  upon  the  Indians  by  their 
Enffliali  coutem|>orarie8  are  not  to  be  attributed  to  a  single  individual,  but 
to  the  English  in  general4  It  is  too  obvious  that  the  early  historians 
viewed  the  Indians  as  inferior  beings,  and  some  went  so  ^  as  hardly  to 
allow  them  to  be  human. 

Like  Masaaaoit,  Philip  always  oppoeed  the  introduction  of  Christianity 
among  his  people.  When  Mr.  Eliot  urged  upon  him  its  great  importance, 
he  said  he  cared  no  more  for  the  sospel  than  lie  did  for  a  button  upon 
his  eoat.§  This  does  not  very  well  agree  with  the  account  of  Mr.  Gooiin, 
respecting  Philip's  feelings  upon  religions  matters ;  at  least,  it  shows  that 
there  was  a  time  when  he  was  willing  to  listen  to  such  men  as  the  excel- 
lent and  benevolent  Gookin.  In  speaking  of  the  Wampanoags,  he  says, 
"  There  are  some  that  have  hopes  of  their  greatest  a^l  chiefest  sachem, 
named  Philip,  livins  at  Pawkunnawkutt.  Some  of  his  chief  men,  as  I 
hear,  stand  well  inclined  to  hear  the  sospel :  and  himself  is  a  person  of 
good  understanding  and  knowledge  m  Uie  best  things.  I  have  heard 
nim  speak  very  gmxi  words,  arguing  that  his  conscience  is  convicted : 
but  yet,  though  his  will  is  bowed  to  embrace  Jesiui  Christ,  his  sensual  and 
carnal  lusts  are  strons  bands  to  hold  him  fast  under  SfdatCa  dominions."!! 
And  Dr.  Mather  adds, "  It  was  not  long,  before  the  hand  which  now 
writes,  [1700,1  upon  a  certain  occasion  took  otf  the  jaw  from  the  exposed 
aftuU  of  that  blasphemous  leviathan;  and  tlie  renowned  Samuel  Lee  hath 
since  been  a  pastor  to  an  English  congregation,  sounding  and  showing 
the  praises  of  heaven,  upon  tlut  veiy  spot  of  ground,  yrhere  Philip  and 
his  Indiaiw  were  lately  worshipping  of  the  deviL"^ 

The  error  that  Phuip  was  grancbon  to  Maaaasoil,  is  so  well  knovm  to 
be  such,  that  it  would  hardly  seem  to  have  requu^  notice,  but  to  inform 
the  reader  of  its  (Hrigin.  The  following  paanRe  from  Mr.  Jtaaelytia  work** 
wiU,  besides  proving  him  to  be  the  author  of  the  error,  at  least  the  first 
writer  that  so  denominates  ^m,  fiimish  some  valuaUe  information. 
Speaking  of  the  ladians  in  general,  he  says,  "Their  beads  are  their 
money;  of  these,  there  an  two  sorts,  blue  licads  and  white  beads;  the 
first  is  dieir  gold,  the  last  their  silver.  These  they  work  out  of  certain 
■hells,  so  cunning|ly,  that  neither  /ei*  nor  Devil  can  counierfeitft  They 
drill  them  and  string  them,  and  make  many  curious  works  with  them,  to 
-^ 

•  Prevalcncy  of  J*r«yer,  p^|B  7. 

t  Such  as  iogt,  wMvet,  blood-hound*,  demtnu,  detnls-imamate,  caitiffs,  htU-hmtndt, 
fatd»,  monsttn,  bia$t*,  &c.  Occatiouitl  quotations  will  show  what  authors  have  used 
these.  ' 

^  The  author  of  "  Inditm  TUet"  has  fatherai  all  he  could  think  of  upon  Mr.  Hubbard. 
He  may  be  called  upon  to  point  out  the  passa^  in  tliat  voluable  autnor's  works  where 
he  has  called  one  or  any  of  the  Indians  "  htU-natmds.''  Such  loose,  gratuitous  expres- 
sions will  not  do  at  the  bar  of  history, 

'  Mafnalia. 
I  Col.  Mom.  HiH.  f)oc.  i.  MO. 

Mr.  Ltt  was  taken  by  the  French  in  a  voyage  to  England,  and  carried  into  their 
country,  wliere  he  died,  in  1691.  This  event,  it  was  ihou|^t,  hastened  his  end.  Per- 
haps the  sur^-iving  natives  did  not  attribute  the  disaster  to  his  usurping  their  territory, 
and  teaching  a  religion  they  could  not  believe )  but  might  they  not  with  equal  propriety  ? 

**  Account  of  two  Voyages  to  New  Eaglaad,  14S,  143. 

tt  Of  this  he  was  misinformed.    There  was  much  spurious  wampum,  which  I 
snbject  of  legislation.    See  Hatturd's  Hi$f.  CcL  vol.  ii. 


Cbaf.IL] 

adorn  the  p< 
women,  as  w 
necklaces,  ar 
came  for  En 
set  thick  wit 
the  same ;  hi 
chant  giveth 
near  upon,  I 
is  prince  Ph 
In  Novetn 
of  land  calh 
liam,l  not  yt 
we  do  not  k 
qur  sta  them 
money,  and 
by  Peter,  th 
of  King  Ph 
and  twelve 
lead  as  to  n 
receive  of* 
While  M 

ofPMv." 

with  bitten 

appears  in 

west  side 

called  Sqm 

•on  says," 

the  canoe, 

that  were  < 

meant  to  k 

resigned  U 

two  rpoon 

of  pe«8,  ' 

Then  I  vr 

and  asked 

days,  amo 

>'  Dunn 

for  his  bo 

ward  he  i 

dinner;  1 

it  was  mi 

thought ] 

It  IS  e: 

ity  of  m 

testimou 

the  read 

humanil 

"^S 

(in  whi 
"havini 
who  wi 

•  Ace 

IVar,  fo 
fMS. 


[Boob  m. 

lat  the  Eag. 
I  bJaapbenoy, 
IdfiBbed  out 
1  deviJs,  and 

the  habiia 


Cbap.  n.] 


LIFE  OP  KING  PHILIP. 


'hristianity 
importance^ 
'Uton  upon 
Jr.  CboWn, 
shows  that 
'  the  exce]- 
P,  he  says, 
Jst  sachem, 
'  men,  as  I 
person  of 
lave  heard 
convicted : 
lensual  and 
•minions.''^ 
I'hich  now 
le  exposed 
fi  Lee  hath 
d  showing 
Philip  and 

knovm  to 
i  to  inform 
»**  work** 
It  the  first 
formation. 

are  their 
eads;  the 
of  certain 
tt    They 

thein,  to 


>ell-houndt, 
have  usea 

Hubbard. 
»kt  where 
us  expres- 


into  their 
nd.  Per- 
terrilory, 
ropriety  T 

>«caiiiea 


adorn  the  peraons  of  their  sagamores  and  principal  men,  and  young 
women,  as  belts,  girdles,  tablets,  borders  for  their  women's  hair,  bracelets, 
necklaces,  and  liiikf<  to  bang  iu  their  ears.  Prince  PhUip,  a  litde  before  I 
came  for  England,  [1671,]  coining  to  Boston,  bad  a  coat  on  and  buskins 
set  thick  with  these  beads,  in  pleasant  wild  works,  and  a  broad  belt  of 
the  same ;  his  accoutrements  were  valued  at  £20.  The  English  mer- 
chant giveth  them  10«.  a  fathom  for  their  white,  and  as  much  more,  or 
near  upon,  for  tlioir  blue  beads."  "  The  roytelet  now  of  the  Pocanaketti 
is  prince  PhUip,  olios  Metacon,  the  grandson  of  MaaBoaoU."'^ 

In  November,  1669,  Philip  sold  to  the  selectmen  of  Dedbam,  the  tract 
of  land  called  fFooUommonumiogue  "  within  the  town  bounds,  [of  Ded- 
bam.] not  yet  purchased."  What  the  full  consideration  paid  to  him  was, 
we  do  not  learn.  In  an  order  which  he  sent  to  them  anerwardH,  he  re- 
qii<  sts  them  "to  pay  to  this  bearer,  for  the  use  of  King  Philip,  £5  5*. 
money,  and  £5  iti  trucking  cloth,  at  money  price."  In  a  receipt  signed 
by  Peter,  the  following  amount  is  named :  "  In  reference  to  the  payment 
of  King  Philip  of  Mount  Hope,  the  full  and  just  sum  of  £5  5s.  in  money, 
and  twelve  yards  of  trucking  cloth,  three  peunds  of  powder,  and  as  much 
lead  as  to  make  it  u» ;  which  is  iu  full  satisfaction  with  £10  that  he  is  to 
receive  ofMtthaniet  Pone."f 

While  Mrs.  Rotclandson  was  a  captive  in  the  wilderness  with  the  allies 
o(  Philip,  she  mentions  meeting  with  him ;  and  although  she  8|)eaks  oAen 
with  bitterness  of  the  Indians  in  general,yetof  him  nothing  of  that  nature 
appears  in  her  journal.  The  party  she  was  with  visited  Philm  on  the 
west  side  of  the  Connecticut,  about  five  miles  above  Nortlineld,  then 
called  Squaktag.  Having  arrived  at  the  point  of  crossing,  Mrs.  Rowkmd- 
aon  says,  "  We  must  go  over  the%iver  to  Philip's  crew.  When  I  was  in 
the  canoe,  I  could  not  but  be  amazed  at  the  numerous  crew  of  pagans 
that  were  on  the  bank  on  the  other  side."  She  was  much  afraid  they 
meant  to  kill  her  here,  but,  being  assured  to  the  contrary,  become  more 
resigned  to  her  fate.  "  Then  came  one  of  them,  (she  says,)  aitd  gave  me 
two  rpoonfuls  of  pieal  (to  comfort  me,)  and  another  gave  me  half  a  pint 
of  peas,  which  was  worth  more  than  many  bushels  at  another  time. 
Then  I  went  to  see  King  Philip ;  he  bade  me  come  in  and  sit  down ; 
and  asked  me  whether  I  would  smoke  it ;  (a  usual  compliment  now  a 
days,  among  the  saints  and  sinners  Obut  this  no  ways  suited  me."t 

"  During  my  abode  in  this  place,  Philip  spake  to  me  to  make  a  shut 
for  his  boy,  which  I  did ;  for  which  he  gave  me  a  shilling."  "  After- 
ward he  asked  me  to  make  a  cap  for  his  boy,  for  which  he  invited  me  to 
dinner ;  I  went,  and  he  gave  me  a  pancake,  about  as  big  as  two  fingers ; 
it  was  made  of  parched  wheat,  beaten  and  fried  in  bears'  grease ;  but  I 
thought  I  never  tasted  pleasanter  meat  in  my  lifo."§ 

It  IS  extremely  gratifying  to  hear  any  testimony  m  fuvor  of  the  human- 
ity of  men  so  near  a  state  of  nature.  We  speak  Wt  of  this  because  such 
testimonies  are  few,  for  they  are  many,  as  it  is  unnecesaary  to  apprize 
the  reader  of  even  a  few  pages  in  this  book.  To  say  the  lenst  of  Philip's 
humanity;  it  was  as  great  towards  captives,  so  far  as  we  hove  any  knowl- 
edge, as  was  that  of  any  of  the  English  to  the  captive  Indians. 

As  the  Indians  were  returning  from  their  recesses  upon  the  Connecticut, 
(in  what  is  now  New  Hampshire  and  Vermont,)  towards  Wuchuset, 
"having  indeed  my  life,  (says  Mrs.  Rotclandaon,)  but  little  spirit,  Philip, 
who  was  in  the  company,  came  up,  and  took  me  by  the  hand,  and  saioi, 

*  Account  of  two  Voyages  to  Now  Eneland,  146.  Ho  is  also  called  grandson  of 
Mauatoit,  in  the  work  entitled  PrtsetU  State  o/Neto  England j  in  rtspect  to  the.  Indian 
War,  fol.  London,  1676  ;  the  author  of  that  work  doubtless  copied  from  JoMdyn. 

f  MS.  Docinnenis  among  our  slate  papers. 

i  Ifarrative  afhtr  Captivity,  3a,  39.  {  Ibid.  40. 


'    *  liF  ■■^^■■T^*' 


LIVES  OP  PHILIP'S  CHlEy  CAPTAINS. 


[BooE  ni 


<  7W  weeks  mare  and  woti  shall  be  mistress  again.*  I  asked  him  if  he 
■poke  true:  he  said,  ^Yes,  and  qmdUy  you  shall  come  to  yvwr  maiUi* 
again,*  wh6  hud  Iwen  gone  from  ue  three  weeks."! 

In  bringing  our  account  of  this  truly  great  man  towards  a  chiae,  we 
must  not  forget  to  present  the  reader  with  a  specimen  of  the  language  in 
which  he  spoke.    The  following  is  the  Lord's  prayer  in  Wampanoag: — 

^oo-skun  kes-uk-qiU,  qut-tian-at-am-mwh  koo-we-su-imk,  iui-cel-as-Mo- 
tamroonk  pef/-ait-moo-utai,  kut-te-nan4am-oo-onk  ne  not,  tie-yo-iie  kesukrqut 
kah  oh-ke-it.  ^Is-sa-ma'i-in-ne-an  ko-ko-he-suk-o^-e  niU-aa-t-mik-itk4u 
pe-tuk-qun-neg.  Kdh  ah-quo-an-tain-ti-uin-ne-€m  num-makk-^se-mtg-anr 
on-ash,  ne-unUch-e  ne-nU'Wun  umtUt  nui-nk-quo-em-tam-au-O'un-mm'-ag  nM- 
noh  pasuk  noo-na-mon-tuk-quoh-ulMtumj  Icah  ahque  sag4»in-pargiH-neHm 
en  mttek-e-hel-tti-ong-fi-nU,  qui  poh-qua-wus^i$i-ne'aH  toutdk  «iofd&»-ttil4 

since  we  are  u|ion  curiosities,  the  following  may  very  properly  be 
added.  There  la  to  be  seen  in  the  library  of  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soeie^  a 
large  skimtner,  which  some  have  mistaken  for  a  bowl,  cut  out  of  the  root 
of  ash,  that  will  hold  about  two  quarts.  On  this  article  is  this  historical 
inscription,  in  gilt  letters:  "./)  trophy  from  Ute  wigwam  qf  JCmr  Philip; 
uAen  he  was  dain  in  1676,  by  Richara;  p^weniedtylSbenezer  Richard, 
Am  grandson.**^ 


CHAPTER  III. 
LIVES  OF  PHILIP'S  CHIEF    CAPTAINS. 


cbap.  m. 


IP^ 

flK>' 

i 

'i.8i!,>:" 

■■■     ■    J-     ;■     -^    ■ 

.'  ■!;■ '  : 

1^^^,1—hi           f.f  ii« ■"■-'>■  ii.niiw  ni 

«lMiai 


■,tiidyoD*M 


IT." 

UPmUtt 


Nanontenoo — Reasons  fir  his  aiding  PhSUp—ISs  former  name— Metis 
,the  English  and  MianM  under  Ce^.  Peirse — Fif^  emd  destroys  kis 

"  Qniunatu^.    Sec  his  lifb.  f  Nar.  of  Mrs.  RMelandtOH,  63. 

t  Eliot's  Indian  Bible,  Luke  xi.  2—4. 

tNo  ineiitioii  i«  made  to  whom,  or  when  it  was  presented.    It  does  not  appear  to  us 
!  of  such  -antiquity  as  its  inscription  prelei)ds ;  and  the  (ruth  of  which  raajr  very 


{Book  nf 

bim  if  he 
■MHler* 

ckMe^ire 
tiafeio 


bpuMMg:. 
p-«e(-«*.«o 


Bociety 


ichaid, 


fS. 


»»,  63. 
lar  to  us 


cbap.  m.] 


NANUNTENOO. 


41 


tikoU  CM^ony  at  Pawtudcd—hteidenU  nkitbir  to  Oiat/ght—MHee  ^ 
Capt.  Peine — JVonufUenoo  turprited  and  fawn — Ui»  magntmimihf — 
Saieck  to  hii  captora—h  executed  and  hit  body  bum^^Caaaauinnamon — 
Catt^aut — Monopoide — Annawon — HU  eacape  J\rom  tke  aunmp  vkm 
PhiUp  wu  kiUed—Capt.  Church  aent  out  to  cftpturt  him — Diaemtra  hia 
rttreat — Ihkea  him  prisoner — fSa  magnanimoua  6eAorior — Hia  V^^ck  to 
Church — Preaenta  him  with  Philip*a  omamenta — DeaerijMon  qfthtm — 
Church  takea  ^mtwon  to  PlimouUi,  where  he  ia  put  ttfdealh — Qoihna- 
FiN — Hia  connectiona  and  marriage — M  the  capture  of  Laneaater — Jk- 
count  t^  hia  wivea — ffeetamoo — He  ia  taken  and  anoit — Tvnrx^vut— 
ISa  aaUa  qflanda — Hia  operationa  in  PhUip'a  War — Swmnilitn  kimatU', 
and  ia  put  to  death — Rfftediona  upon  kia  exeetiiionera — ^Tatobor — Eartji 
nidieea  nf—Caa^wrea  a  garriaon  in  Plimouth — THial  and  execution  oj 
Keweenam — Totoaon  diea  of  a  brdten  heart — ^Barrow  erueUjf  murdered 
— ^Ttabks. 

Abmititenoo,  ron  of  Mianiutmomok,  **  was  chief  aachem  of  all  tb«  Nar- 
raganseiB,  and  heir  of  all  his  father's  pride  and  inaolency,  as  well  as  of  bis 
inalice  against  the  English."*  Notwithstanding  this  branding  character, 
drawn  by  a  contemporary,  we  need  only  look  into  the  life  of  Afumftmno- 
MoA,  to  find  excuse  for  "  malice  and  insolency"  tenfold  more  than  was 
contained  in  the  breast  of  Mmuntenoo. 

The  Engliuh  bad  cut  to  pieces  the  women  and  children  of  bis  tribe, 
burned  tbeni  to  death  in  their  wigwams,  and  left  their  mangled  bodies 
bleaching  in  the  wintry  blast!  The  swamp  fight  of  the  19  Dec.  1675, 
could  not  be  forgotten !  JVanuntenoo  escaped  from  this  scene,  but  we 
cannot  doubt  that  he  acquitted  himself  agreeably  to  the  character  we 
have  of  him. 

The  first  name  by  which  he  was  known  to  tLe  English  was  CanonduL 
He  had  been  in  Boston  the  October  before  the  war,  upon  a  treaty,  at 
which  time  he  received,  among  other  presents,  a  silver-taced  coat  Dr. 
Mather  says,  speaking  of  the  Narragansets^  **  their  great  sachem  called 
QuononcAef,  was  a  principal  ringleader  in  the  Narraganset  war,  and  ha4 
as  great  an  interest  and  influence,  as  can  be  said  of  any  amon^  the  In- 
dians ;"!  and  that, "  when  he  was  taken  and  dain,  it  was  an  amazmg  stroke 
to  the  enemy.*^ 

The  name  of  CVmoncAet  stands  first  to  the  treanr,  to  which  we  have 
just  alluded,  which  was  entered  into  at  Boston,  18  Oct  1675.  By  that 
treaty,  the  Narragansets  agreed  to  deliYer  to  the  English  in  10  davs,  "all 
and  euery  one  of  the  said  Indians,  whether  belonging  vnto  Phuip,  the 
Pocasset  Bqva,  or  the  Saconett  Indians,  Quabaug,  Hadley,  or  any  other 
■aobems  or  people  that  liaue  bin  or  are  in  hostillitie  with  the  English,  or 
any  of  their  allies  or  abettors."$    The  names  to  the  treaty  are  as  toliows : 

"  Qcaranchbtt'b  \/  mark, 
Witnesses.  aaehem  in  hekalfofhimae^fand  Conanacus  and  the  Qld 

RiCHARn  Smitb,  Queen  am  Pomham  and  Qtiaunnpeen,  "(seal) 

Jamks  Browrc,  Manatannoo  counceUer  hia  -j^ 

Sahusl  OokTON,  Jr.  mort,  atufCannonacustiiftw6eAa(^    (^*[)'. 

AUerpretera.  AhanmanpOwett's  -j-  mat% 

JoHM  Nowhenbtt's  X  ««»*»  couuceller  and  hia    (seal) 

Indian  interpreter.  Cornman,    ckeiffe   counceUer   to 

Ninnegrett,  in  hia  hthalfe,  and  a  aeal  (S.f 

raasombly  bo  qu«ttioiied,  in  lbi«  pp.rtic«lar,  when  (be  more  giating  eiror  oi  the  name 
of  the  person  laid  (o  have  killed  Philip,  w  «tarin|f  us  in  the  face. 
•  HMard,  67.— Mr.  OldmLton  eaUa  him  "  the  mighty  sochem  of  NarracaiMct."— 


BrU.  Ewfiire. 


\BritfHiM,96. 
%  It  may  be  seen  al  large  in  tiaxi 


4* 


{  Fremleney  o/Proftr,  11. 
itard'i'Gialleetumt,  i.  636.  537. 


f^^'l 


^t^:^* 


.•* 


49 


XANUNTENOO. 


[Book  III. 


Tho  IiitliaTm  )in\-iii;;  cariiwl  their  wliirlwind  of  wnr  to  the  very  doors 
of  Prunoiilli,  cmiHt>it  tho  xeiuliri;^  out  of  Capt.  Peine,  (or,  as  liis  name  is 
uniformly  in  the  n^cords,  Peirse,)  lo  ({ivert  them  from  these  ravages,  and 
destroy  os  many  of  thctn  «s  he  was  uhle.  Ho  iiad  a  large  company,  con* 
sisttiig  of  70  men,  20  of  whom  were  friendly  Indians.  With  these)  no 
doubt.  Peine  thought  himself  sate  against  any  power  of  the  Indiana  in 
that  region. 

Meonwhile  this  most  valiant  chief  captain  of  the  Narragansets,  ASiiiun* 
(eiioa,  learning,  we  presume,  by  his  H|iies,  tho  direction  the  English  were 
taking,  assembled  his  wurriora  at  n  crossing  plac^  on  Pawtucket  River,  at 
a  point  adjacent  to  n  place  since  calh^d  JllUeoorough'Qore,  and  not  far  dis- 
tant from  Pawtucket  falls.  It  is  judged  that  Jvonunlenoo  was  upon  an 
expedition  to  attack  Pliinouti^,  or  some  of  the  adjacent  towns,  for  his  force 
was  estimated  at  upwards  ofliOO  men. 

On  arriving  nt  this  fatal  place,  some  of  ^anurUenoo*i  men  showed 
themselves  retiring,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river.  This  stratagem 
snoceeded, — Peine  followed.'*  No  sooner  was  he  upon  the  western  side, 
than  the  warriors  of  .VanuN/enoo,  like  an  avalanche  from  a  mountain,  riishett 
down  upon  him;  nor  striving  for  coverts  from  which  to  fight,  more  than 
their  ibes,  fought  them  face  to  face  with  the  most  determined  bravery. 

A  part  of  JV'aHunUnoo'B  ibrce  remained  on  the  east  side  of  the  river,  to 
prevent  the  retreat  of  the  English,  which  they  most  effectually  did,  as  in 
tiMS  event  wilt  appear.  When  Capt  Peirte  saw  himself  hemmed  in  by 
■umbera  on  everj'  side,  he  drew  up  his  men  upon  tho  margin  of  the 
river,  in  two  ranks,  back  to  bock,!  and  in  tliis  manner  fought  until  nearly 
all  his  men  were  slain.  Peirte  had  timely  sent  a  messenger  to  Providence 
Ibr  assistance,  and  although  the  distance  could  not  have  been  more  than 
six  or  eiriit  miles,  from  some  inexplicable  cause,  no  succor  arrived ;  and  M  r. 
Huhbanil  adds,  **  As  Solomon  saith,  a  faithful  messenger  is  as  snow  in 
harvest." 

This  dreadful  fight  was  on  Sunday,  36  March,  1676,  wl/in,  as  Dr. 
Mather  says, "  Capt.  Peirse  was  slain  and  forty  and  nine  English  with  hind, 
mA  eight,  (or  more,)  Indians,  who  did  assist  the  English."  The  Rev. 
Mr.  .^^hmui  of  Reholwth  wrote  a  letter  to  Ptimouth  dated  the  day  after 
the  slau^ter,  in  which  he  says,  "52  of  our  English,  and  11  Indians," 
were  8lain.§  The  company  was,  no  doubt,  increased  by  some  who  vol- 
unteered as  they  marched  through  the  country,  or  b>  'uch  as  were  taken 
fbr  pik>t8. 

JvonunfefUNi'*  victory  was  complete,  but,  as  usual  on  such  occasions,  the 
English  consoled  themselves  by  making  the  loss  of  the  Indians  appear  as 
large  as  possible.  Dr.  Mather  says,  that  some  Indians  that  were  after- 
wards twen  confessed  they  lost  140,  which,  no  doubt,  is  not  far  from 
thetruUi.|| 

An  Englishman,  and  perhaps  the  only  one  who  escaped  from  this  dis- 
astrous fight,  was  saved  by  one  of  the  friendly  Indians  in  this  manner: 
The  firieudl^  Indian  being  taken  for  a  Narragansets  as  he  was  punning 
with  an  uplifted  tomahawk  the  English  soldier,  no  one  interfeivd,  seeing 
him  pursue  a«t  unarmed  English.nan  at  such  great  advantage.  In  thu 
aMmnek^  covering  themselves  in  the  woods,  tlioy  escaped. 

A  friendly  Indian,  being  pursued  by  one  of  JVhnunenoo's  men,  got 
behind  the  root  of  a  fkUen  tree.    Thus  screened  by  the  earth  raised  uth>b 

*  Dr.  Muther  (Brief  Hist.  ^.)  gays,  "  a  small  number  of  the  enemy  who  ir  desperate 
mbllety  rM  away  from  them.  «nd  they  went  limping  to  make  the  English  believe  they 
wen  lame,"  and  thus  etTeeted  their  object. 

t  DtwMft  Hist.  Scituate,  Itl.  %  Narrative,  64. 

i  See  the  ietlei  giving  the  names  of  the  company  in  Dtam'*  Scituate,  122, 123. 

I  Mr.  Hubhard't  aecouat  is  the  tame. 


•he  root*,  tl 

fi»it,kno'»» 
thought  of 

done  this, 
feet  ssfety. 
Another 
hind  a  lari 
sawnothin 
he  mast  •« 
the  follow 
gradi^ally ; 
It  had  the 
I'uphed  up 
Thus,  as 
eounigesi 
most  exec 
those  wh< 
another  p 
shy  in  mi 
they  nev« 
Anotit 
Prfrse,  of 
knew  fea 
like  bis  { 
goveminj 
encroacVj 
of  the  CO 
Mr.I>ea^ 
femily,fi 
anddauj 
sessedo 
the  Indi 
The  • 
ceases  a 
whole  I 
.Vow 

early  it 
ground 

otnect 

it»,tli 

the  fig 

few  of 

JWt 

aequo 

quirei 

Fo 

the  t 

capu 

consi 

and 

~M 
Peir 

Nieh 
p'sei 

,  OOttI 


# 


lOoou  III. 

yeiy  doora 
P'ls  name  19 

»viiges,and 
Wwny,  con- 
Jn  these)  no 

Indians  io 

Pts,  Aanim- 

Jigliah  were 

let  River,  at 

|not  far  dig- 

.    upon  an 

or  hw  force 

in  ahowed 
stratagem 
«em  side, 
■in,  riisliefi 
more  than 
)raverj'. 
>e  river,  to 
^  did,  as  in 

med  in  by 

pn  of  the 

ntil  nearly 

'rovidencu 

"ore  than 

I ;  and  Mr. 

I  snow  in 

^n,«8  Dr. 
with  hiiA, 
rhe  Rev. 
day  after 
Indians," 
who  vol> 
ere  tak«n 

»ionp,  the 
Ppear  as 
re  afler- 
ar  from 

this  di». 
naoner: 
ursuiia^ 
)  seeing 
In  thu 

en,  got 
d  v^u 

operate 
vethey 

've,  64. 
I. 


CttA».  I1I.1 


NANUNTENOO. 


•he  root*,  the  iMdian  that  panued  waited  for  him  to  ran  iimn  his  natanl 
fhrt,  knowing  he  wouM  not  dare  to  maintain  it  long.  The  other  soon 
thiught  of  an  expedient,  which  was  to  make  a  port-bole  in  his  breast 
woi.V,  which  he  easily  did  by  digging  through  tlMi  dirt.  When  he  had 
done  this,  he  put  his  gun  throu^,  and  shot  bis  punuer,  then  fled  in  per- 
fect safety. 

Another  escaped  in  a  manner  very  similar.  In  his  flight  be  got  be- 
hind a  ?arge  focic.  This  afforded  him  a  good  shelter,  but  io  the  end  be 
saw  nothing  but  certain  death,  and  the  lon^r  he  held  out  the  more  misery 
he  most  sufien  In  this  deplorable  situation,  he  bethought  himself  to  try 
the  following  device.  PutUng  his  cap  upon  his  gun,  he  raised  it  very 
gradually  .>bove  the  rock,  as  though  to  discover  the  position  of  bis  enemy: 
It  had  ibe  desired  effect — ^he  fired  upon  it.  The  one  behind  the  rock  now 
I'tnihed  upon  him,  before  he  couM  reload  his  ^n,  and  despatched  him. 
Thus,  as  Mr.  Huhbard  says,  <*  it  is  worth  the  notmg,  what  fwtbfblness  and 
courage  some  of  the  Christian  Indians  shewed  in  this  fl^t"  That  tbhi 
most  excellent  author  did  not  approve  uf  the  severi^  exercised  towards 
those  who  appeared  fKendly,  is  abundantly  proved  by  bis  writings.  In 
another  place  hu  says,  **  Possibly  if  some  of  the  EMlidi  had  not  been  too 
shy  in  making  use  of  such  of  them  as  were  well  affected  to  their  interest, 
they  never  need  have  suffered  so  much  from  their  enemies." 

A  notice  may  be  reasonably  expected  of  the  unfortunate  Capt  WiUian 
Peine,  of  Scituatc.  He  was  one  of  those  adventurous  spirits  **  who  never 
knew  fear,"  and  who  sought  rather  than  shrunk  from  dangers.  He  was, 
like  his  great  antagonist,  in  the  Narraganset  fight ;  and  in  1673,  when  the 
government  of  Plimouth  raised  a  force  to  go  against  the  Dutch,  who  had 
encroached  upon  them  in  ConnecUcut,  he  was  appointed  ensign  in  one 
of  the  companies.  He  resided  in  several  places  befbre  going  to  Plimouth. 
Mr.  Deane,  in  his  Hiatory  o/Seittutie,  gives  a  genealogical  account  of  his 
fiunilv,  from  which  we  learn  that  he  bad  a  second  wife,  and  several  sons 
and  daughters.  Of  what  fiimily  he  was,  there  is  n*  mention.*  He  pos- 
sessed considerable  estate,  and  m&de  his  will  on  engaging  in  the  war  with 
the  Indians. 

The  '*8ore  defeat"  of  Capt.  Peirae,  and  the  tide  of  the  Indians'  suc- 
cesses about  this  time,  caused  the  United  Colonies  to  send  out  almost  then: 
whole  strength. 

.Vanunienoo  came  down  firom  the  country  upon  Connecticut  River, 
early  in  March,  for  the  purposb  of  collecting  seed  com  to  plant  such 
ground  as  the  English  had  been  driven  from,  and  to  effect  any  other 
olqect  he  might  meet  with.  Vliether  he  had  effected  the  first-named 
object  before  falling  in  with  Peine,  we  are  not  able  to  state ;  but  certain 
it  IB,  that  he  was  but  few  days  aAer  encamped  very  near  the  ground  where 
the  fight  had  been,  and  was  there  fallen  upon  at  unawares,  when  but  a 
few  of  his  men  were  present,  and  there  taken  prisoner. 

JVanmilenoo  was  nearly  as  much  dreaded  as  Philip  himself,  and  con- 
sequently his  capture  caused  great  rejoicing  among  his  enemies,  and  re 
quires  to  be  particularly  related. 

Four  volunteer  companies  from  Connecticut  began  their  march  into 
the  enemy's  country  the  next  day  ailer  Pawtucket  fight.  Among  the 
captains  of  these  companies,  George  Deniaon  of  Southerton  was  the  most 
conspicuous.  The  others  were  commanded  by  Jamet  Jhery,  John  Staunton, 
and  Major  Palm$,  who  also  had  the  chief  command.    With  tiiese  were 

*  In  the  Rtcordt  of  Plimouth,  under  date  March,  1669,  tliera  is  ibis  entry  : — "  Michtl 

Peine  ol'Sfitiuate"  was  presented  at  the  court  for  vnseemly  carriages  towards  rtrak 

Niekolt  of  Sciltuate,"  and  "  fbrasmiich  as  there  appeared  but  one  testimony  to  the 

p'sentmenl,  and  that  the  testimony  was  written  and  not  read  vnto  the  deponani,  the 

'  eourt  saw  cause  to  remit  the  said  p'sentmenl." 


m 


NANUNTENOO. 


[Book  m. 


CmkT.  IlL] 


Ihrm  coinptiues  of  Indians;  one  led  by  OmAo,  compowd  of  Mohegani; 
MM  of  Puqiioifl,  hy  Castatinnamon ;  and  the  other  of  Niaoticlu,  by  Caky^ 
mtf'mtUuiyauim. 

When  this  formidable  army  caine  naar  to  JVanuNleNoo'«  cunp,  on  the 
fint  WAek  in  April,  1676| "  thsy  met  with  a  stout  Indian  of  the  enemie's, 
whom  they  prescmtly  nWw,  unu  two  old  squaws,"  who  informed  them  of 
the  situation  of  A'bnurUi  ny.  At  the  8aR:e  time,  their  own  scouts  brought 
the  same  intelligence.  The  news  of  the  enemy's  approauh  reached  the 
chief  jit  the  moment,  says  Mr.  Hubbard,  "that  be  was  divertizing  himself 
with  the  recital  of  Cnpu  Pierce't  slaughter."  But  seven  of  his  men  were 
about  him  at  the  moment ;  the  rest  were  probably  in  the  neighborhood 
attending  to  their  ordinary  affiiirs.  And  although  he  had  stationed  two 
sentinels  upon  an  aiijacent  hill,  to  give  him  timely  notice  if  any  appeared, 
their  surprise  was  so  gniat,  at  the  sudden  approach  of  the  English,  that, 
in  their  fVight,  they  ran  by  their  sachem's  wigwam,  **a8  if  they  wanted 
time  to  tell  what  they  saw."  Seeing  this,  the  sachem  sent  a  third,  to  learn 
the  cause  of  the  fl^ht  of  the  first,  but  he  fled  in  the  same  manner ;  and 
lastly  he  sent  two  more,  one  of  which, "  either  endue  1  with  more  courage, 
or  a  better  sense  of  his  duty,  infonaed  him  in  great  liasle  that  all  Uie 
English  army  was  upon  him :  whereupon,  having  no  time  to  consult,  and 
but  little  to  atteiiipt  an  escape,  and  no  means  to  defend  himselfj  he  began"* 
to  fly  with  all  speed.  Running  with  great  swiflaeas  around  the  hill,  to 
get  out  of  sight  upon  the  opposite  side,,  he  was  distinguished  by  his  wary 
pursuers,  and  they  immediately  ibllowed  him  with  that  eagerness  theur 
important  object  was  calculated  to  inspire. 

The  pursuers  of  the  flving  chief  were  Catapaxet  and  his  Nianticks, 
"and  a  few  of  the  English  lightest  of  fboL"  Seeing  these  were  gaining 
upon  him,  he  f:f8t  cast  oif  Eis  blanket,  then  his  nlver-laced  coat,  and 
lastly  his  belt  of  peag.  On  seeing  tliese,  a  doubt  no  longer  remained  of 
its  being  JVaititti/moo,  which  urged  them,  if  posuble,  faster  in  the  chase. 
There  was  in  the  company  of  Cotepozef,  one  Monopoide,  a  Pequot,  who 
outran  all  his  companions,  and  who,  fining  upon  Jmnuntenao,  aa  he  fled 
upon  the  side  .of  tne  river,  obliged  bun  to  attempt  to  cross  it  sooner  than 
he  intended.  Nevertheless,  but  for  an  accident  in  his  passage,  he  would 
doubtless  have  etBacted  his  escape.  As  he  was  wading  through  the  river, 
his  foot  slipped  upon  a  ntone,  which  brought  his  giin  under  water.  Thus 
losing  some  time  m  re^  ^vering  himself,  and  also  the  use  of  his  gun,  prob- 
ably made  him  despair  of  escaping;  for  Monopoide  came  up  and  seized 
;Upon  him,  **  within  SO  rods  of  the  river  side." 

i,  JAmuntenoo,  having  made  up  his  mind  to  surrender,  made  no  resistance, 
although  he  was  a  man  of  great  physical  sffength,  of  superior  stature,  and 
acknowledged  bravery  ;  and  the  one  who  seized  upon  nini  very  ordins  r 
in  that  respect  One  of  the  firet  Englishmen  that  came  up  w»n  Robe,* 
i^aunton,  a  young  man,  who  presumed  to  ask  the  captured  chief  soom) 

3uestions.  He  appeared  at  first  to  regard  the  young  man  with  silent  in- 
ignity,  but  at  length,  casting  a  disdainful  look  upon  his  youthful  fiic;, 
"this  manly  sachem"  said,  in  broken  English,  "YOU  MUCH  CHILD! 
NO  UNDERSTAND  MATTERS  OF  WAR!  LET  YOUR  BROTH- 
ER OR  CHIEF  COME,  HIM  I  WILL  ANSWER."  And,  adds  Mr. 
UMardy  he  "  was  as  good  as  his  word :  acting  herein,  as  if,  by  a  PyOvtg- 
ereon  metempsychosis,  some  old  Roman  ghost  had  possessed  the  body 

-■  ■  ■  '  ■  ■ 

*Tbu  elegant  pasuge  of  _Mt.  Hubbard  brings  to  our  mind  that  inimitable  one  of 
CUmigero,  in  his  aceouBt  of  tlie  woftil  days  of  the  Mexicans :  "  They  hf  d  nmther  arms 
to  rapel  the  multitude  and  fury  of  their  enemies,  stren^h  to  defend  Ihemselver,  nor 
tpaee  to  fight  upon }  the  ground  of  the  city  was  covered  with  dead  bodies,  and  the  water 
M every  ditch  and  canal  purpled  with  blood."    Hi$l.  MexieOfiui.  73. 


[Book  m. 

Mohegani* 
•  by  Catofi^ 

>P»oo  the 
le  enemie'i^ 
r»d  them  of 
luts  brought 
■reached  the 
pig  hitnaelf 
P»nen  wen 
Whborhood 
itioned  two 
•^•ppeared, 
•g'wb,  that, 
•ey  wanted 
■itolearo 
uerjand 
ro. courage, 
Mt  ail  the 
onsnit,  and 
le  began*'* 
tbe  hill,  to 
y  hia  wary 
mew  their 

Nianticka, 
•re  gaining 
coat,  and 
maiued  of 
tfie  chase, 
quot,  who 
as  he  fled 
•ouer  than 
b«  would 
the  river, 
ir.    Thiw 
"n,  prob- 
n<i  seized 

distance. 
ture,and 
ordins  f 
's  iiiib6«.» 
ief  sooto 
ilent  in- 
rul  &c^ 
WILD  I 
ROTH- 
Ids  Mr. 

e  body 


e  one  of 
kflraims 
vet  Bor 
M  water 


C«AP.  IIL] 


NANUNTENOO. 


48 


of  this  western  pagan.  And,  like  MS&vm  Regvhitf  he  would  not  accept 
of  his  own  life,  when  it  waa  tendered  him."  This  tender  of  life  to  Mt- 
nutUenoo  was,  no  doubt,  upon  the  condition  of  hia  obtaining  the  aubmia* 
biou  of  his  nation.  He  met  the  idea  with  indicnation ;  and  when  the 
ICiiglish  told  him  that  he  should  h"  ][Hit  to  death  if  he  did  not  comply,  in 
the  moat  composed  manner  he  repued,  that  killing  him  would  not  end 
the  war.  Some  of  bis  captora  endeavond  to  reflect  upon  him,  by  telling 
iiim,  that  be  bad  said  he  would  hum  thtEnffluh  in  their  hnua,  and  that 
ho  had  boasted,  in  defiance  of  hia  promise  lut  made  to  the  English,  which 
was  to  deliv  "  the  Wampanoaga  to  them,  that  he  umvU  not  adwtr  up  a 
fVampanoag  or  the  paring  of  a  fVampanoag't  mdL  To  this  be  only  re- 
plied, "OTHERS  W^E  AS  FORWARD  FOR  THE  WAR  AS 
MYSELF,  AND  I  DESIRE  'lO  HEAR  NO  MORE  ABOUT  IT." 
Hud  t'ie  Jngliah  not  burned  his  people  in  their  houses  ?  Did  they  ever 
deliver  U!/  any  that  had  committed  depredations  upon  the  Namgansets? 
No!—  who,  then,  will  ask  for  an  excuse  for  the  magnanimoua  AVmim* 
(«noo  ?  So  indignant  was  he  at  their  conduct,  that  he  would  bear  nothing 
about  peace ;  **  refusing  to  send  an  okl  counsellw  '^  his  to  make  any 
motion  that  way." 

Under  the  eyt  of  Z)enuon,A'anun(enoo  was  taken  to  Stoninoton,  where, 
by  tho  "  advice  of  the  Elng'iah  commanders,  he  was  shoL"  His  bead 
was  cut  off*  and  carried  to  Hartford,  and  his  body  consumed  by  fire. 
The  English  prevaUed  upon  some  of  each  tribe  of  their  alliea,  viz.  Pe- 
quots,  Mohe^na  and  Nianticks,  to  be  bis  executioners,  **  thereby  the 
more  firmly  to  engage  the  said  Indians  against  the  treacherous  Nana^ 
gansets.*'t  ^  Herein,"  says  another  writer^  of  that  day,  **  the  Enn^ish  dealt 
wisely,  for  by  this  means  tlie  three  Indian  nations  are  become  abomiiw- 
Ue  to  the  other  Indians."  And  a  respectable  writer§  of  our  own  times 
says,  <*  It  may  be  pleasing  to  the  reader  to  be  informed"  of  the  fe,te  of 

When  it  was  announced  to  the  noble  chief  that  he  must  be  put  to  death, 
he  was  not  in  thu  least  daunted,  and  all  he  is'  reported  to  have  said  is 
this: — 

«I  LIKE  IT  WELL;  I  SHALL  DIE  BEFORE  MY  HEART 
IS  SOFT,  OR  HAVE  SAID  ANY  THING  UNWORTHY  OF 
MYSELF."  Wi'li  A'ommlenoo,  feU  into  the  hands  of  the  En|^  43 
others.]] 

The  author  of  the  anonymous  "Letter*  to  ZotUfim"!  says  the  Indians 
were  <*  commanded  by  that  fiunous  but  very  bloudy  and  cruel  sachem, 
QuonotwAof,  otherwise  called  JIhantonomy"  whose  "  carriage  was  strangely 
proud  and  lofty  after  be  was  taken ;  being  exanoined  why  he  did  foment 
that  war,  which  would  certainly  be  the  destruction  of  him  and  all  the 
heathen  Indians  in  the  country,  &c.,  he  would  make  no  other  reply  to 

*  Xsivut  AUiliiu  Rtgtthu,  a  Roman  consul  and  general,  taken  prisoner  by  ibe  Car- 
thaginians, 251  years  B.  C.  They  sent  him  to  Rome  to  use  hi*  endeavors  to  effect  a 
peace,  by  his  solemn  pmmae  to  return  within  a  given  period.  The  most  excraciating 
tortures  awaited  him,  should  he  not  execute  his  mission  aecordinc  to  his  instructions. 
°Wh«a  arrived  at  Rome,  he  exhorted  his  countrymen  to  hold  out,  ma.  maintain  the  war 
against  the  Carthaginians,  stating  their  situation,  and  tte  great  advaniaKes  that  would 
accrue.  He  knew  what  would  m  his  fate  on  returning  to  Carthage,  anamany  a  noble 
Roman  besought  him  not  to  return,  and  thus  sacrifice  his  life  j  but  he  would  not  bretk 
Sils  promise,  even  with  his  barbarous  eneniies.  This  is  what  is  meant  by  not  accepting 
bis  own  life  when  tendered  him.  He  returned,  and,  if  history  be  true,  no  Indian  nation 
ever  tortured  a  p.Hsoner,  beyond  what  the  Carthaginians  indicted  upon  Marcui  AUUiiu 
Regu!ut.    See  EchartP*  Roman  Hut.  i.  188-9. 

t  Hubbard.  X  I.  Mathtr.  $  Dtane,  Hist.  Seituate,  124. 

il  Manuscript  letter  in  Hist,  library.  Both  Hubbard  and  Maiher  say  44 ;  perhaps 
they  ii.<eludeu  Ncamnttnoo. 

i  Elsewhere  cited  as  Tht  Preunt  State,  ke. 


ANNAWON. 


[Book  III 


CBAr. 


any  interrogatorim,  but  thin :  that  he  wan  bom  a  prince,  and  if  princes 
camo  u>  npmik  with  hiir.  *:«  would  nnowur,  but  none  prooetit  beins  Buch, 
lie  thought  himflnirobKgc(i,in  honor, to  hohl  hiH tongue;"  and  that  hn  said 
he  woniti  ntiwr  die  than  remain  a  priiioner,  and  mqueated  that  Ontko 
might  |Hit  him  to  donth,  as  he  wan  of  equal  rank;  "Yet  withall  threaten- 
ed, hu  had  SM)00  men,  [who]  would  revenge  his  death  •^verely.  Where- 
fore our  (c)rR«>a,  fearing  an  esi-ape^put  the  utouf  ^  the  sword,  but 
fre»'<rved  Mmntonomy  till  they  returned  to  i  ^ton ;  where  our 
ndihA  frientM,  and  moat  of  the  English  soldiers,  declaring  to  the  com- 
manders their  foar  that  the  English  should,  upon  conditions,  release  him, 
and  that  then  he  woul<l,  (though  the  EngliMli  might  have  peace  with  him,) 
'.10  very  pernicious  to  those, Indians  that  now  assisted  us,  the  said  Indians, 
(on  tliese  considerations,  and  the  roischiefs  and  murthers  he  had  done 
during  this  war,)  permitted  to  put  him  lo  death.*  And  that  all  might 
share  in  the  glory  of  dentroying  so  great  «  prince,  and  come  under  the 
obligation  of  ndelity,  each  to  other,  the  Pequods  shot  him,  the  Mohcgins 
cut  off  his  head  and  quartered  his  body,  and  the  Ninnicrofts  men  made 
the  fire  and  burned  his  quarten,  and,  aa  a  token  of  thehr  lovo  and  fidelity 
to  the  English,  presented  his  head  to  the  council  at  Hartford !"  Thn 
must  close  our  notice  of  Abntinfenoo,  in  this  phice,  and  we  hasten  to 
apeak  of 

.^niMiuion,  a  Wampanoag,  and  one  of  Philip*s  most  famous  eounsellors 
and  captains.  He  was  bis  ftst  iKend,  and  refmted  at  long  as  there  was  a 
beam  of  hope ;  and  when  at  last  every  chance  of  stilicesB  had  failed,  he 
gave  hinueaup  in  the  most  heroic  mannor,Hi  wlll'aptiMi'in  the  following 
account 

At  the  swamp,  when  PkSh  was  killed,  he  escaf)^  with  most  of  his 
men,  as  has  been  related,  by  ms  thoroughly  undei^ttuidihg  the  situation 
of  his  enemies.  ^  Perceiving  (says  OkureA)  they  were  waylaid  on  tho 
east  side  of  the  swamp,  tacked  short  aivout.  One  of  the  enemy,  who 
seemed  to  be  a  great  surly  oM  fellow,  hallooed  with  a  loud  voice,  and 
often  called  out,  /-oo-taift,  i-oo-kuk.  Captain  ChtireA  called  tu  his  Indian 
Pefer,t  and  asked  him  who  that  was  that  called  so.  He  answered  that  it 
was  old  ^nnawon,  PhS^''$  great  captain,  calling  on  his  soldiers  to  stand 
to  it,  and  fight  stootly." 

<*  Captain  C%ureA  had  been  but  little  while  at  Plimouth,  [sfter  the  death 
of  Philip,]  before  a  post  trom  Rehoboth  came  to  inform  the  governor  that 
old  •AntiMMn,  PAi{^'«  chief  camaiir,^as  with  his  company  rattging  about 
their  woods,  and  was  very  oifeniltw  itod  pernicious  to  Reholmth  and 
Swansey.  Captain  CAurcA  wa^  IrnnMttAteW  sent  for  HgiM,  and  treated 
with  to  engage  in  one  expedition  more.  He  told  them  their  encoiira^ 
ment  was  so  poor,  he  feared  hia  soldiers  would  be  dull  about  going  again. 
But  being  a  hearw  friend  to  the  cause,  he  rallies  agahi,  goes  to  Mr.  JcAa 
Hoteland,  his  old  lieutenant,  «nd  some  of  his  soldiers  that'  USCid  to  go  out 
with  him,  told  them  how  the  caso  was  circumstanced,  and  that  he  hod 
intelligence  of  old  Annmcon^s  walk  and  haunt,  and  wanted  hands  to  hunt 
him.  They  did  not  wont  much  entreating,  but  told  him  they  would  go 
with  him  as  long  as  there  was  sn  Indian  left  in  the  woods.  He  moved 
and  ranged  through  the  woods  to  Pocasset" 

In  the  eariy  part  of  this  expedition,  some  of  Captain  CkurcVa  Indian 
scouts  captured  a  number  of  AtmawofCs  company,  but  frotii  whom  they 
could  learn  nothing  of  the  old  chief,  only  that  he  did  not  lodge  "  twice  in 
a  place." 

''Now  a  certain  India?!  soldier,  that  Captain  Chunk  had  gaHi«d  over  to 

*  This  seems  to  us  the  most  probable  account  of  the  aflair  of  ad  w<  have  wen. 
t  The  son  of  Aviuhonks,  it  is  supposed. 


toon'a 


CiAr.  nL] 


ANNAWON. 


be  on  hii  aid*,  prayed  that  be  migbt  bave  libwty  to  go  ud  foloh  in  hm 
fttber,  who,  he  aaki,  wu  about  four  iniles  from  that  place,  in  a  awamp, 
'.vitb  uo  other  than  a  young  miiiaw.  Captain  Chunk  inclined  to  go  with 
him,  thinking  it  might  bv  in  liia  way  to  gain  some  intelligence  of  vfiin«- 
toon;  and  so  taking  one  Engliobman  and  a  few  Indiana  with  him,  leaving 
the  reat  there,  be  went  with  hia  new  mldier  to  look  hie  father.  When 
he  came  to  the  swamp,  he  bid  the  Indiap  go  and  see  if  lie  coukl  find  hi* 
father.  He  was  no  sooner  gone,  but  Captain  Church  discovered  a  track 
coming  down  out  of  the  woods,  upon  wnich  he  and  hia  little  compaoy 
lay  close,  some  on  one  side  of  the  track,  and  some  un  the  otiior.  They 
heard  the  Indian  soldier  noaking  a  howling  for  bis  father,  and  at  length 
8omebo«ty  answered  him ;  but  while  tliey  were  listening,  tlicy  thought 
they  heard  somebody  coming  towarda  them.  Presently  Uiey  saw  an  old 
man  coming  up,  with  a  sun  on  his  shoulder,  and  a  yoimg  woman  folbw- 
ing  in  the  track  which  they  lay  by.  They  let  them  come  between  them, 
and  then  started  up  and  laid  hold  of  them  botti.  Captain  Chunh  imme- 
diately examined  them  apart,  telling  them  what  they  must  trust  to  if  they 
told  false  stories.  He  asked  the  young  woman  what  company  they  came 
from  lost.  She  said  from  Captain  ^nnatDon't.  He  asked  her  how  many 
were  in  company  with  him  when  she  lefl  him.  She  said  '  filly  or  sixty.' 
He  asked  her  how  many  miles  it  was  to  the  place  where  sliu  left  him. 
She  said  sha  did  not  understand  miles,  but  he  was  up  in  Squaimaconk 
swamp.  The  old  man,  who  had  beeii  one  of  PhUtp'a  council,  upon 
examination,  gave  exactly  the  same  account."  On  bemg  atiked  whether 
they  could  get  there  that  night,  answere<i,  "  If  we  go  presently,  and  travel 
stoutly,  we  may  get  there  by  sunset."  The  old  roan  said  he  was  of  .4nna- 
won's  company,  and  that  w^namm  had  sent  biin  down  to  find  some 
IndiuiB  thut  were  gone  down  into  Mount  Hope  neck  to  kill  provisions. 
Captain  Church  let  him  know  that  that  com|)any  were  ail  his  prisoners. 

The  Indian  who  had  been  permitted  to  go  after  his  father,  now  returned 
with  him  and  another  man.  Captain  Chwch  was  now  at  great  loss  wlMt 
he  should  do.  He  was  unwilling  to  miss  of  so  good  an  opportunity  of 
giving  a  finishing  blow  to  the  Indian  power.  He  had,  as  nimself  says, 
but  "naif  a  dozen  men  beside  himself,"  and  yet  was  under  the  necessity 
of  sending  some  one  back  to  give  Lieutenant  Howland,  whom  be  left  at 
the  old  fort  in  Pocaaset,  notice,  if  he  should  proceed.  But,  without 
wasting  time  in  pondering  u|K)n  what  course  to  pursue,  he  put  the  ques- 
tion to  his  men,  "  whether  they  would  willingly  go  with  him  and  ^ivc 
Annawon  a  visit."  All  answered  in  the  affirmative,  but  reminded  him 
"that  they  knew  this  Captain  Annawon  was  a  great  soldier ;  that  he  had 
been  a  valiant  captain  under  A$uhmequin,  [  JVoosamequin^]  PhUip'a  father  ; 
and  that  he  had  been  Philip's  chieftain  oil  this  war."  And  thoy  further 
told  Captain  CAurcA, (and  these  men  knew  him  well,) that  he  was  "a  very 
subtle  man,  of  great  resolution,  and  had  often  said  that  he  would  never 
be  taken  alive  by  the  English." 

They  also  reminded  him  that  those  with  .^nauion  were  "  resolute 
fellows,  some  of  PhUip^s  chief  soldiers,"  and  very  much  feared  that  to 
make  the  attetnpt  with  such  a  handful  of  soldiers,  would  lie  hazardous  in 
the  extreme.  But  nothing  could  shake  the  resolution  of  Captain  Chvrch, 
who  remarked  to  them,  "  that  he  had  a  long  time  sought  for  Annawon, 
but  in  vain,"  and  doubted  not  in  the  least  but  Providence  would  protect 
diem.    All  with  one  consent  now  desired  to  proceed. 

A  man  by  the  name  of  Cook,*  belonging  to  Plimouth,  wds  the  only 
Ehiglishman  in  the  company,  except  the  captain.  Captain  Jhurch  asked 
Mr.  Cook  what  his  opinion  of  the  undertaking  was.    He  made  no  other 


*  Caleb,  doabtleff,  who  was,  present  at  i.  jb  time  Philipyia$M\M. 


ANN>WOrf. 


[Book  in. 


'%r 


m- 


naij  than  thi« :  **  I  am  never  afhiid  of  goinp  any  w'lera  when  vou  are 
with  me."  The  Indian  who  brought  in  hia  fdther  informed  Captain 
€%iireh,  that  it  was  impoMible  for  him  to  take  hia  horae  with  him,  which 
he  had  brought  thus  far.  He  therefore  lent  him  and  his  father,  with  the 
iuwM,  back  to  Lieutenant  HouUmd,  and  ordered  them  to  tell  him  to  take 
his  prisoners  immediately  to  Tounton,  and  then  to  come  out  the  next 
morning  in  the  Rchoboth  road,  Mihere,  if  alive,  he  hoped  to  meet  him. 

Things  being  thus  settled,  all  were  ready  for  the  journey.  Captain 
Church  turned  to  the  old  man,  whom  he  took  with  the  young  woman, 
and  asked  him  whether  ho  would  be  their  pilot.  He  said,  **  You  having 
given  me  my  life,  I  am  under  oblioations  to  serve  prou."  Tiiey  now 
mMrched  for  Squannaconk.  In  leading  the  way,  this  olu  man  would 
travel  so  much  faster  than  the  rest,  as  sometimes  to  be  nearly  out  of  sight, 
and  consequently  mi^ht  have  escaped  without  fear  of  beiuf  recaptured, 
but  ho  was  true  to  his  word,  aud  would  stop  until  his  weaned  followers 
eomo  up. 

Having  travelled  through  swamps  and  thickets  until  the  sun  was  setting, 
the  pilot  ordered  a  stop.  The  captain  asked  him  if  he  bad  made  ai|y 
discovery.  He  mid,  **  About  that  hour  of  the  day,  Annawon  usually  sent 
nut  Ills  scouts  to  see  if  the  coast  was  clear,  and  as  soon  as  it  began  to  grow 
dark  the  scouta  returned,  and  then  we  may  move  securely. '  When  it 
was  sufHciently  dark,  and  they  were  about  to  proceed.  Captain  Church 
asked  the  olil  man  if  he  would  take  a  gun  and  fight  for  him.  He  bowed 
very  low,  and  said,  "  I  pray  you  not  to  impose  such  a  thing  upon  me  as 
to  nght  offaiiist  Captain  Atmawon,  mv  old  fiiend,  but  I  will  go  along  with 
you,  and  be  helpful  to  you,  and  will  lay  hands  on  any  man  that  shafl  offer 
to  hurt  you."  They  bad  proceeded  but  a  short  space,  when  they  heard 
a  noise,  which  they  concluded  to  be  the  pounding  of  a  mortar.  This 
warned  them  that  they  were  in  the  vicini^  of  ^nmwm'a  retreat.  And 
here  it  will  be  very  proper  to  give  a  description  of  it.  It  is  situated  in 
the  south-easterly  comer  of  Renoboth,  about  eight  miles  fK>m  Tauiiton 
Green,  a  few  rods  firoin  the  road  which  leads  to  Providence,  and  on  the 
south-easterly  siiie  of  it  If  a  straight  line  were  drawn  Orom  Taunton  to 
Providence,  it  would  pass  very  neamrover  this  place.  Within  the  limits 
of  an  immense  swamp  of  nearly  3000  ucres,  there  is  a  small  piece  of 
upland,  separated  firom  the  main  onlv  by  a  brook,  which  in  some  seasons 
is  dry.  This  island,  as  we  majr  calf  it,  is  nearly  covered  with  an  enor- 
mous rock,  which  to  this  day  is  called  Annmoon*a  Rock.  Its  south-east 
side  presenta  an  almost  perpendicular  precipice,  and  rises  to  the  height 
of  SIS  or  30  feet.  The  north-west  side  is  very  sloping,  and  easy  of  ascent, 
being  at  an  angle  of  not  more  than  35  or  40°.  A  more  gloomy  and  hid- 
den recess,  even  now,  although  the  forest  tree  no  longer  waves  over  it, 
could  hardly  be  found  by  any  inhabitant  of  the  wilderness. 

When  they  arrived  near  tlie  foot  of  the  rock.  Captain  Church,  with  two 
of  his  Indian  soldiers,  crept  to  the  top  of  it,  from  whence  the^  could  see 
distinctly  the  situation  of^the  whole  company,  by  the  light  of*^  their  fires. 
They  were  divided  into  three  bodies,  and  lodged  a  short  distance  fh>m 
one  another.  .4nnatw>n'«  camp  .was  formed  by  felling  a  tree  against  the 
rock,  with  bushes  set  up  on  each  side. 

"  H«  passed,  in  Ihe  heart  or  that  ancient  wood— 

Nor  paused,  till  the  rock  where  a  vaulted  bed 


Had  been  hewn  of  old  for  the  kinrly  dead 
liEht  way/' 
Mn.  Hemant''$  Bword  of  the  Tomb. 


Arose  on  his  midnifrht  way 


With  him  k>dged  his  son,  and  others  of  his  principal  men.    Their  guns 


[Book  in. 


Chap.  III.] 


ANNAWO.N. 


P  youara 
Captain 

m,  which 

with  the 
m  to  take 

the  next 
thim. 
Captain 

:  woman, 
•u  having 
liey  now 

>  would 

of  sight, 
captured, 
followera 


were  diacoverwi  Uooding  and  leaning  agaiiiat  a  Mick  resting  oo 
<;rotches,  safely  covert'U  from  the  weatlier  liy  a  mat.  Over  lii^'ir  fires 
were  pots  and  kettles  Iwilititf,  nnil  nM'at  nwntiuK  u|miii  tlteir  B|»ita.  Captain 
C'AiircA  was  now  at  mmir  Tom  how  to  iirorved,  nvving  no  p4«iiibiUtv  of 
gt'Miug  down  the  rock  without  dij^ovcry,  wliirh  would  have  heen  wtaL 
llo  therefore  creeps  silently  liack  aguin  to  tlie  fool  of  the  rork,  and  asked 
the  old  man,  their  pilot,  if  there  was  no  otiier  way  of  coming  at  them. 
He  answormt, "  No ;"  and  said  that  himself  and  til  others  bekwiging  to  the 
comiian^  were  ordered  to  come  Uiat  way,  and  none  oouM  come  any 
oilier  without  danger  of  lieiiig  shot. 

The  fruitful  mind  of  Church  was  no  k>nger  at  losa,  and  the  following 
tttratagem  was  put  in  successful  practice.  He  ordered  the  ohi  man  aaa 
tli«  young  woman  to  go  forward,  and  lead  the  way,  with  their  baskats 
upon  their  backs,  and  when  wflnnatmrn  should  discover  them,  he  would 
take  no  olorm,  kuowiujr  them  to  be  those  he  had  lately  sent  forth  upon 
discovery.  "Captain  Church  and  his  handfbl  of  soldiers  crept  down  also. 
under  the  Hliodow  of  those  two  and  their  baskets.  The  captain  himself 
crept  close  behind  the  old  man,  with  his  hatchet  in  his  band,  and  stepped 
over  the  young  man's  head  to  the  arms.  The  younv  w^nnauvn  discover- 
ing him,  whipped  his  blanket  over  his  head,  and  Mirunk  up  in  a  heap. 
The  old  Captain  .^nnotron  started  up  on  his  breech,  and  cried  out '  hSh 
wohP  which  signified, '  Welcom.'"*  All  hope  of  escape  was  now  fled 
forever,  and  he  made  no  efibrt,  but  laid  himself  down  agtiip  in  perfect 
silence,  while  bis  captors  secured  the  rest  of  the  company.    For  he  sup- 

Kosed  the  English  were  fnr  more  numerous  than  they  were,  and  before 
e  was  undeceived,  his  company-  were  all  secured. 
One  circumstance  much  facilitated  this  daring  project.  It  bas  been 
before  mentioiied  that  they  heard  the  pounding  of  a  mortar,  on  their 
approach.  Thn  continued  during  their  descent  down  the  rock.  A  squaw 
was  pounding  green  dried  corn  for  their  supper,  and  when  she  ceaaed 
pounding,  to  turn  the  corn,  they  ceased  to  proceed,  and  when  she  pounded 
again,  they  moved.  This  was  the  reason  they  were  not  heard  os  tb^y 
lowered  tbenwelves  down,  firom  crag  to  crag,  supported  by  small  biiahea 
that  grew  firom  the  seams  of  the  rock.  The  pounded  com  served  after- 
wards for  a  supper  to  the  captora. 

^nnauKMi  would  not  have  been  taken  at  this  time  but  for  the  treachery 
of  those  of  his  own  company.  And  well  may  their  JJucan  exclaim,  as  did 
the  Roman, 

"  A  race  renowned,  the  world's  victorioui  lords, 
Turned  on  Ihenwelves  willi  thtir  own  hostile  swords.".— /Joicc 

The  two  companies  situated  at  a  short  distance  from  the  rock  knew 
not  the  fiite  of  their  captain,  until  those  sent  hy  Church  announced  it  to 
them.  And,  to  prevent  their  making  resistance,  they  were  told,  that  Capt. 
Church  had  encompassed  them  with  his  army,  and  that  to  make  resist- 
ance wOuld  be  immediate  death ;  but  if  they  all  submitted  peaceably,  they 
should  have  good  quarter.  '*Now  they  being  old  acquaintance,  and 
many  of  them  relations,"  readily  consented :  delivering  up  their  guns 
and  hatchets,  they  were  all  conducted  to  head  quarters. 


*  It  is  a  carious  fact,  that  amone  the  tribes  of  the  west  the  same  word  is  used  lo  signify 
approbation :  thus,  when  a  speech  had  been  made  to  some  in  that  recion,  which  pleased 
them,  at  the  end  of  each  paragraph  they  would  exclaim,  "  Hook!  Hoali  !">—WeWs 
TVetoelt  in  America. 

The  fact  becomes  still  more  curious  when  we  find  the  same  word  used  yet  farther 
wesW-even  on  the  Nortb-west  Coast,  and  with  very  nearly  the  same  signification.  See 
pt»oie»  V«Mn,  189. 440.  Lendos,  1789.    In  this  work  it  it  ipelt  Whoah. 


^BO 


ANNAWON. 


[Book  in. 


"Things  boiiip;  thus  far  antlcd,  Captain  Chunk  naked  .4nnau»ii  what  he 
I  nd  for  supper, '  for,'  said  hi', '  I  mn  come  to  sup  with  you.'"  Annauxm 
r«plied,  "Tmtlnil"  with  a  "big  voice,"  and,  looking  around  upon  his 
women,  ordt^nid  them  to  hasten  ajid  provide  Capt.  Church  and  his  com- 

Eny  some  supper,  lie  asked  Capt.  Church  "  whether  he  would  eat  cow 
ef  or  horsi!  beef."  Church  said  he  would  prefer  cow  beef.  It  was 
soon  ready,  and,  by  the  aid  of  some  salt  he  had  in  his  pocket,  he  made 
a  good  meal.  And  here  it  sfiould  he  told,  that  a  small  bag  of  salt  (which 
he  carried  in  his  j)ockct)  was  the  only  provision  ho  took  with  him  upon 
this  expedition. 

When  8Uj)per  wasovcr,  Capt.  Church  set  his  men  to  watch,  telling  them 
if  they  wouhi  let  him  sleep  two  hours,  they  should  sleep  all  the  rest  of 
the  night,  he  not  having  slept  any  for  36  hours  before ;  but  after  laying  a 
half  hour,  and  feeling  no  disposition  to  sleep,  from  the  momentous  cares 
upon  his  mind, — for,  as  Dr.  Yotmg  says  in  the  Revenge, 

"  The  dead  alone,  in  such  a  niglit,  can  rest, — " 

he  looked  to  see  if  his  watch  were  at  their  posts,  Init  they  ware  all  fast 
aslee|).    Annawon  felt  no  more  like  sleeping  than  Chtrch,  and  they  lav 
for  some  time  looking  one  upon  the  other.     Church  spoke  not  to  ^nnawoti, 
because  he  could  not  speak  Indian,  and  thought  ^nnawon  could  not  s|K>ak 
Cngli'^h,  but  it  now  appeared  that  he  could,  from  a  conversation  they  held 
together.     CAurdU  had  lai<l  down  with  Jtnnawon  to  prevent  his  escape,  of 
which,  howeveih,  he  did  not  seem  much  afraid,  for  after  they  had  laid  a  con- 
siderable time,  ^nnaunn  got  up  and  walked  away  out  of  sight,  which  Church 
considered  was  on  a  common  occasion ;  hut  being  gone  some  time,  "he  began 
toouspbnt  some  ill  design."   He  therefore  gathered  all  the  guns  close  to  him- 
self, and  lay  as  close  as  he  pcssibly  could  under  young  JlnnaworCs  side,  that 
if  a  shot  should  be  made  at  him,  it  must  endanger  the  life  otymmsAnna- 
iwm  also.    After  laying  a  while  in  great  suspense,  he  saw,  by  the  light  of 
the  moon,^nn<nm>n  coming  with  something  in  his  hands.    When  ho  had 
got  to  Captain  OmrcK,  he  knelt  down  before  him,  and,  after  presenting  him 
what  he  had  brought,  spoke  in  English  as  follows : — "  Great  eai}lmn,youhave 
killed  Philip,  and  conquered  his  counlrxf.    For  I  believe  that  1  and  my  com- 
pany are  the  last  that  war  against  the  Er^lish,  so  suppose  the  war  is  ended 
by  ytnur  means,  and  therefore  these  things  belong  unto  you."    He  then  took 
out  of  his  pack  a  beau' '.fully  wrought  belt,  which  belonged  to  Philip.     It 
was  nine  inches  in  breadth,  and  of  such  length,  as  when  [lut  about  the 
shoulders  of  Capt.  Church,ii  reached  to  his  ankles.    This  was  considered, 
at  that  time,  of  great  value,  being  embroidered  all  over  with  money,  that 
is,  wampumpoag,*  of  various  colors,  curiously  wrought  into  tiguros  of 
birds,  beasts  and  flowers.    A  second  belt,  of  no  less  exquisite  workman- 
ship, was  next  presented,  which  belonged  also  to  PhUip.    This,  that  chief 
used  to  ornament  his  head  with :  from  the  back  part  of  which  flowed 
two  flags,  which  decorated  his  back.    A  third  was  a  smaller  one,  with  a 
star  upon  the  end  of  it,  which  he  wore  upon  his  breast.     All  tftreo  wen; 
edged  with  red  hair,  which,  Annawon  said.  Was  got  in  the  country  of  the 
Mohawks.    These  belts,  or  some  df  them,  it  is  believed,  remain  at  this 
day,  the  property  of  a  family  in  Swansey.    He  next  took  from  his  pack 
two  horns  of  glazed  powder,  and  a  red  cloth  blanket.    These,  't  appears, 
were  all  that  remained  uf  the  eflects  of  tb.e  great  chief.     He  told  Capt. 
Church  that  those  were  Philip^s  royalties,  which  he  was  wont  to  adorA 
himself  with,  when  he  sat  m  state,  and  he  thought  himself  happy  in 
having  aiv opportunity  to  present  them  to  him. 

*  An  Iroquoii  word,  signifying^  a  muictt.    Oordm't  Hi*l,  Pennsylvania,  page  698 


Ciur.  in.) 

Therein* 
u  gave  an  act 
against  man 
fatiier." 

Moniing  I 
way  they  in 
small  surpr 
"Capt.  Chu 
his  own  me 
under  Lienl 
Jhrnaumn 
Uic  English 
deny  but  th 
was  lu  bu  e 
captor.  Cap 
and  had  en 
long  after,  I 
to  lulvert  to 
the  events  i 
Quinnaj? 
mioiL,  other 
fore  J»fi<ml 
fficat  uncle 
We  find 
amusemen 
Qunnaptn, 
has  also  U 
Narragansd 
In  1672, 
previously] 
This  sai 
from  the  p 
into  tiieir  1 
altliouffh  I 
FromMn 
wanting  h 
of  whom 
ing  to  the 
thefamoi 
Qutmu 
the  10  Ff 
raganset 
among  tti 
caused  h 
tions  in  t 
the  "que 
In  the 
straits,"  I 
being  tvi 
peace  w 
prevent* 
the  last 
A  truly 
Commd 

*Hvk 
tMr. 


'^*.  t!".-r 


Ciur.  in.) 


QUINNAPIN. 


The  Temainder  of  the  night  they  spent  in  diacourae,  in  which  .Amutunn 
*^  gave  an  account  of  what  mighty  success  he  had  had  formerly  in  wars 
against  many  nations  of  Indians,  when  lie  dcrved  .^suhnuquin,  PkUip*i 
fattier." 

Morning  bein^  come,  they  took  up  tlieir  march  for  Taunton.  In  th« 
way  they  met  Lieutenant  Hmiokmd,  according  to  appointment,  at  his  uo 
small  surprise.  They  lodged  at  Tnunton  tliat  nighu  The  next  day 
"Capt.  Chunk  took  old  w^noioon,  and  half  a  dozen  Indian  soldiers,  and 
his  own  men,  nnd  went  to  Rhode  Island ;  the  rest  were  sent  to  Plimoutb, 
under  Lieut.  Hotdand, 

.Innawon,  it  is  isaid,  had  confessed  "  that  he  had  put  to  death  several  of 
tlic  English,  that  had  heen  taken  alive ;  ten  in  one  day,  and  cuuld  not 
deny  but  that  some  of  them  had  been  tortured;"*  and  therefore  no  mercy 
was  lu  liu  ex|K;i-te(l  from  those  into  whose  hands  he  had  now  fallen.  HiB 
captor,  Capt  Church,  did  not  mean  that  he  should  have  been  put  to  death, 
and  had  entreated  hard  for  him ;  but  in  Iiis  absence  from  Piiinouth,  not 
long  after,  he  was  remorselessly  executed.  We  shall  .again  have  occasion 
to  advert  to  the  execution  of  ^nauwn,  and  shall  now  pass  to  consider 
the  events  in  the  life  of  a  sachem  of  nearly  equal  interest. 

Qumnopin  was  by  birth  a  noble  Norraganset,  being  the  son  of  Cogina- 
^uon,  otherwise  Confanaquond,  who  was  nephew  to  Canonicus.  There- 
tore  AEantuntunnoh  was  uncle  to  Quinna/n'n,  and  Canontcus  was  his 
great  uncle. 

We  find  his  name  spelled  in  almost  every  possible  way,  nnd  for  tlie 
amusement  of  the  reader  will  offer  a  few  of  them — Quanoptn,  (htonopin, 
Qunna/nn,  Quomioptn,  Queno^ uui,  Panoquitty  and  Quoncptn.  His  name 
has  also  been  coiuounded  with  that  of^  Quotopen,  the  "  old  queen"  of 
Narraganset. 

In  1672,  Qutnmm'n  confirmed,  by  a  writing,  the  sale  of  a  tract  of  land 
previously  granted  oy  Coginamum,  Iiis  father. 

This  sachem  took  part  with  the  Wampanoags  in  PhUip'a  war,  and 
frou:  the  punishment  which  the  English  executed  upon  him,  on  his  falUng 
into  tueir  hands,  we  may  suppose  he  acted  well  his  part  in  that  war, 
althoufth  but  litde  is  recorded  of  him  by  the  historians  of  that  period. 
From  Mrs.  Rndandaon't  account  of  him,  we  must  conclude^  he  was  not 
wanting  in  attentions  to  the  fair  sex,  as  he  had  certainly  three  wives,  one 
of  whom  was  a  sister  of  WooUnukaniuke ;  consequently  he  was,  accord- 
ing to  the  English  method  of  calculating  relationships,  brotlier-in-law  to 
the  famous  Mdaeowut  himself. 

Qurnnaoin  was  one  of  die  chiefs  who  directed  the  attack  on  Lancaster, 
the  10  Feb.  1G75,  O.  S.,  and  he  purchased  Mrs.  Rotdatuhon  from  a  Nar- 
raganset Indian  who  had  seized  her  when  she  came  out  of  the  garrison, 
among  the  captives  of  that  place.  And  it  was  this  circumstance  which 
caused  her  to  notice  him  in  her  Narrative.f  fVettimore,  whom  she  men- 
tions in  the  following  extract  as  his  wife,  wo  have  said,  was  Weriamoo, 
the  "queen  of  Pocasset," 

In  the  winter  of  1676,  when  the  Narragansets  were  at  such  "  great 
straits,"  from  the  loss  of  their  pnwisions,  in  the  ^reat  swamp  fight,  ("  corn 
being  two  shillings  a  pint  with  them,")  the  English  tried  to  bring  about  a 
peace  with  them ;  but  their  terms  were  too  hard,  or  some  other  cause 
prevented.  "  Canonehd  and  Panoauin  said  they  would  fight  it  out,  to 
the  last  man,  rather  than  they  would  become  servants  to  tlie  EngUsh."t 
A  truly  noble  resolution,  and  well  worthy  of  the  character  we  have  of 
Canonchdt 


•  Hubbard,  AW.  108. 

i  Mr.  WUIard'$  edilion  of  it,  (p.  35.)  Lancaster,  1828. 


I  Huhbmrd. 


at 


QWNNAPiri. 


[Book  in. 


ciuf .  m.] 


"Myinaster  (says  Mrs.  Riu^ndson)  had  three  squaws,  living  some- 
times with  one  aiill  sometfrnes  with  another.  Onux,  this  old  squaw  at 
whose  wigwam  I  was,  and  with  whom  my  master  [Qumnoptn]  had  been 
these  three  weeks.  Another  wns  Wdlimore,  with  whom  I  had  lived  and 
served  all  this  while.  A  severe  and  proud  dame  she  was;  bestowins 
every  day  in  dressing  heraeirncar  as  much  time  as  any  of  the  gentry  of 
the  land — |)owdering  her  hair  and  paintinv  her  &ce,  going  with  her 
necklaces,  with  jewels  in  her  ears,  and  bracefets  upon  her  hands.  When 
she  had  dressed  herself,  het  work  was  to  make  girdles  of  wampum  euqd 
beads.  Tiie  third  squaw  [or  wife]  was  a  young  one,  by  whom  he  had 
two  papooses."* 

While  the  Narragansets  and  Nipmucks  were  enramped  at  a  plaoo  on 
Connecticut  River  at  considerable  distance  above  Northampton,  nerhapa 
near  as  fiu-  as  Bellows  Falh,  Mrs.  Rowlandstm  says,  "  My  masters  maid 
came  home :  she  had  been  gone  three  weeKs  into  the  Narraganset  coun- 
try to  fetch  com,  where  they  had  stored  up  some  in  the  ground.  fAf. 
brought  honu  aboiU  a  p«ek  ami  a  halfqfeorvf* ! 

We  shall  relate,  in  the  life  of  JVepanet,  the  mission  of  Mr.  Hoar  to 
PhUip's  quarters  fbr  the  redemption  of  Mrs.  Rotolandaon.  This  was  not 
long  after  Sudbury  fight,  and  the  Indians  were  preparing  to  commemorate 
it  by  a  great  dance,  <*  which  was  carried  on  by  eight  of  tbem,  (as  Mrs.  R. 
relates,)  four  men  and  four  squaws;  my  master  and  mistress  [Qum- 
tumin  and  Wietamoo]  being  two.  He  was  dressed  in  his  Holland  shirt, 
with  great  stockings,  bis  giirters  hung  round  with  $hiUit^8,  and  had  gir- 
dles of  tMUAOom  upon  his  head  and  shoulders.  She  bad  a  kearsey  coat, 
covered  with  girdles  oftpampom  from  the  loins  upward.  Her  arms,  fit>m 
her  elbows  to  ner  hands,  \irere  covered  with  bracelets ;  there  were  hand- 
fuls  of  necklaces  about  lier  neck,  and  several  sorts  of  jewels  in  her  ears. 
She  had  fine  red  stockings,  and  white  shoes,  her  hair  powdered,  and 
her  face  painted  rcJ,  that  was  always  before  black.  And  all  the  dancers 
were  after  the  same  manner.  There  were  two  others  singing  and  knock- 
ing on  a  kettle  for  tlicir  music.  They  kept  hopping  up  and  down  one 
after  another,  with  a  krttle  of  water  in  tbe  mu»t,  standing  warm  upon 
some  emiiers,  to  drink  of  when  they  were  dry.  They  held  on  till  almost 
night,  throwing  out  their  toampom  to  the  standers-by.  At  night  I  asked 
them  again,  if  I  should  go  home :  they  all  as  one  said,  No,  except  my 
hurimnd  would  come  for  me.  When  we  were  lain  down,  mv  master 
went  out  of  the  wigwam,  and  by  and  by  sent  in  an  Indian  called  Jamta- 
iht-printer,  who  told  Mr.  Hoar,  that  my  master  would  let  me  go  home  to- 
morrow, if  he  would  let  him  have  one  pint  of  liquor.  Then  Mr.  Hoar 
called  his  own  Indians,  Tom  and  Peter,  and  bid  them  all  go  and  see  if  he 
would  promise  it  before  them  three ;  and  if  he  would  he  should  have  it, 
which  he  did,  and  had  it.  Philip  smelling  the  business,  called  me  to  him, 
and  asked  me  what  I  would  give  him,  to  tell  me  some  good  news,  and  to 
speak  a  good  word  l()r  me,  that  I  might  go  home  to-morrow  ?  1  told  him 
I  could  not  tell  what  to  give  him,  I  would  any  thing  I  had,  and  asked  him 
what  he  would  have.  He  said  two  coats  and  20  ahillings  in  money,  half 
a  bushel  of  seed  com,  and  some  tobacco.  I  thanked  him  for  his  love, 
but  I  knew  that  good  news  as  well  as  that  crafty  fox.  My  master,  after 
he  had  his  drink,  quickly  came  ranting  into  the  wigwam  again,  and 
called  for  3Ir.  Hoar,  drinking  to  him  and  saying  he  was  a  good  man ;  and 
then  again  he  would  say.  Hang  him  a  rogue.  Being  almost  drunk,  he 
would  drink  to  him,  and  yet  presently  say  ne  should  be  hanged.  Then 
he  called  fur  me ;  I  tremoled  to  bear  him,  and  yet  I  was  fain  to  go  to  him, 
and  he  drank  to  me,  shewing  no  incivility.     He  was  the  first  Indian  I 


*Jiwlive,63,6*. 


[Book  m, 

ving  some- 

i  squaw  at 

t]  had  been 

lived  and 

bestowins 

5  gentry  of 

r  with  her 

ds.    When 

mpum  and 

iin  he  had 


CUAP.  m.] 


TUSPAQUIN. 


83 


plaoo 


m. 


CO 
perhann 
Iters  maiid 
nset  coun- 
und.     fSu! 

r.  Hwir  to 
lis  was  not 
imemorate 
08  Mrs.  A 
«B  [qum. 
land  shirt, 
1  hod  gir- 
urseycoat, 
u'ni&fit)ni 
ren  hand- 
her  ears, 
lered,  and 
le  dancers 
nd  knock- 
down one 
"arm  upon 
till  almost 
t  I  asked 
xcept  my 
ny  master 
id  Jamet- 
honie  to-  ^ 
Mr.  Hoar 
see  if  he  ' 
il  have  it,  ' 
>e  to  him, 
s,  and  to 
told  him 
iked  him  ' 
ley,  half 
his  love, 
ter,  after 
ain,  and 
m;  and 
rutik,  he 
Then 
to  him, 
ndian  I 


saw  drunk,  all  the  time  I  was  among  them.  At  last  bis  squaw  ran  out, 
•nd  he  after  her,  round  the  wigwora,  with  bis  monev  jingling  at  bia  knee^ 
but  she  escaped  him ;  but  having  an  old  squaw,  he  ran  to  bw,***  and 
troubled  the  otbera  no  more  that  night. 

A  day  or  two  after,  the  sagamores  had  a  council,  or  general  eowi,  •■ 
they  called  it,  in  which  the  giving  up  of  Mrs.  R,  was  debated.  All 
seemed  to  consent  ibr  her  to  go  except  Philip,  who  would  not  come  to 
the  council.  However,  she  was  soon  dismisaied,  and  some  who  were  at 
first  opposed  to  her  going,  seemed  now  to  rejoice  at  it  They  shook  ber 
by  the  band,  and  asked  her  to  send  them  some  tobacco,  ami  some  one 
thing  and  some  another. 

When  the  extensive  system  of  war  carried  on  by  Philip  was  brdcen 
in  the  west  by  intestine  bickerings,  Quttinoptn  returned  with  PkUip  to  his 
country  of  the  Wampanoags.  About  the  end  of  July,  1676,  Captain  Cktarth 
learned  by  a  captive  squaw  that  Qutnno^ptn  and  Philip  were  in  a  "graat 
eedar  swamp"  near  Aponaganset  with  "  abundance  of  Indians."  This 
news,  together  with  a  discovery  the  captain  soon  after  made,  induced  turn 
to  leave  that  country  without  disturbing  so  formidable  an  enemy.  Soon 
after,  Qutnna;nn  esca|ied  from  a  company  of  Bridgewater  men,  who 
killed  Mkompoirtf  as  he  and  PhUip't  company  were  crossing  Taunton 
River.    The  next  day,  Church  pursued  him,  but  he  effected  hia  escape. 

Not  long  after  this,  he  was  taken,  and,  some  considerable  time  after  the 
war,  wm  snot  at  Newport  in  R.  Island.  It  appears  that  Qutnnaptn  had  had 
some  difticulty  with  the  R.  Island  people,  who,  some  time  before  the  war, 
had  cast  him  into  prison ;  but  #iat  by  some  means  he  had  escaped,  and 
become  active  in  tlie  war.  He  was  reported  "  a  young  lusty  sachem,  and  a 
venr  rogue."t 

Tuspaquin,  whose  biography  we  shall  next  pursue,  was  one  of  PkUnt'a 
most  faithful  captains,  and  sachem  of  Aasawomset,  as  we  have  before 
had  occasion  to  notice,  in  speaking  of  John  Saaaamon.    His  name  in 

Srinted  accounts  differs  but  little,  and  is  abbreviated  fiom  Watu*paqui$L 
lIso  in  our  life  of  Tatoaon  it  waa  necessary  t6  speak  of  this  chief.  From 
a  survey  of  the  deeds  which  he  ej^ecuted  of  various  large  tracts  of  land, 
it  is  evident  his  sachemdom  was  very  extensive.    It  will  be  necessary  to 

S lance  at  some  of  the  conveyances  of  fVatuapaquin  for  several  reasons, 
ie  principal  of  which  is,  that  the  pert  he  acted  in  the  great  drama  of 
167.5  and  1676  may  not  be  underrated.  His  conveyances  to  the  Rev.  John 
Saaaamon  and  his  ftunily  are  already  related. 

On  9  Aug.  1G67,  "  Tuapequin,  ornerwise  called  the  Black-aachem,"  for 
£4,  sells  to  Hennf  Wood  of  Plimouth  his  right  and  title  to  the  land  on 
the  east  side  of  "  Namassakett"  River,^  bounded  "  on  one  end"  by  the 
pond  called  Bhck-aaehem^a  Pond,  or,  in  Indian,  WtmpatoctUt;  on  the 
other  end,  by  a  little  pond  called  l^anenucuU.  How  much  was  included 
in  the  given  bounds,  is  not  mentioned,  nor  could  we  now  by  tlie  descrip- 
tion possibly  tell  how  far  said  tract  extended  back  from  the  river.  With 
Tuapaqmn,  his  wife,  >Amey,  signed  this  deed,  and  it  was  wimessed  only  by 
two  Englishmen. 

On  17  July,  1660,  Tuapaquin  and  bis  son  mUiatn  sell  fmr  £10  a  tract 
or  parcel  of  land  near  "  Assowampsett,"  half  a  mile  wide,  and  "in  length 
fit>m  said  (mnds  to  Dartmouth  path."  Besides  two  English,  Satnvd 
Hemy,  Daniel  and  (Hd  Horn  were  witnesses.  Experience  MitchM,  Henry 
Sampaon,  of  Duxborough,  Tnomcu  Little,  of  Marshfield,  and  Thonuu  Paine, 
of  Eastbam,  were  the  purchasers. 

June  10, 1670,  l\tapaquin  and  his  son  William  soM  for  £6,  to  Edward 

•  Narrative,  7»— 76. 

t  Capt.  Mort'i  account  of  "  The  Warr  in  N.  E.  visibly  ended,"  &c. 
%  Tu$paquin,  however,  reserved  the  right  "  to  gelt  eeder  harke  in  the  •wanape.'' 
5  * 


TUdPAUUIN. 


(Book  UI. 


Graf,  "ia  the  behalf  of  che  court  of  Flimouth,''  '^■11  that  our  nieddovr 
that  Iveiii  iu  or  neorc  the  town  of  Middleberry,"  on  the  west  aide  of  a 
UTitt  otkmgmg  to  Mn  JtUen  aiid  Coiukmt  SouihwrUi,  "and  is  between 
Aiaowamsett  Pond  and  Tuunu:n  ;;atli,  being  in  three  parselU  v}ion  three 
trAMkca;"  aim  anotber  parcel  on  the  other  side  of  Taunton  {Mill.  Wit- 
Dcased  1^  "^aue,"  the  wife  of  TSupaquxn,  and  two  English. 

do  iime,  liXf%  Tumofutn,  "sachem  of  Namassakett,  and  ManUnoapuH 
alias  tyiSimm  km  mn,"  sell  to  EAoard  Orcof  and  Jotias  Wuutew,  lands  on 
the  easterty  side  of  Aasowamsett,  to  begin  where  Namasket  River  iaileth 
out  of  the  pond,  and  so  south  by  the  pond ;  thence  by  perisliable  bounds 
to  Tusprnquin't  Pond,  and  so  home  to  the  lands  formerly  sold  to  Hauy 
WmtL 

8  iuly,  1873^  IVcpofmn  and  his  son  WiUium  sell  to  Btmamn  Chunk  of 
Duxboroiiffh,  house  carpenter,  and  Mm  Tompaan  of  Bemstable,  lands 
•bout  iMBddleborough,  for  which  they  paid  him  £15.  It  is  described  as 
**  lying  alt  aad  oeare  the  township  of  Middleberry,"  liounded  westerly  by 
a  river  called  Monhiggtn,  which  runs  into  a  pond  called  QuumioseU, 
and  so  by  a  «edar  swamp  to  Tutpaqmn'a  Pond ;  thence  hy  Henry  WooiPt 
land  to  a  plaee  called  Poehahoquett.  Nahudset  River  is  named  as  a 
tiortlM.a  boundary;  and  the  two  "places"  called  Tuaeomaneat  and 
MaaaiMmaok  are  also  named,  likewise  a  pond  called  Sniptuett,  and  a 
"  rivers  mouth  ealled  TunpatmU  which  runneth  into  a  pond  called  Qut(- 
fiMMuA«K."  Two  Knglisn,  Sam  Harrjf,  and  Joaepk  of  Namasket,  were 
witnesses. 

1  Nov.  167!l,  HlUiam  fFatvapaqttin,  ^aMaeta,  Tokiaa  and  Beteat,  for 
£10.  seH  to  three  English  of  Barnstable  a  tract  of  land  bounded  by  Que> 
taquash  Pond  northerly,  by  Quetaquash  River  easterly,  Suepetuitt 
Ptad,  Ste. 

14  May,  1675,  the  two  Thttptu»na,  ftther  aiid  son, "  make  over  to  Mm 
Tan^paon,  dnuUaii  SotOhuiotlh*^ and  others,  of  Middlebwough,  *'all  that 
tnust  of  land  which  we  now  have  in  possession,  called  commonly  Aiao- 
mamattt  neek  or  necksi,  and  places  adjacent,"  as  a  security  against  the 
claims  of  others,  &c.  of  other  knds  deeded  at  the  same  time ;  if,  there- 
fore, they  are  noC  disturbed  in  the  possession  of  the  former  lands  deeded, 
then  they  <*  are  not  to  be  outed  of  Assawamsett  neck."  Pottateo,  alias 
DattM,  JPoymott,  Pagott,*  alias  JbtepA,  were  witnesses. 

For  the  land  deeded  they  received  £33.  "sterling."  It  consisted  of 
uplands  and  meadows  about  the  pood  called  JV^fn^poiet,  Qiit(tcti«,f  &c., 
and,  judging  fironi  the  price  paid,  was,  no  doubt,  a  very  lai^  tract. 

llius  are  a  few  of  the  nets  of  Waiuapa^in  sketched  previous  to  the 
WW.  We  are  now  to  trace  his  operatnns  m  quite  another  sphere.  In 
our  opinion,  Mr.  HMwrd  was  right  in  styling  him  **  the  next  noted  cap< 
tain  to  i>M(ip,"  but  erroneously  calls  CM  T^upaman  "the  Black-sachemls 
son.*  He  does  not  appear  to  have  known  of  tne  son  fftttunn.  Indeed, 
we  hear  nothing  of  him  in  the  war,  but  it  is  probable  he  shared  the  ihte 
ofhisfkther. 

In  the  sprias  of  167fi,  Ttxapaxpiin  was  inarching  from  plaee  to  plaee 
with  about  300  men,  and  was  doubtless  in  high  expectation  of  bumbling 
the  pride  of  his  enemies,  and,  but  for  PhUip*a  western  disasters,  occa- 
sioned by  the  disaflection  of  his  Pocomptueks  and  others,  his  expectations 
might  have  been  reafized.  It  was  doubtless  under  his  direction  that  19 
buudings  in  Scitnate  were  burnt  on  90  April ;  and  on  the  8  May,  had 
not  a  shower  prevented,  most,  if  not  all,  the  houses  in  Bridgewater  would 
have  shared  the  same  Ate.    T\upaquin  was  known  to  have  led  his  men 


Two  naraef,  probably}  but  in  Uw  MS.  Um«  ii  no  comma  between,  m  U 

t  TiHnU,  probably, 


the 


£BooK  ML 

our  nieddoir 
est  aide  of  « 
i  is  betwuen 
B  v|ion  three 
INUh.     Wit- 

ow,  ianda  on 
River  laileth 
table  bound* 
Id  to  Henry 

in  Chunk  of 
stable,  lands 
described  as 
westerly  by 
Quufuotett, 
fenry  ft^ood't 
mined  as  a 
naneat  and 
luett,  and  a 
called  Qutf- 
uket,  were 

^eiM(,ror 

Bd  by  Que. 

Suepetuitt 

verto^»An 
)>  "all  that 
«>nly  w2««o< 
k^^inst  the 
i^  there- 
ds  deeded, 
'taivo,  alias 

naisted  of 
ieut,f  &c., 
act 

>usto  the 
here.  In 
oted  cap* 
-sachemVi 
Indeed, 
d  theikte 

to  pkee 
lumbling 
)ra,  oeca- 
ectationa 

that  19 
iay,  had 
BrwouM 
his  men 

■  oAmiIn 


OiAP.  III.] 


TV8PAQUIN. 


in  (his  attack.*  TIm  inhabitann  exerted  themwlYea  to  rapel  die  Indiana, 
but,  oonacioua  of  their  strenstb,  they  maiotained  their  ground  until  the 
next  dajr,  when  they  retreated.  Notwithstanding  the  rain,  they  auceeeded 
in  bumiog  17  buildings  before  tbey  decamped. 

On  11  May,  1676,  there  were  eleven  houses  and  five  bams  burnt  in  Pli> 
mouth,  and  a  few  weeks  after,  seven  houses  more  and  two  bams.  These 
were  probably  such  as  were  at  a  considerable  distance  from  the  village, 
and  had  chiefly  been  deserted.  This  "  mischief  was  attributed  u>  Tw- 
ptquin  and  his  man. 

About  this  time,  Ba^fomm  CkurcA  was  comni;<wioned  by  the  govero- 
ment  of  Plimouth  to  lead  parties  in  different  directions  over  the  colony ; 
and  from  the  time  he  commeBced  operations,  the  Indians  found  but  few 
opportunities  to  do  mischief  in  Plimouth  colony. 

TSupaqum  still  kept  his  pound  in  the  Assawomset  country,  and  for  a 
long  time  ImfHed  all  the  skill  Capt.  Chinh  was  master  of,  who  used  every 
endeavor  to  take  him  prisoner.  Chunk  received  his  commission  34  Jul3[, 
1676,  and  the  same  night  set  out  on  an  expedition  against  Tuiptupim. 
His  Indian  scouts  brought  him  before  day  upon  a  company  of  Tu^paqtiMt 
people  in  Middleborough,  every  one  of  whom  fell  into  his  hands.  How 
many  there  were,  Chunk  does  not  say.  He  took  them  directly  to  Pli> 
mouth, "  and  disposed  of  them  all,"  except  **  one  Jeffery,  who,  proving  very 
ingenious  and  faithful  to  him  in  informing  where  other  paircels  of  the 
Indians  harbored,  Capu  Chunk  promised  him,  that  if  he  continued  to  be 
faithful  to  him,  he  should  not  be  sold  out  of  the  country,  but  should  be 
his  waiting  man,  to  take  care  of  his  horse,  &c.,  ancf  aocardingly  it» 
served  him  faithfully  as  long  as  he  lived.'H 

Thus  strengthened  by  TuBpaquMa  own  men,  Chunh  pursued  his  suc- 
cesses with  a  manifold  advantage.  There  was  a  small  tribe  residing  near 
Munponset  Pond,  which  was  next  captured  without  loss  on  either  side, 
and  there  was  henceforth  scarcely  a  week  passed  wherein  he  did  not 
captivate  some  of  these  people. 

Not  long  after  tliis,  it  was  found  that  TVspn^tMi  had  encamped  dwut 
Assawomset,  and  Chunk  set  out  on  an  expraition  there ;  but  finding  OU 
Tutpaqwin  was  ready  for  him  at  the  neck  between  the  two  great  poDds4 
be  was  glad  to  make  the  best  of  his  way  on  towards  Acushnet  and  Dart* 
mouth.  As  he  was  crossing  Ascawomset  neck,  a  scout  from  TuspaquMa 
camp  fired  upon  him,  but  did  him  no  injury. 

Meanwhile  the  great  ^naaon  having  been  surprised  by  the  indefati- 
gable Chunh,  Tuspaquin  saw  no  chance  of  holding  out  long;  therefore 
appears  afterwards  only  intent  upon  keeping  out  of  the  way  of  the  Eng- 
uan.  This  could  not  be  long  reasonably  expected,  as  their  scouts  were 
ranginc  in  every  direction. 

On  4  Sept.  1676,  according  to  ChunK'a  account,  JhupaquMa  compannf 
wejre  encamped  near  Sippicaii,  doing  "  great  damage  to  the  English  in 
killing  their  cattle,  horses  and  swine."  The  next  day,  Chunh  and  bil 
ran|^rs  were  in  their  neighborhood,  and,  after  observing  their  situation, 
which  was  "sitting  round  their  fires  in  a  thick  place  of  bruch,''§  in  seem- 
ing safety,  the  captain  ** ordered  every  man  to  creep  as  he  did;  and  sur.> 
rounded  them  by  creeping  as  near  as  they  could,  till  they  should  be  dis- 
covered, and  then  to  run  on  ufmn  them,  and  take  them  alive,  if  possible, 

*  Mr.  Hubbard  says,  (Nar.  71.)  the  Indians  were  led  by  one  Tiuguogen,  but  we  are 
talisfittd  Tiupaqtan  is  meant. 

t  CImrch,  Narrative,  31. 

t  Just  briow  where  Sumpum't  ta^'em  now  stands. 

6  I  suspect  Mr.  Hubbard  mistakes  the  situation  of  this  place,  in  saying  Ft  was  "  in 
LaKenham,  upon  Pooasset  neck."  Church  is  so  unre^td'mf;  of  all  ^ograpny,  that  it  is 
quite  uncertain  where  it  was.  If  it  were  near  Sippican,  it  was  a  long  way  from  any 
iPSft  of  Pocasset, 


TUSPAQUIN.— TATOSON. 


[Book  UL 


(for  their  priaonerR  were  their  pay.)  They  did  ao,  takinf  every  one  that 
was  at  the  fires,  not  one  escapiag.  Upon  examinatbn,  they  agreed  in 
their  story,  that  they  belonged  to  JHmatfuin,  who  was  gone  with  Mm 
Bvmtp  aiid  one  more  to  Agawom  and  Sipican  to  kill  horses,  and  were 
not  expected  back  in  two  or  three  days."*  Ckurek  pitNseeds:  ''This 
same  ilMpaqtun  had  been  a  great  captain,  and  the  Indians  reported  that 
he  vas  such  a  great  pouwaii,  [priest  or  conjurer,]  that  no  bullet  could 
enter  him.  Capt.  Church  said  he  would  not  have  him  killed,  for  there  was  a 
war  broke  out  in  the  eastern  part  of  the  country,  and  he  would  have  him 
saved  to  gc  with  them  to  fight  the  eastern  Indians.  Agreeably,  he  left 
two  old  8(|unws  of  the  prisoners,  and  bid  them  tarry  tfaero  until  their 
Captain  Tupcupun  returned,  and  to  tell  him,  that  Chvnh  had  been  there, 
ana  had  taken  his  wife,  children  and  company,  and  carried  them  down 
to  Plymouth ;  and  would  spare  all  their  lives,  and  his  too,  if  he  would 
oome  down  to  them  and  bring  tlie  other  two  that  were  with  him,  and 
they  should  be  his  soldiers,  &c.  Capt.  Chireh  then  returned  to  Pl;jrmouth, 
leaving  the  old  squaws  well  provided  for,  and  bisket  for  Tispaquin  when 
he  returned." 

This  CHiureh  called  laying  a  trap  for  TVupo^n,  and  it  turned  out  as 
he  expected.  We  shall  now  seo  with  what  faith  the  English  acted  on 
this  occasion.  Chvreh  hud  assiicc^  him  that,  if  be  gave  himself  up,  he 
should  not  be  killed,  but  he  was  nui  at  Plimouth  when  Tutpaquin  came 
in,  having  gone  to  Boston  on  business  for  a  few  di^s ;  "  but  when  he 
returned  from  Boston  he  found,  to  his  grief,  the  hea<M  of^tmawon,  Tit- 
pamim,  &c.  cut  off,  which  were  the  last  of  PhU^a  fiiends" ! 

It  is  true  tliat  those  who  were  known  to  have  been  personally  engaged 
in  killing  the  English  were,  in  the  time  of  the  greatest  danger,  cut  otf 
firom  panlon  by  a  law ;  that  time  had  now  paawd  away,  and,  like  many 
other  laws  of  exigency,  it  should  {hen  have  been  considered  a  dead  letter; 
leaving;  out  of  the  case  the  fiiith  and  promise  of  their  best  servant,  Church, 
View  It,  therefore,  in  any  light,  and  nothing  can  be  found  to  justify  this 
flagrant  inroad  upon  the  promise  of  Captain  Chunh.  To  give  to  the 
conduct  of  the  Plimouth  government  a  pretext  for  this  murder,  (a  milder 
expression  I  cannot  use,)  Mr.  Hubbard  says,  Tusptupun  having  pretended 
that  a  bullet  could  not  penetrate  him,  trial  of  his  invulnerableness  was 
(Bsolved  upon.  So  he  was  placed  as  a  mark  to  shoot  at,  and  "  he  fell 
down  at  the  firat  sliot" !  * 

This  was  doubtless  the  end  of  numerous  others,  as  we  infer  from  the 
following  passage  in  Dr.  Mather'a  Prevalenct  of  Prater.  He  asks, 
<*  Where  are  the  eix  Narraganset  sachems,  with  all  their  captains  and  coun- 
sellors? Where  are  the  Nipmuck  sachems,  with  their  captuns  and  coun- 
sellors ?  Where  is  Philip  and  Squaw-aaehem  of  Pocasset,  with  all  their 
captains  and  counsellors  ?  God  do  so  to  ell  the  implacable  enemies  of 
Christ,  and  of  his  people  in  N.  England"!!  The  nextof  PA»{ty«  captains, 
in  our  arrangement,  is 

Tatoaon,  aiso  a  great  captain  in  the  war  of  1675.  It  seems  rather 
uncertain  whether  he  were  a  Narraganset  or  Wampanoag.  He  (or  one 
bearing  the  same  name)  signed  the  treaty  made  with  the  Narragansets  in 
the  beginning  of  the  war.  It  is  quite  certain  that  his  residence  uterwards 
was  in  Sandwich,  since  Rochester  ;f  and  when  he  signed  tha  treaty  just 
named,  it  is  probable  he  was  only  among  the  Narragansets  upon  a  mission 
or  visit 

*  By  lhi«  it  seems  the  place  might  have  been  as  far  ofTas  Pocasset. 

t  On  the  right  of  the  main  road,  as  you  pass  from  Matapoisel  to  Rochester  village, 
•nil  about  two  miles  from  the  former,  at  a  small  distance  from  the  road,  is  a  kind  of 
island  io  a  miry  swamp.  Upon  this,  it  is  said,  waa  TtUoion'*  canp.  This  ulaiid  is  coo- 
naetsd  by  aa  iithmus  to  the  inaia  land^ 


CUAP. 

Wei 


It 


CuAr.  m.] 


TATOflON. 


We  tint  meet  whh  Tbtofon,*  or,  ap  hia  name  u  ooi.;jnotily  |iriiit«d, 
TWoioti,  in  1666,  in  the  respectable  company  of  Mr.  Secretanr  Morton  of 
Plimoutb,  and  ^eonoofw,  nannoo,  two  <*graue  and  aage  IndkuM,"  and  • 
number  more,  of  whose  character*  we  are  not  ao  well  prepared  to  speak. 
Among  this  assemblage  he  is  only  conspicuous,  however,  as  a  witnean  to 
A  deed  of  the  lands  upon  WeequanetU  neck.  Mr.  MortmC$  name  follows 
7\ito>on'«,  on  this  instrument 

There  was  a  general  diarmiog  of  the  Indians  in  1671,  as  will  be 
mentioned  in  the  lile  t^Awuhonka.  Among  a  great  number  ordered  to 
appear  at  Plimouth  the  aame  year,  to  binafthemselTes  more  strongly  in 
utlogiwice  to  the  English,  we  find  the  name  of  TaiotoH,  or,  as  his  name 
was  then  written,  TmUoun.  Also  TUy,  aliatj  JspavknoemnunL,]  and  WiH, 
alias  Waahuwanna, 

Tiiloton  was  a  son  of  the  <*  noted  Sam  Bmrrow^  but  of  hia  own  family, 
or  whether  he  had  any,  we  are  not  informed. 

On  the  DJtb  of'  June,  1676,  aevenU  Indians,  who  had  been  sent  in  by 
Bradford  and  Chwnh^  were  "convented  before  the  councell"  at  Plimouth ; 
being  **  such  of  them  as  were  accused  of  working  vnsufferable  mischeiffe 
vpon  some  of  ours."  Among  them  was  one  named  Wetukpoo,  or,  as  he 
was  often  called,  7\iibpoo.}'  Against  him,  several  charges  were  brouj^t, 
such  as  his  going  on  to  the  enemy,  and  trying  to  deceive  the  governor 
about  the  prospect  of  war ;  telling  hun  that  FkSip*i  men  had  deserted 
him,  and  that  he  had  oidy  a  few  old  men  and  boys  remaining. 

At  this  time  were  present  three  other  Indians,  whose  taames  were 
Woodeotik,  Qamapawhan  and  John-num.  The  two  first  were  accused  by 
a  squaw  of  destroying  Clark^*  garrison  at  Eel  River  in  Plitnouth,  and 
munlering  the  inhabitants.  This  had  been  done  on  the  13  March  |hv- 
vious,  and  with  such  secrecy  and  effect,  that  the  English  knew  not  whom 
to  accuse  of  it  Many  supposed  that  Wahupaqmn  conducted  the  affiur, 
and  Mr.  Hubbard  charges  it  upon  him  vnthout  hesitation,  but  it  is  now 

r'te  certain  that  he  bad  nothing  to  do  with  it,  as  in  the  aaquel  we  shall 
w. 

The  two  just  mentioned,  finding  themselves  detected,  accused  their 
fellow  prisoner,  JoJbt-niun.  It  appears  that  Mm  not  only  owned  himself 
guilty  of  this  charge,  but  acknowledged,  also,  that  he  was  concerned  in 
the  murder  of  "  Jaw  MUekd  and  his  wUe,  and  Jakm  Pepe,^  and  soe  een- 
tance  of  death  was  pronounced  against  them,  which  accordingly  eme- 
dlateW  was  executed." 

Before  these  were  executed,  they  implicated  a  fourth,  whose  name  was 
Kewtenam.  Although  TV'' -Mm  commanded  the  company  that  put  to 
death  the  people  at  Clark'a  ^  nson,  yet  Keaemam  set  the  expedition  on 
foot    He  lived  at  Sandwich,  and  was  probably  one  of  Tato»o»*$  mm. 

*  So  almost  always  in  the  MSS. 

t  SometimM  called  Toby  Cole.  The  same,  we  conclude,  who  joined  Philip  afWr- 
wards,  and  fell  into  the  hands  of  Capt.  Church,  as  did  his  mother,  and  many  more  at 
the  same  time. 

t  This  Indian,  whom  we  shall  have  occasion  several  times  to  mention,  was  not  one  of 
those  sent  in  by  Bradford,  as  appears  from  Mather,  (Brief  Hist.  40.)  but  they  "  informed 
that  a  bloudy  Indian  called  Tuckpoo,  (who  the  last  summer  murdered  a  man  of  Boston, 
at  Namaskct,)  with  about  20  Indians  more,  was  at  a  place  within  16  miles  of  Ptimouth." 
Bight  English  nad  finuteen  Indians  succeeded  in  taking  them  all,  and  TiKkpoo  was 
immediately  esecuted. 

ji  The  murder  of  these  people  is  supposed  to  be  referred  to  by  Mr.  Hubbard  in  Ma 
"  Table."  The  passage  follows:  "  In  June,  1676,  [1675  T]  a  man  and  a  woman  were 
slain  by  the  Indians :  another  woman  was  wounded  and  taken ;  but  because  she  ba4 
kept  an  Indian  child  before,  so  much  kindness  was  showed  her,  as  that  she  was  sent 
back,  after  they  had  dressed  ner  wound ;  the  Indians  guarded  her  till  she  came  within 
sight  «f  the  English."  Mr.  Mitchtl  informs  us  that  the  name  of  the  wounded  womaa 
wai  Porothy  Haywood.    Bee  1  Col.  Mats.  Hi*t.  Boc.  vii.  169.  .,  .    '" 


«? 


58 


TATOSON. 


[Book  III. 


CBAF. 


However,  on  Saturday,  the  11  March,  he  was  at  Mr.  ffUliam  ClarVt,  and 
olMervod  how  every  part  of  the  ffarrison  was  conditioned.  He  then  went 
to  his  chief,  7\ito«on,  and  told  iiini  that  it  could  be  easily  taken,  ta  it  was 
hut  slightly  fortified  ;  and  that  the  next  day,  l)eing  Sunday,  would  be  the 
pi'Ofier  time  to  execute  their  plnn,  as  the  residents  would  mostly  be  gono 
to  meeting;  ''and  in  case  they  left  a  man  at  home,  or  so,  they  might  soon 
(iispntch  him." 

This  intelligence  waa  pleaaing  to  T\jUoton,  and  he  found  himself  at  the 
head  of  ten  warriors  the  same  day.  Their  names  were  as  follows :  fFoo- 
nasheiiah,  Miuquash,  fVajpanpowett,  Tarn,  "  the  son  of  lyUoson^a  brother," 
UUaooweett,  and  Tom  Ptant ;  which,  with  the  three  before  named,  made 
up  the  whole  company.  Commencing  their  march  before  night,  they 
arrived  in  the  Irariiers  of  Plimouth,  wTiere  they  lay  coitcealed  until  (he 
|)eople  had  gone  to  public  vrovahip.  About  10  o'clock  iii  the  morning, 
they  came  U|)on  the  garrison,  which  fell  easily  into  their  hands.  After 
kilhng  all  they  met  with,  they  took  what  piunctvr  they  oould  curry,  and 
burned  the  buildings  ;  then  again  dispersed  into  the  woods. 

There  wei«  some  of  two  other  families  in  this  garrison,  mostly  women 
and  children.  Three  only  ware  of  Mr.  CUuVa  ftrnily,  but  there  were 
eight  others  belonging  to  the  other  two.  Mrs.  Elixaoeth  Clark,*  one  of 
the  beads  of  the  family,  was  among  the  8lain.t 

Ketmmam  was  beheaded,  but  how  the  other  three  were  disposed  of,  we 
are  not  informed ;  it  is  very  probable  that  the  whole  number  suffered  in 
due  time.  At  the  trial  of  Keweenam  and  the  other  three,  some  of  thenc 
pleaded  that  the  governor's  proclamation  was  now  their  protection  ;  from 
which  it  would  seem  that  they  had  surrendered  themselves.  But  there 
v(tm  none  to  plead  their  case,  except  their  accusers,  and  they  explained 
things  in  their  own  way.  The  court  said,  "  Forasmuch  as  the  council 
had  before  this  engaged  to  several  Indians  desirous  to  come  in  and  tender 
themselves  to  mercy,  that  they  should  find  &vor  in  so  doing :  it  was  fiilly 
made  known  to  such  Indians  as  were  then  present,  that  the  said  engage- 
ment was  to  be  vnderatood  with  exception  against  such  as  by  murder  as 
above  said  had  so  acted,  and  not  against  such  as  killed  his  enemie  in  the 
field  in  a  souldierlike  way." 

This  kind  of  argument  would  answer  among  duelists,  but  when  did 
the  Indians  afftee  to  fight  the  English  according  to  their  rules  of  war  ? 
The  former  mi^ht  with  equal  propriety  demand  that  the  English  should 
conform  to  their  manner,  and  not  depend  on  their  numbers,  forts,  and 
superior  weapons. 

Althou^  the  murder  at  Clark's  garrison  was  one  of  those  horrible  acts 
in  Indian  warfare,  which  would  justify  the  most  rigid  retaliation,  btill,  as 
the  English  began  the  war,  they  had  no  right  to  expect  but  that  it  would 
be  prosecuted-  by  the  Indians  in  all  the  ways  at  their  command.  On  this 
ground  the  philanthropist  will  ever  condemn  the  severity  of  the  English. 

When  Capt  Church  cam  >  upon  Philip  and  a  great  number  of  his  peo- 

*  "  Who  wa*  the  daujriiter  of  a  godly  father  and  mother,  that  came  to  N.  England  on 
the  account  of  religion."  "  They  also  killed  her  sucking  child,  and  knockoaanothor 
child  (who  was  about  eight  yean  old)  in  the  head,  supposing  they  had  killed  him,  but 
afterwards  hn  came  to  himself."    /.  Mallier,  Brief  Hist.  24. 

t  We  relate  all  that  is  to  be  found  in  the  MS.  records,  but  the  author  of  the  Present 
Stale,  Arc.  furnishes  the  following  valuable  facts :  "  About  this  time,  [his  last  date  men-> 
tioned  being  14  March,]  one  Mr.  Clark's  wife,  children,  and  all  his  liuni!y,  at  his  farm- 
house, two  miles  from  Plimouth,  were  surprised  £Uid  killed,  except  one  boy,  who  was 
knockt  down,  and  left  for  dead,  but  afterwards  taken  up  and  revived.  The  house 
they  plundereid  of  provision  and  goods  to  a  great  value  ;  eight  complete  anrn,  90/.  [M.} 
of  powder,  with  an  answerable  quantity  of  lead  for  bullets,  and  loO/,  in  ready  money  ) 
th«  said  Mr.  Clark  himself  narrowly  escaping  their  cruelty,  by  being  at  that  inslan*.  at  % 
meetiog." 


iBoOTt  m. 


ohai*.  in.] 


TIASHQ. 


pie,  the  3d  of  August,  167G,  '*  Titpaqutn,  TWaon,  ice.**  prevented  the 
entire  destruction  of  some  of  them,  by  cuinlmtiiig  tho  Engheih  while  their 
chief  and  others  extricated  themselves  from  a  sinull  swiiiiip  into  which 
they  had  fled.  "  In  thin  swamp  skirmish  Capt.  Church  with  his  two  men 
which  always  ran  by  his  side  as  his  guard,  mat  with  three  of  the  ent-iny, 
two  of  which  surrendered  themselves,  and  the  captain's  guard  seized 
them  ;  but  *be  other,  being  a  great  stout  surly  fellow,  with  his  two  locks 
ty'd  up  with  red,  and  a  great  rattlesnake's  skin  hangine  to  the  back  part 
of  his  head,  (whom  Capt.  Church  concluded  to  he  Toloaon^)  ran  from 
them  into  the  swamp.  CapL  Church  in  person  pursued  him  cIosk,  till, 
coming  pretty  near  up  with  him,  presented  his  gun  between  his  shoulders, 
but  it  missing  fire,  the  Indian  perceiving  it,  turned  and  presented  nt  Capt. 
Church,  and  missing  fire  also,  (their  guns  taking  wet  with  tho  fog  and 
dew  of  the  morning,)  but  the  Indian  turning  short  for  another  run,  his 
foot  trip'd  in  a  small  grape-vine,  and  he  fell  flat  on  his  face.  Capt.  Church 
was  by  this  time  up  with  him  and  struck  the  muzzle  of  his  gun  an  incli 
and  an  half  into  the  back  part  of  his  head,  which  dispatched  him  without 
another  blow.  But  Capt  Church  looking  behind  him  saw  Toloson,  tho 
Indian  whom  he  tho't  he  had  killed,  come  flying  at  him  like  a  dragon  ; 
but  this  happened  to  be  fair  in  sight  of  the  guard  that  were  set  to  keep 
the  prisoners,  who  spying  Totoaon  and  others  that  were  following  him,  in 
the  very  seasonable  juncture  made  a  shot  upon  them,  and  rescued  their 
captain,  though  he  was  in  no  small  danger  from  his  friends'  bullets,  for 
some  came  so  near  him  that  he  thought  he  felt  tho  wind  of  them."*  The 
celebrated  Church,  in  the  skirmishes  he  had  in  these  two  days,  August  1 
and  3,  took  and  killed  173  Indians. 

Little  more  than  a  month  afler  the  fall  of  Philip,  Church  surjirised 
Tatoaon^a  whole  company,  about  50  persons.  He  was  the  last  that  was 
left  of  the  family  o{  Barrow;  and,  says  CAurcA,"  the  wrotch  reflecting 
upon  the  miserable  condition  he  had  brought  himself  into,  his  heart 
became  a  stone  within  him,  and  he  died.  The  old  squaw  [that  Church 
liad  employed  to  pereuado  him  to  submit]  flung  a  few  leaves  and  brush 
over  him — came  into  Sandwich,  and  gave  this  account  of  his  death  ;  and 
offered  to  show  them  where  she  left  his  body,  but  noyer  had  an  opportu- 
nity, for  she  immediately  fell  sick  and  died  also." 

The  fate  of  the  father  of  TeUoaon  does  not  so  much  excite  sympathy, 
as  does  that  ofjhe  son,  but  is  one  of  those  cases  more  calculated  to  arouse 
the  fiercer  passions.  The  old  chief  fell  into  the  hands  of  Capt.  Church, 
in  one  of  his  successful  expeditions  in  the  vicinity  of  Cape  Cod.  Church 
says,  in  his  history,  that  he  was  "  as  noted  a  rogue  .is  any  among  the 
enemy."  Capt.  Church  told  him  that  the  rrnvcrnmcnt  would  not  |)ermit 
him  to  grant  tiim  quarter,  "bemuse  of  nis  inhuman  murders  and  barbari- 
ties," and  therefore  ordered  him  to  prejjaro  for  execution.  "  Earrmo 
replied,  that  the  sentence  of  death  against  him  was  just,  and  that  iinlncd 
he  was  ashamed  to  Uve  any  longer,  and  desired  no  more  fuvor,  than  to 
smoke  a  whiff  of  tobacco  before  his  execution.  When  he  iiud  taken  » 
few  whiflb,  he  said,  'I  am  ready,'  upon  which  one  of  Capt.  Church''s 
Indians  sunk  his  hatchet  uito  his  brains." 

T\aahq,\  or  T)/9aka,t  "  was  the  next  man  to  Philip,"  says  Church ;  ther<! 
were  others  also  said  to  be  "  next  to  him,"  and  it  may  be  all  recuncilcd 
by  supposing  these  chiefs  as  having  the  chief  command  over  particular 
tribes..  Mr.  Hubbc^r.-f^  says  only  this  of  the  famous  Tiashq :  "In  June 
last,  [1676,]  one  THcuhq,  a  great  captnin  of  Philip's,  his  wife  and  child, 
or  children,  being  taken,  though  he  escaped  himself  at  first,  yet  came 
since  and  surrendered  himself.''    Dr.  /.  Mather,  writing  under  date  of  22 

•  Hitt.  PkUip'M  War,  41.         f  Hubbard,  Matlier.        }  Church.         $  Narrniive,  106 


60 


TIA8HQ. 


[BooKin. 


C«Ar  IV  I 


Juljr,  1676,  nya  it  was  ■*  thin  week"  that  Capt  CfturcA  and  hia  Indian  aol- 
dien  fell  upon  TSathq  and  hiti  company.  It  appeara  therefore  tliat  Mr. 
Hubhard  is  in  error,  as  the  account  given  hy  Chureh  corroborates  that  of 
Mother,  who  opcaks  thus  of  his  openitiona :  **  It  having  heen  hia  manner 
when  ho  taketb  any  Indians  by  o  promise  of  fkvor  to  them,  in  case  they 
acquit  themaelvea  well,  to  set  them  an  hunting  after  men  of  these  wolves, 
whereby  (he  worst  of  them  sometimes  do  singular  good  service  in  finding 
out  the  rest  of  their  bk>ody  fellows.  In  one  of  these  sku-misheii,  TKaakq, 
Philip''$  chief  cap^iin,  ran  away  leaving  his  gim  behind  him,  and  hu 
squaw,  who  was  taken."*  These  Indian  soldiprs,  who  performed  this 
exploit,  were  forced  upon  it  bv  Ckureh.  They  had  been  seeking  Indians 
about  Aponaganset  River,  and  discovered  that  a  large  company  of  them 
had  just  lieen  gathering  the  apples  at  a  deserted  sattlement  on  the  east 
side  of  it.  The  English  and  Indians  immediately  pursued  in  their  track.t 
**  Traveling  three  miles  or  more,  they  came  into  the  country  road,  where  the 
track  parted :  one  parcel  steered  towards  the  west  end  of  the  great  cedar 
swamp,  and  the  other  to  the  east  end.  The  captain  halted  and  told  his 
Indian  nouldiers  that  they  had  heard  as  well  as  he  what  some  men  had 
said  at  Plymouth  about  them,}  &c.,  that  now  was  a  good  opportunity  for 
each  party  to  prove  themselves.  The  track  being  divided,  they  should 
follow  one,  and  the  English  the  other,  bein^  equal  in  number.  The 
Indians  declined  the  motion,  and  were  not  willing  to  move  any  where 
without  him :  said  they  should  not  think  Oumselvea  taft  without  him.  But 
the  captain  insisting  upon  it,  they  submitted.  He  gave  the  Indians  their 
choice  to  follow  which  track  they  pleased.  They  replied,  Theu  were 
light  and  able  to  tnmel,  therefore  if  he  pkated  ihey  would  take  the  wen  track. 
And  appointing  the  ruins  of  John  Cook's  house  at  Cushnet§  for  the  place 
to  meet  at,  each  company  set  out  briskly  to  try  their  fortunes."!  When 
the  parties  met,  "  they  very  remarkably  found  that  the  number  that  each 
company  had  taken  and  alain  was  equal.  The  Indians  had  killed  three 
of  the  enemy,  and  taken  63  prisoners,  as  the  English  had  done  before 
th8m."1F  Both  parties  were  much  rejoiced  at  their  successes,  but  the 
Indians  told  Capt.  Church  **  that  they  had  missed  n  brave  opportunity  by 
parting.  They  came  upon  a  great  town  of  the  enemy,  viz:  Capt.  T^aaka 
company.  [Tyaska  was  thu  next  man  to  Phil^.)  They  fired  upon  the 
enemy  before  they  were  discovered,  and  ran  upon  them  with  a  shout. 
The  men  ran  and  left  their  wives  and  children,  and  many  of  them  their 
guns.  They  took  T)/aak$*  wife  and  son,  and  thought  that  if  their  captain 
and  the  English  company  had  been  with  them  they  might  have  taken 
some  hundreds  of  them,  and  now  they  determined  not  to  part  any  more."** 
This  transaction,  in  the  opinion  of  Capt  Church,  was  a  "  remarkable  prov- 
idence," inasmuch,  perhaps,  as  the  equality  of  their  successes  prevented 
either  party  from  boosting,  or  claiming  superiority  over  the  other.  Nev- 
ertheless, Church  adds, — ^  But  the  Indians  had  the  fortune  to  take  more 
arms  than  the  English."  It  would  add  not  a  little,  perhaps,  to  the  grati- 
fication of  the  reader,  could  he  know  the  name  of  m?  Indian  captain  in 
this  fiir-famed  exploit,  or  even  that  of  one  of  his  men ;  but  at  present  they 
are  hid  alike  from  us  and  from  him. 

•  Brief  Hist.  45.  t  Chtrch,  33. 

X  The  detestation  in  which  the  Indians  were  held  by  "  some  men,"  in  many  other 
places  as  well  as  in  PlinMutb,  will  often  appear  in  this  work.  Such  people  could  know 
nothing  of  human  nature,  and  many  would  not  have  believed  the  Indians  capable  of 
good  actions,  though  one  from  the  dead  had  assured  them  to  the  contrary. 

(  Abbreviated  from  Acusbnet  See  Douglas*,  Summary,  i.  AfXS.  who  writes  it  Ae- 
etuhnot.  Thus  many  Indian  names  are  chaneod.  Instead  of  Aponaranset,  we  hear 
PonofOHttl,  and  for  Asonet,  Sonet,  &c.  Cushnet  it  the  river  on  whicn  New  Bedford 
and  Fairhaven  stand. 

I  Chtrch,  34.  IT  Ibid.  36.  *•  Ibid. 


>^- 


[BooBin. 

ndian  aol~ 
'  tliat  Mr. 
e«  that  of 
ia  manner 
case  they 
*  wolves, 
in  finding 
M*.  Tioihq, 
%  and  hu 
rmed  this 
ig  Indians 
y  of  them 
n  the  east 
eir  track.} 
where  the 
rt'at  cedar 
J  told  his 
men  had 
tunity  for 
sy  should 
>er.    The 
ny  where 
itm.    But 

ians  their 

^  were 

'ttit  track. 

[the  place 

I    When 

ihat  each 

lied  three 

>e  before 
but  the 

tunity  by 

'7)fa»ka 

ipon  tho 

a  shout. 

)m  their 

'  captain 

e  taken 

lore."** 

le  prov- 

evented 

.    Nev- 

te  more 

Bffmti- 

3taln  in 

nt  they 


'y  other 
la  know 
table  of 

it  Ac- 
re bear 
kdford 

id. 


CaiP.  IV.l  MAGNUS.  61 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Ckitf  iMmen  eontpieuou*  tn  Philip't  war — MAsmis — Her  cvwiAy  amd 
rtiationt — Her  emlure  and  deam — Awabhonks — b  greatlif  anne^ftd 
in  the  events  of  liSfl — Her  mm  di$armed—PkUni*a  end^nort  to  tngtgt 
her  offaintt  the  Englitk—Chtarh  preventt  her — mfinaU}!  in  the  pouer  ^ 
Phihp — ReeUtLnedby  Church — borne  partieuUtrt  o/herfamUy. 

Althodoh,  before  we  had  finished  tho  lite  of  fVeeUanoOy  we  deemed  it 
proper  to  have  deferred  it  to  this  chapter,  but  as  we  had  been  led  ratlier 
un|>erccptibly  into  many  particulars  concrmiug  her  in  that  place,*  we 
could  .lot  break  off  our  narrative  without  a  greater  impropriety  than  an 
oiniRsion  here  would  have  licen,  and  shall  therefore  begin  hcru  with  one 
of  her  cotemporarics,  tho  bare  facts  in  whose  life  are  sufiicient  to  main- 
tain a  high  interest,  wc  lielicvc,  in  the  mind  of  every  reader. 

Magnus  was  squaw-sachem  of  some  part  of  tho  extensive  country  of 
the  Narragansets,  and  was  knowti  by  several  names  at  diflferent  and  the 
same  times;  os,  Old  ^ueen.  Sunk  SqtMU),\  Quatapen,  and  Matantuek. 
She  married  Mrikaah,  or  Mexam,  a  son  of  Conometu,  and  wiis  sister  to 
Ninigret.    She   had  two  sons,  Scuttup  and   ^uequaquenuct,  otherwise 

Hue^nent,  called  by  the  English  Gideon,  and  a  daughter  named 
emiquet.    These  two  died  young.     Gideon  was  alive  as  late  as  1661 ; 
up,  and  a  sister  also,  in  1664.    She  was,  in  1675,  one  '*  of  the  six 
present  sachems  of  the  whole  Narraganset  country." 

In  the  beginning  of  Philip^g  wc<-,  the  English  army,  to  cause  the  Narra- 
gansets  to  fight  for  them,  wnom  th^y  hod  always  abused  and  treated  with 
contempt,  since  before  the  cutting  off  of  Miantunnomoh^a  head,  marched 
into  their  country,  but  could  not  meet  with  a  single  sachem  of  the  nation. 
They  fell  in  with  a  few  of  their  people,  who  could  not  well  secrete  them- 
selves, and  who  concluded  a  long  treaty  of  mere  verbosity,  the  import  of 
which  they  could  know  but  little,  and  doubtless  cared  less ;  for  when  the 
army  lefl  their  country,  they  joined  a^in  in  the  war.  The  English 
caused  four  men  to  subscribe  to  their  articles  in  the  name,  or  in  benalf 
of  ^uaiapen  and  the  other  chiefs,  and  took  four  others  as  hostages  for 
their  due  fulfilment  of  those  articles.  Their  names  were  ffobequob,  We- 
otonhim,  Pewkea,  and  Wenew,  who  are  said  to  have  been  "  near  kinsmen 
and  choice  friends"  to  the  sochems. 

We  hear  no  more  of  her  until  the  next  year,  when  herself  and  a  Inr^ 
company  of  her  men  were  discovered  by  Major  Takot,  on  the  2  July,  m 
Narraganset.  The  English  scouts  discovered  them  from  a  hill,  having 
pitched  their  tents  in  a  valley  in  the  vicinity  of  a  swamp,  as  was  usually 
their  custom.  About  300  of  the  English,  mounted  upon  flnct  hpraes, 
.divided  into  two  squadrons,  and  folf  upon  them  before  they  were 
aware  of  their  approach,  and  made  a  great  slaughter.  The  Mohegans 
and  Pequots  came  upon  them  in  the  centre,  while  the  horsemen  beset 
them  on  each  side,  and  thus  prevented  many  from  escaping  into  the 
swamp.  When  all  were  killed  and  token  within  the  imcampnicnt,  Capt 
JVetobury,  who  commanded  the  horsemnn,  dismounted,  and  witli  his, men 
t  rushed  mto  the  swamp,  where,  without  resistan'*e,  they  killed  a  huaiHred, 

*  Book  iii.  chap.  1. 

t  Trumbull,   i.  347.  trom  Hubbard,  I  suppose,  i.  51.    Female  chiefs  were  called 
tatmki  by  the  Indians,  which  signified  wife  of  the  sachem ;  but  writers,  being  ijrnorant 
.  of  that  fact,  thought  it  a  proper  name  of  a  particular  person,  and  hence  the  app^ations 
of  Stmke,  Sunke,  Snake,  &.c.  applied  to  Magnet. 
6 


Cukf. 


AWASHONKS. 


[Boob  III. 


nnd  itindi;  iiiniiy  pruRNiuni.  In  all,  tlury  killed  and  took  171*  in  this 
Nwurnp  l)|(lir,  or  rntliur  iiioiMicre.  Nut  un  Engliiihinui  wu  hurt  in  iha 
nflhir,  iiiiii  litit  onn  Mohogan  killtNl,  and  ono  wounded,  which  wo  can 
hardly  HU|t|MiHo  was  donu  hy  Magmu^a  |m;o|>Iv,  as  they  inode  no  resistance, 
hut  ratiier  l)y  themselves,  in  their  fury  iiiistsJting  one  another.  Ninety 
of  the  rnitiivna  were  init  to  death!  among  whom  was  ACagniM.f  The 
Nwam|>  where  this  anair  took  place  is  near  the  present  town  of  War- 
wick, in  Rhmie  Island. 

We  now  npprooch  afTairs  of  groat  interest  in  our  biographical  historj' 
ol'tlui  Iiulianti, 

Awajihonkiy  souaw-sachem  of  8ogkonate,|  was  the  wife  of  an  Indian 
cfilind  Tolontf,  out  of  him  we  learn  very  little.  From  her  important 
Htimding  among  the  Indians,  few  deserve  a  more  particular  attention  ;  and 
wu  hIiuII,  therefore,  go  as  minutely  into  her  history  as  our  documents  will 
enahin  iis. 

Thi)  riri«t  notice  we  have  of  JltocuKonks  is  in  1G71,  when  she  entered 
into  urticloH  of  agreement  with  the  court  of  I'limuuth  us  lullows : — '*  In 
Hilmitting  that  the  court  am  in  some  measure  satiatied  with  your  voluntary 
coming  in  now  at  last,  and  submission  of  herself  unto  us ;  yet  this  toe  ex- 
pect that  Hho  give  some  meet  satisfaction  fur  the  charge  and  trouble  she 
ha<4  |Hit  us  u|)on  by  her  too  long  standing  out  against  tho  many  tenders  of 
puuco  we  have  made  to  her  and  her  people.  And  that  we  yet  see  on  in- 
tention to  endeavor  the  reducemeut  of  such  as  have  been  the  incendiaries 
of  the  tmuble  and  disturbance  uf  her  people  and  ours.  And  as  many  of 
hei;  I>eoplu  us  shall  give  themselves  and  arms  unto  us,  at  the  time  ap- 
pointed, shall  receive  no  damage  or  hurt  from  us,  which  tinje  ap|>ointcd 
19  ten  days  from  the  date  hereof;  Thus  we  may  the  better  keep  off  such 
from  her  lands  as  may  hereafter  bring  upon  her  and  us  the  like  trouble, 
and  to  regulate  such  as  will  not  be  governed  by  her,  she  having  submitted 
her  lands  to  the  authority  of  the  government  And  that,  if  the  lauds  and 
estates  of  such  as  we  are  necessitated  to  take  arms  against,  will  not  de- 
fray the  charge  of  the  expedition,  that  she  shall  bear  some  due  proportion 
of  the  charge.  In  witness  whereof,  and  in  testimony  of  the  sachem,  her 
agreement  Tiereunto,  she  hath  subscribed  her  hand  in  presence  oi' Samuel 
Barker  and  John  Jmuy. 

Mark  X  of  the  nqtuno-iachem  Awasuncks  ; 
the  mark  X  of  Totatomet,  and  Sohaoaomt." 

ffUnetsed  at  the  aame  time  hy  ''Tattacommett, 

Samponcut,  and 
Tamooeebam,  aliaa  Jeffebt." 

Plimmth,  24  My,  1671.  .'' 

The  last-named  witness  appeared  again,  in  the  sa.ne  capacity,  4  Sept.  fol- 
lowing, when  "  between  40  and  50  Indians,  living  near  or  in  the  town  of 
Dartmouth,  made  a  like  submission."  Aahaivanomvih,  Nbman,  Marhorkum, 
James  and  John,  were  other  witnesses. 

^wofihonka  was  at  Plimouth  when  tho  former  articles  were  executed, 
from  whifih'it  appears  there  was  considerable  alarm  in  Plimouth  colony. 
There  were  about  this  time  many  other  submissions  of  the  Indians  m 
difTerent  places.  This  step  was  taken  to  draw  them  from  Philip,  or  at 
least  to  give  a  check  to  their  joining  with  him,  as  he  was  now  on  the  point 


200,  sajrt  Cobbet's  tnatuucrka;  240,  Hubbard, 
t  Hubbard,   Ind.  Wan,  i.  97,  98.    '  '^  '     ■  '~  ■  '  - 


•Trumbull. 

I.  Afalher's 'Brief  Hist.   39.    Trumbull's  Hist. 
Connecticut,  i.  347. 

i  The  point  of  land  below  Pocassel,  and  now  chiefly  included  in  the  town  of  Come 
ton,  Rhode  Island,  and  commonly  called  Secontt. 


(Book  III. 

|l71*  in  th» 
[liurt  in  iho 
Jiicli  wo  can 
|o  resimancn, 
••'•  Ninety 
TMa-t  The 
"n  of  War- 

liical  biator}- 

M  Indian 
|r  iinportant 
Jntiori ;  and 
futnenta  wdl 

8>ie  entered 
lows :— "  Jn 
ir  voluntary 
t  tiiia  tot  ex- 
trouble  she 
■  tenders  of 
!t  nee  an  in- 
ncendiarics 
18  many  of 
le  time  ap- 
0  apiwinted 
ep  off  Buch 
ke  trouble, 
i  Bubniitttid 
i  lauds  and 
vM  not  de- 
proportion 
icbem,  her 
3  oi'Samwl 

BwcKs  ; 

*AOWKT." 


r«Ar.  IV.) 


AWA8liONK§. 


63 


ISept.foJ- 
5  town  of 
larhorkum, 

executed, 
:h  colony, 
ndians  m 
■Hip,  or  at 
the  point 


'ull's  Hisi. 
of  Comr 


of  attacking  the  F.ngtiah  aettlem«*nw,  un<l«*r  a  pretence  of  injury  done  him 
in  hi«  planting  laiHla. 

Not  only  tliu  rhielii  of  tribca  or  ckiiM  aubacribed  artirlm,  but  all  their 
nien,  that  coidd  be  prevaiini  with,  did  llie  aaiiio.  The  Auvuat  loliowinf, 
43  oi  ,^»aihonka'»  nicu  aifn«-d  a  (w|ier,  ititprovinff  wliat  ahe  had  doiie,  and 
binding  theniaidvea  in  like  niaiinrr.  Uui  of  4if,  we  can  give  naniM  of 
three  utdy — TWotomaf,  Tunuohtm  and  iSaiMirauMi. 

It  amieara  from  tlie  follow' iig  letter  \mta  Jhtothonka  to  Gov. /Vtnet, 
that  tnoMv  who  aubmitted  tiiuiiiaelvea,  delivered  up  Llieir  arms  to  tlie 
English ; — 

"August  11,  1671,  Honored  sir,  I  Imve  received  a  very  great  favor  fhim 
your  honor,  in  youra  of  the  7th  instant,  ami  aa  you  are  pleased  to  aignify, 
that  if  I  continue  faittiful  to  the  agreement  made  with  youraelvea  at 
Plimouth,  1  mav  expect  all  just  favora  from  your  honor.  I  am  fully  re- 
solved, while  I  live,  with  all  fidelity  to  stand  to  mv  engagement,  rnd  in  a 
(teaceable  BubmiMion  to  your  commands,  acroniing  to  the  best  of  my 
|H)or  ability.  It  is  true,  and  I  am  very  sensible  thereof,  that  there  arc 
Homc  Indians  who  do  aeck  an  advantage  against  me,  for  my  submitting  to 
hiH  mHj<«ty'i)  authority  in  your  jurisdiction,  but  being  conscious  to  myself 
of  my  integrity  and  real  intentions  of  jieace,  I  doubt  not  but  you  will 
afford  me  all  dne  encouragement  and  protection.  I  had  resolved  lo  send  in 
all  my  gimH,  being  six  in  numlier,  according  to  the  intimation  of  my  letter; 
iHit  two  of  them  were  so  large,  the  measengerB  were  not  able  to  carry  them. 
I  since  proffered  to  leave  them  with  Mr.  Barker,  but  he  not  havmg  any 
order  to  receive  them,  told  me  he  conceived  I  might  do  well  to  send  them 
to  Mr.  JUmy,  who  is  a  person  concenied  in  the  jurimliction,  which  I  re- 
solved to  do ;  but  since  then  an  Indian,  known  by  the  name  of  Broad- 
faeed-wQl,  stole  one  of  them  out  of  the  wigwam  in  the  night,  and  is  run 
away  with  it  to  Mount  Hope ;  the  other  I  think  to  send  to  Mr.  ^Imy.  A 
list  of  those  that  are  obedient  to  me,  and,  I  hone,  and  am  persuaded,  i  Jth- 
ful  to  you,  IB  here  encloaed.  Honored  sir,  I  ahali  not  trouble  you  further, 
but  desiring  your  peace  and  prosperity,  in  which  I  look  at  my  own  to  be 
included,  1  remain,  your  unfeigned  servant,  X  AwAsuifcxa." 

This  letter  was  very  probably  written  by  Mr.  Barker,  named  in  it. 

October  20, 1671,  Gov.  Prince  wrote  to  .Awashonks,  that  he  had  receiv- 
ed the  list  of  names  of  her  men  and  husband,  that  freely  submitted  them- 
aelvea  to  his  majesty's  autliority  ;  and  assured  her  that  the  English  would 
befriend  her  on  all  just  occasions ;  but  intimates  her  disapjKtintment  and 
his  own,  that  she  haid  succeeded  no  better  in  procuring  the  submisHion  of 
her  subjects.  "Though,"  he  '-ontinued,  "I  fault  not  you,  ^ith  any  fail- 
ing to  endeavor,  only  to  notice  your  good  persuasions  of  them  outwent 
their  deserts,  for  aught  yet  appearetn.  I  could  have  wished  they  had 
been  wiser  for  themselves,  especially  your  two  sons,  that  may  probably 
succeed  you  in  your  government,  anid  your  brother  also,  who  is  so  nearly 
tied  unto  you  by  nature.  Do  they  think  themselves  so  great  as  to  disre- 
gard and  affront  his  majesty's  interest  and  authority  here ;  and  the  amity 
of  the  English  ?  Certainly,  if  they  do,  I  think  they  did  much  disservice, 
and  wish  they  would  yet  show  diemselves  wiser,  before  it  be  too  late." 
He  closed  by  recommending  her  to  send  some  of  hers  to  the  next  court, 
to  desire  their  arms,  that  her  people  might  have  the  use  of  them  in  the 
approaching  season.  Desires  her  to  let  him  hear  from  her  and  her  hus- 
band. 

On  the  20  June,  1672,  the  following  writing  appears  on  record : 
"Wheras  Jheaahunckta,  squa-sachem,  stand  indebted  vnto  Mr.  John  Jtlmey 
the  sume  of  £25  to  be  paid  in  porke  att  three  pence  a  pound,  or  peage  att 


64 


AVVASHONKS. 


[Book  III. 


16  pciiey,  u'.ul  20  pule  of  atono  wall  ntt  £4,  whicli  stone  wail,  or  £4,  is  to 
bo  vndiiMiood  to  be  prte  of  th»  flue  unci  twenty  |Mmud,"  therefuro  ^iMt- 
ahonks,  h.-iving  failed  to  puy  agrocably  to  her  proinue,  agrees  to  set  off 
land  on  tin;  north  side  of  "  the  Iiidiun  Held,''  next  Punkateesett,  on  the 
cast  liiK!  till  it  meets  with  "a  groat  runiug  brooke,"  thence  northerly  to  a 
fresh  inuutlovv,  thenco  Ixt  nded  to  the  river  by  a  salt  cove : — this  "  is 
mortgaged  viito  the  court  of  Plymouth"  for  the  payment  of  said  debt, 
which  debt  is  to  be  paid  10  of  February,  1672,  O.  S. 

"  TAe  mtirk  X  of  Awashdnkes." 

To  illustrate  the  connections  and  genealogy  of  the  family  of  .4li9a«AonA«, we 
give  from  the  Records  of  I'limouth  the  folio  win;j  exceedingly  valuable  facts. 

July  14,  1673.  "  Whereas  Mamaneway  [a  son  of  AwaahorJcs]^  hath  by 
full  and  cluur  testimony  proved  to  this  court,  in  behalf  of  himself  and 
brethren,  the  sons  of  Tolonty,  and  a  kinsman  of  theirs  called  Anumpaahj 
[commonly  written  J^umposL,]  son  to  Pokaitawagg,  that  they  are  the 
chief  proprietors  and  sachems  of  Suconett,  or  places  commonly  so  called ; 
and  yet  it  being  also  probable  that  Tatuckamna*  Jlwashunckes  and  those 
of  thut  kindred  who  are  of  the  same  stock,  the  more  remote  may  have 
some  right  to  lands  there,  as  they  are  relations  to  the  above  said  Manum- 
etoay,  &c.  and  have  be  <i  '^ng  inhabitants  of  that  place.  This  court  ad- 
viseth  that  convenient  pro|>ortions  of  laud  be  settled  on  the  above  said 
7\itaca;nana  .^ivanhankf,  &c.  at  Saconett  aforesaid ;  concerning  which, 
the  above  said  Mamaneway  and  his  brethran  and  kinsman  who  have 
proved  their  right  to  those  lands  do  not  or  cannot  agree,  this  court  do  ap- 
point that  some  meet  persons,  by  order  of  this  court,  shall  repair  to  the 
Elace,  and  mnke  settlement  of  the  said  lands  by  certain  and  known 
oundaries  to  intent  that  peace  may  be  continued  among  the  said  Indians, 
arid  they  may  all  be  accommodated  for  their  subsisting  and  payment  of  > 
their  debts  in  an  orderly  way." 

The  same  year,  we  hear  again  of  Tokamona^  or,  as  he  is  then  called, 
ToUnmnrut,  who,  with  his  brother  SquamaU,  having  endeavored  to  hinder 
the  English  from  possessing  some  lands  in  Dartmouth,  was,  from  some 
consideration,  not  named,  induced  to  relinquish  his  right  to  them.  And 
the  next  year,  1674,  Mamanawachjf,  or,  as  his  name  was  before  written, 
Mamaneway,  surrendered  his  right  also.  The  rights  of  these  Indians,  it  is 
said,  had  been  sold  by  others. 

We  hear  no  more  of  Awashonka  until  about  the  commencement  of 
PkUip^s  war.  The  year  before  tliis  war,  Mr.  Bemamm  Church,  afterwards 
the  fiimous  and  well-known  Col.  Church,  settled  upon  the  peninsula  of 
Sogkonate,  iq  the  midst  of  Awaahonka's  people.  This  peninsula  is  oa  the 
north-east  side  of  Narraganset  Bay,  against  the  south-east  end  of  the  island 
of  Rhode  Island.  Here  he  lived  in  the  greatest  friendship  with  these 
Indians,  until  the  spring  oi  the  year  167.5,  when  suddenly  a  war  was 
talked  of,  and  messengers  were  sent  by  PhUip  to  Awaahonka,  to  engage 
her  in  it.  She  so  far  listened  to  their  {)ersua8iouH,  as  to  call  her  princi|Md 
people  together,  and  make  a  great  dance ;  and  because  she  respected  Mr. 
Chitrch,  she  sent  privately  for  him  also.  Church  took  with  him  a  man 
that  weH  understood  Indian,  and  went  direct' y  to  the  place  appointed. 
Here  "th(fy  found  hundreds  of  Indians  gathered  together  from  aH  parts 
of  her  dominions.  Awaahonks  herself,  in  a  foaming  sweat,  was  loading  the 
dance ;"  but  when  it  was  announced  that  Mr.  Church  was  come,  she 
stopped  short,  and  sat  down  ;  ordered  her  chiefs  into  her  presence,  and 
then  invited  Mr.  Church.  All  being  seated,  she  informed  him  that  Meta- 
eomei,  that  is,  Philip,  had  sent  six  of  his  men  to  urge  her  to  join  with  him 


'  Or  Tokamona,  killed  by  the  Narragansots,  not  long  after,  probably  in  1674. 


HI. 


Chap.  IV.] 


AWASHONKS. 


65 


I  and 


in  prosecuting  a  war  against  the  English.  She  said  these  messengers  in- 
formed her  that  the  Umpamea,*  that  its  Plimouth  men,  were  gathering  a 
freat  army  to  inrade  his  country,  and  wished  to  know  of  him  if  tliis  were 
truly  the  cose.  He  told  her  that  it  was  entirely  without  foundation,  for  he 
had  but  just  come  from  Plimouth,  and  no  preparations  of  any  kind  were 
making,  uor  did  he  believe  any  thoughts  of  war  were  entertained  by  any 
of  the  head  men  there.  "  He  asked  her  whether  she  thought  he  woukl 
have  brought  up  his  goods  to  settle  in  that  place,"  if  he  in  the  least  ap- 
prehended a  war;  at  which  she  seemed  somewhat  convinced.  Awa- 
Aonks  then  or  'ered  tlie  six  Pokanoketsinto  their  presence.  These  made 
an  imposing  r  ^»pearance,  having  their  faces  painted,  and  their  hair  so  cut 
•a  to  represent  a  cock's  comb ;  it  being  all  shaved  ftom  each  side  of  the 
head,  lefi  only  a  tuft  upon  the  crown,  which  extended  from  the  forehead 
to  the  occiput.  They  had  powder-horns  and  shot-bags  at  their  backs, 
which  denoted  warlike  messengers  of  their  nation.  8he  now  informed 
them  of  what  Capt.  Ckurth  had  said.  Upon  which  they  discovered  dis- 
satisfaction, and  a  warm  talk  followed,  but  Awaahaitka  soon  put  an  end  to 
it;  after  which  she  told  Mr.  CAurcA  that  Ptnlip  bad  told  his  messengers  to 
tell  her,  that,  unless  she  joined  with  him,  he  would  send  over  some  of  his 
warriors,  privately,  to  kill  the  cattle  and  bum  the  houses  of  the  English, 
which  they  would  think  to  be  done  by  her  men,  and  consequently  would 
ikil  upon  her.f 

Mr.  Church  asked  the  Mount  Hopes  what  they  were  going  to  do  with 
the  bullets  in  their  possession,  to  which  they  scoffingly  answered,  "  to  shoot 
pigeons  with."  fourth  then  told  AwaahmUtt  that,  if  Philip  w<  i-e  resolved 
KM  war,  "her  best  way  would  be  to  knock  those  six  Mount  Hopes  on 
the  beadt  and  shelter  herself  under  the  protection  of  the  English."  When 
they  underMMod  this,  they  were  very  silent,  and  it  is  to  be  lamented  that 
9o  worthy  a  man  i^  Ckurdt  should  be  the  first  to  recommend  murder, 
and  a  lasting  remembrance  is  due  to  the  wisdom  of  Awaahonks,  that  his 
unadvised  counsel  was  not  put  in  execution. 

These  mx  Pokonokets  came  over  to  Sogkonate  with  two  of  JtwatkofMa 
men,  who  seemed  very  favorably  inclined  to  the  measures  of  PhtUp. 
They  expressed  themselves  with  great  indignation,  at  the  rash  advice  of 
C^nark.  Another  of  her  men,  called  LittU-egea,  one  of  her  council,  was 
00  enraged,  that  he  would  then  have  taken  ChurdCa  life,  if  he  had  not 
been  prevented.  His  design  was  to  get  Mr.  Church  aside  from  the  rest, 
under  a  pretence  of  private  talk,  and  to  have  assassinated  him  when  he 
was  off  his  guard.  But  some  of  his  friends,  seeing  through  the  artifice, 
prevented  it 

The  advice  of  Chtireh  was  adopted,  or  that  part  which  directed  that 
>/lwaahot%k»  should  immediately  put  herself  under  the  protection  of  the 
English,  and  she  desired  him  to  go  immediately  and  make  the  arranpc- 
nent,  to  which  he  agreed.  After  kindlv  thanking  him  for  his  information 
and  advice,  she  sent  two  of  her  men  with  him  to  his  house,  to  guard  him. 
These  urged  him  to  secure  his  goods,  lest,  in  his  ab(<ence,  the  enemy 
should  come  and  destroy  them ;  but  he  would  not,  because  such  a  step 
might  be  thought  a  kind  of  preparation  for  hostilities ;  but  told  them,  that 
in  case  hostilities  were  begun,  they  might  convey  his  effects  to  a  place  of 
safety.    He  then  proceeded  to  Plimouth,  where  he  arrived  7  June,  1675. 

In  his  way  to  Plimouth,  he  met,  at  Pocasset,  the  husband  of  Weelamoo. 
He  was  just  returned  fl^m  the  neighborhood  of  Mount  Hope,  and  con- 
firmed nil  that  had  been  said  about  Philip'a  intentions  to  begin  a  wrr.  But 
before  Mr.  (Jhrarch  could  return  agun  to  Aweuhonks,  the  war  commenced, 

*  Umpamt  and  Apaum  were  names  of  Plimouth. 

t  This  may  strengthen  the  belief  that  Philip  pai  in  practice  a  similar  expedient  to 
nia  the  Mohawks  to  his  emaa,  as  we  hare  seen  in  his  life. 
A* 


66 


AWASIIONKS. 


[Book  HI. 


ChiT.lV. 


and  ail  coininuiiicatiou  waa  at  an  cud.  This  was  sorely  regretted  by 
Church,  aud  tiiu  benevolent  Awuhonks  was  carried  away  in  the  tide  of 
PkUip'a  Huccusses,  which,  as  she  waa  circumstanced,  was  her  only  al- 
ternative. 

Mr.  Church  >va8  wounded  at  the  great  swamp  fight,  19  December  fol- 
lowing, and  remained  tijion  Rhode  Island  until  about  the  middle  of  May, 
1676.    He  now  resolved  to  engage  again  in  the  war,  aud,  taking  passage 
in  a  sloop  bound  to  Barnstable,  arrived  at  Plimouth  the  first  Tuesday  ii. 
June.    The  governor  and  other  officers  of  government  were  highly  pleas- 
ed to  see  him,  and  desired  him  to  take  uie  coimnand  of  a  company  of 
men  to  be  immediately  sent  out,  to  which  he  consented.    We  thus  notice 
ChureVs  proceeding,  because  it  led  to  important  matters  connected  with 
the  history  of  .^hmuAonib.    Before  hu  set  out  with  the  soldiers  raised  at 
Plimouth,  it  was  agreed  that  he  should  first  return  to  Rhode  Island,  for 
the  purpose  of  raising  other  forces  to  be  joined  with  them.    In  his  return 
to  the  island,  as  he  possrd  ii-om  Sogkonesset,  now  called  fVootTs  HoU,  to 
the  island,  and  when  he  came    against  Sogkonate  Point,  some  of  the 
enemy  were  seen  fishing  upon  the  rocks.    He  waa  now  in  an  open  canoe, 
which  he  had  hired  at  Sogkonesset,  and  two  Indians  to  paddle  it.    lie  or- 
dered them  to  go  so  near  the  rocks  that  he  might  speak  with  those  upon 
them ;  lieing  persuaded  that  if  he  could  have  an  opportunitv,  he  might 
still  gain  over  the  Sogkonates  to  the  ride  of  the  English,  for  he  knew 
they  never  bnd  any  real  attachment  to /*AtIq»,  aAd  wef^jiow  in  his  in- 
terest only  from  necessity.    They  accordin^y  paddled  towards  them, 
who  mad-,  sigh^  tor  them  to  approach;  but  when  they  had  got  pretty 
near,  tht^y  ?'•  iilkod  away  among  the  rucks,  and  could  wnk  bP  seen.    The 
canoe  then  paddled  off  again,  l^t  they  shouki  be  fired  upal;!'  which  when 
those  among  the  rocks  observed,  they  showed  themsww  again,  aud 
called  to  them  to  cotne  ashore ;  and  said  thev  wished  to  ^MMk  with  them. 
The  Indians  in  the  canoe  answered  them,  but  thorn  on  OMHP  informed 
them  that  thn  waves  dashed  so  upon  the  rodts  that  they  ccAMl^ot  under- 
■tand  a  word  they  said.    C^&urcfe  iiow  made  signs  for  two  of.  Ihein  to  go 
along  upon  thn  shore  to  a  beach,  where  one  could  see  a  goodsi^tace  round, 
wheuier  any  others  were  near.    Immediately  two  ran  to  the  place,  one 
without  any  arms,  but  the  other  had  a  lance.    Knowing  Church  to  be  in 
the  boat,  they  urged  him  to  come  on  shore,  and  said  they  wanted  to  dis- 
course with  him.    He  told  him  that  had  the  lanee,  that  if  he  would  r.arry 
it  away  at  considerable  distance,  and  leave  it,  h«  would.    This  he  readily 
did.    Mr.  Church  then  went  ashore,  left  one  of  his  Indians  to  ^aiid  the 
eanoe,  and  the  other  he  stationed  upon  the  beach  to  give  notice  if  any 
should  approach.    He  was  surprised  to  find  that  Georve  was  one  of  them, 
a  very  good  man,  and  the  last  Sogkonate  he  had  npolen  with,  being  one 
of  those  sent  to  guard  him  to  his  house,  and  to  whom  he  had  given 
charge  of  his  gotras  when  he  undertook  his  missioD  to  Plimouth.    On 
being  asked  what  he  wanted  that  he  called  him  a^ofe,  answered,  **  that 
he  took  him  for  Chiurch,  as  soon  as  he  heard  his  voice  in  the  canoe,  and 
that  he  was  glad  to  see  him  alive."    He  also  told  him  tbftt  ^$€uhoiikt  was 
in  a  swamp  nlMut  three  miles  off,  and  that  she  had  left  Pli(^  and  did  not 
intend  to  return  to  him  any  more ;  and  wished  Mr.  Ckiirth  to  stay  while 
he  should  go  and  call  her.   This  C^aireh  did  not  think  prudent,  nut  said 
he  would  come  again  and  speak  with  .iwoshonkSf  and  some  other  Indians 
that  he  should  name.    He  therefore  told  Otorge  to  notify  Au>a$h(»tkaf  her 
«on  Peter,  their  chief  captain,  and  one  AbrnpcuA,  to  meet  him  two  days 
after  at  a  certain  rock,  "  at  the  lower  end  of  Capt.  RidUHondPa  ftuin,-wiiich 
waa  a  very  noted  place."    It  was  provided  that  if  that  day  aho\i)d  prove 
■tormy,  the  next  pleasant  day  should  be  improved,    lliey  parted  with 


IfBooK  ra. 

Btted  by 

tie  tide  of 

only  al- 

>mber  fol- 

le  of  May, 

>gP48Baffe 

uesday  Ti: 

rhiy  pleas- 

upany  of 

i««  notice 

!ted  with 

raised  at 

[siaud,  for 

bia  return 

J*  Hole,  to 
ne  of  the 
««  canoe, 
t.  He  or- 
iose  upon 
lie  might 
he  knew 
n  his  in- 

"da  them, 

!,'ot  pretty 

en.     The 

lich  when 

{ain,  and 

^ith  them. 

informed 

ot  under- 

lem  to  go 

ce  round, 

>lace,  one 

to  be  in 

d  to  dis- 

ild  r:arry 

e  readily 

laiid  the 

^  if  any 

of  them, 

iing  one 

f*  given 

it.    On 

i, «  Uiat 

loe,  and 

iftfwas 

did  not 

r  while 

lUt  said 

b>  her 
odtys 
which 
prove 
i  with 


ChAT.  IVl 


AWASHONKS. 


w 


cordiality,  George  to  cany  the  news  to  Awtuhonks,  otiA  Ckttrth  far  New- 
'pon. 

On  being  made  acquainted  with  Churck't  intention  to  Tisit  thoae  In- 
dians, the  government  of  Rhode  laland  marvelled  much  at  bis  presump- 
'tion,  and  would  not  give  him  any  permit  under  their  hands;  assuring 
*him  that  the  Indians  would  kill  him.  They  said  also  that  it  was  madness 
on  his  part,  after  such  signal  services  as  he  had  done,  to  throw  away  his 
life  in  such  a  mtmner.  Neither  could  any  entreaties  of  friends  alter '  bis 
resolution,  and  he  made  ready  for  his  departure.    It  was  his  intentkai  to 

'  have  taken  with  him  one  Daniel  WUcox,*  a  man  who  well  undet^bod 
the  Indian  language,  but  the  government  utterly  refused  i^m ;  so  that  bis 
whole  retinue,  in  this  important  embassy,  consisted  only  of  himself,  his 
own  man,  and  the  two  Indians  who  conducted  him  from  Sockonesset 
As  an  important  item  in  his  outfit,  must  be  mentioned  a  btMe  o^ mm,  and 
a  roll  of  tobacco. 

The  day  appointed  having  arrived,  after  paddling  about  three  miles, 
they  came  to  the  appointed  rock,  where  the  Indians  were  ready  to  receive 
them,  and  gave  him  their  hands  in  token  of  friendship.  They  went  back 
from  the  shore  about  fifty  yards,  for  a  convenient  place  fbr  consultation, 
when  all  at  once  rose  up  from  the  high  grnes,  a  great  manv  Indians,  so 
that  they  were  entirely  encompaMed.    They  were  all  armed  with  guns, 

'  spears  and  hatchets ;  faces  parated  and  hrir  trimmed,  in  complete  War- 
like array.    If  ever  a  man  knew  fear,  we  should  apprehend  it  would  dis- 

'  cover  itself  upon  an  occasion  like  this.    But,  judgmg  from  his  conduct, 

'we  should  say  he  Was  one  of  those  "who  never  felt  fear." 

As  soon  as  he  could  be  heard,  Mr.  C%twt/i  told  Awaahonlu  that  Qtoree 

'  bad  said  that  she  desired  to  see  him,  about  making  peace  with  the  English. 
'She  said,  "  Yes."  Then,  said  Mr.  Church,  "  it  is  customnry  when  people 
meet  to  treat  of  peace,  to  lay  aside  their  arms,  and  not  to  appear  in  subh 

'  hostile  form  as  your  people  do."  At  this  thei-e  was  much  murmuring 
among  them,  and  Jkoashonka  asked  him  what  arms  they  should  lay  aside. 

'  Seeing  their  displeasure,  \w  said,  only  their  guns,  for  form's  atako.  With 
One  consetit  they  then  laid  away  their  guns,  and  came  and  sat  down.  'He 
then  drew  out  his  bottle  of  rum,  and  asked  .^tPouAonA;^  whether  shd  bad 
lived  so  long  up  at  Wa<  liusett  as  to  forget  to  drink  occapeches.  Then, 
drinking  to  her,  he  observed  she  watched  him  very  narrowly  to  sen 
whether  he  swallowed,  and,  on  offering  it  to  her,  she  wished  hrm  to  drink 
again.  He  then  told  her  there  was  no  poison  in  it,  and,  pouring  somo 
in  'the  palm  of  his  hand,  sipped  it  up.  After  he  had  taken  a  second 
hearty  dram,  Aumhonks  ventured  to  do  likewise ;  then  she  passed  it 

'among  her  attendants.    The  tobacco  was  next  passed  round,  und  they 

'  began  to  talk.    Auxahardu  yiimteA  to  know  why  he  had  not  come,  as" he 

Eromised,  the  year  before,  observing  that,  if  he  hao,  she  and  her  people 
ad  not  joined  with  Philip.    He  told  her  he  was  prevented  by  the  break- 
ing out  of  the  war,  and  mentioned  that  he  maae  an  attempt,  not  with - 
standing,  soon  afler  he  left  her,  and  got  as  far  as  Punkatesse,  when  a 
'  multitude  of  enemies  set  upon  him,  and  obliged  him  to  retreat.    A  gre^ii 
'  ararmur  now  arose  among  the  warriors,  and  one,  a  fierce  and  gigantic 
'  fellow,  raised  his  war  ciub^  with  intention  to  have  killed  Mr.  Church,  bur 
>  some  laid  hold  on  him  and  iirevented  him.    They  informed  him  tlmt 
this  fellow's  brother  was  killed  in  the  fight  at  Punio/eeAe,  and  that  he  said 
'  it  was  Ckureh  that  killed  him,  and  ho  would  now  have  his  Mood.     Church 
'  told  them  to  tell  him  that  his  brother  began  first,  and  that  if  he  had  done 

•  1667,  "  Daniel  WOMcket  tooke  Ihc  oalh  6ff  firMitie  (his  eoorl."    Ptim.  Jitc. 
In  164S,  one  Wilcox  set  up  a  trading  house  in  th<j''NnrmeanH!t  couatrv.  '  HfdCal- 
'  temier'i  Cent.  Dltcoune,  38.    ir  be  were  the  same,  K  will  well  u«coUtit  Tof  his  being  an 
interpreter. 


^fr- 


6B 


AWADHONKS 


(Book  Of, 


CHAP.nr.l 


as  he  bad  directed  him,  he  would  not  have  been  hurt  The  chief  cap- 
tain now  ordered  silence,  telling  them  they  should  talk  no  more  about 
old  matter?,  which  put  an  end  to  the  tumult,  and  an  agreement  was  soon 
concluded.  j^imuAonib  agreed  to  serve  the  English  "in  what  way  dhe 
was  able,**  provided  "  Plimouth  would  firmly  engage  to  her  that  she  and 
all  of  her  people,  and  their  wives  and  children  should  have  their  lives 
■pared,  and  none  of  them  'ansported  out  of  the  country."  This,  Chwreh 
told  her  he  did  not  doubt  in  the  least  but  Plimouth  would  consent  to. 

Things  being  thus  matured,  the  chief  captain  stood  Ufk  and,  after  ex- 
pressing the  great  .respect  he  had  for  Mr.  Chunk,  said,  "sir,  if  you  will 
please  accept  of  me  and  my  men,  and  will  head  us,  we  will  fight  for 
jou,  and  wilt  help  you  to  Phrlip'a  head  before  the  Indian  com  be  ripe." 
We  do  not  expect  that  this  chief  pretended  to  possess  the  spirit  of  proph- 
ecy, but  certainly  be  was  a  truer  prophet  than  many  who  have  made 
the  pretension. 

Mr.  Church  would  have  taken  a  few  of  the  men  with  him,  and  gone 
dii'estly  through  the  woods  to  Plimouth ;  bm  JlwaahonJu  insisted  that  it 
would  be  very  hazardous.  He  therefore  agreed  to  return  to  the  island 
and  proceed  by  water,  and  so  would  take  in  some  of  their  company  at 
Sogkonate  Point,  which  was  accordingly  brought  about.  And  here  it 
should  be  mentioned  that  the  friendship,  now  renewed  by  the  industry  of 
Mr.  Church,  was  never  afterward  broken.  Many  of  these  Indians  always 
accompanied  Church  in  his  memorable  expeditions,  and  rendered  great 
service  to  the  English.  When  PhUip's  war  was  over.  Church  went  to 
reside  ogain  among  them,  and  the  greatest  harmony  always  prevailed. 
But  to  return  to  the  thread  of  our  narrative: — 

On  returning  to  the  island,  Mr.  Church  '*  was  at  great  puns  and  charge 
to  get  a  vessel,  but  v«^ith  unaccountable  disappointments ;  sometimes  by 
the  falseness,  and  rometimes  by  tlie  faint-beartedness  of  men  that  he  bar- 
gained with,  and  sometimes  by  wind  zind  weather,  fcc"  he  was  hindered 
a  long  time.  At  length,  Mr.  .mihony  Low,  of  Swansey,  happening  to  put 
into  the  harbor,  and  although  bound  to  the  westwiurd,  on  being  made 
acquainted  with  Mr.  ChiircVa  case^  said  he  would  run  tht  venturn  of  his 
vessel  and  cargo  to  wait  upon  him.  But  when  they  arrivec^  at  Sogkonate 
Point,  although  the  Indians  were  there  according  to  agree.nent  waiUng 
upon  the  rocks,  they  met  with  a  contrary  wind,  and  so  rough  u  sea,  that 
none  but  Peter  Aaaahovkt  could  get  on  board.  This  he  did  at  great 
peril,  having  only  an  old  brr,<)n  canoe  to  get  off  in.  The  wind  and  rain 
now  fi)rced  them  up  into  '  ■  sset  Sound,  aud  they  were  obliged  to  bear 
!  •way,  and  return  round  thtj  north  end  of  the  island,  to  Newport. 

Church  now  dismissed  Mr.  Imio,  as  he  viewed  their  effort  against  the 
will  of  P';i3vidence.  He  next  drew  up  an  account  of  what  bad  passed, 
and  despiitched  Pder,  on  the  9  July,  by  way  of  Sogkonate,  to  Plimouth. 

Major  Bradford'^  having  now  arrived  with  on  army  at  Pocasset,  Mr. 

*  Out  of  a  curious  book  we  take  the  followine;  note,  as,  besides  ^ivin|r  "^  <>»  inlcrestini^ 
fact  concerning  the  maior,  it  contains  others  of  value.  It  was  wntten  in  1697.  At  th'\t 
time,  some  pretended  tnat  the  age  of  people  was  much  shorter  in  America  than  in  Eu- 
rope ;  which  gave  rise  to  what  we  are  about  to  extract.— JUory  Broton  was  the  first-born 
or  Newbiii-y.Mass.  who  married  a  Qndfry ;  and,  says  our  book,  she  "  is  yet  alive,  and 
is  become  ifie  mother  and  grandmother  of  many  children."  "  The  mention  of  Hary 
Brown,  brinfK  to  our  mind  an  idle  whimsey,  as  if  persons  bom  in  New  England  would 
be  short-lived  ;  whereas,  the  natives  live  long.  And  a  judgment  concerning  English- 
men, cannot  well  be  made  till  SO  or  30  years  hence,  Capt.  Pertgrine  WMte,  boni 
[on  board  the  Mayj/lower]  Nov.  1620,  is  yet  alive,  and  like  to  live. '  [He  died  7  years 
aAer,  in  1704  ]  Major  WUliam  Bradford  \i  more  than  73  years  old.  aud  halh  worn  a 
bullet  in  his  flesh  above  20  of  them,  [which  he  doubtless  recttwd  in  PhUip'i  war.  He 
died  aged  79.]  Elizabeth  Alden,  (now  Paybody,  whose  granddaughter  is  a  mother,) 
Capt.  Jolm  Alden,  her  brother,  Atex^.  Standuh,  and  John  Itowlcmd,  have  lived  more 
than  70  years."    S.  Sewall's  New  Heaven  upon  the  New  Earth,  69, 60. 


fBoo«  Of. 

chief  cap- 
bore  about 

i  was  80OQ 

It  way  dhe 

ft  she  and 
(their  Jives 

^smto. 

(OAer  ex- 
-:  you  wiJl 
f  nght  for 
1  be  ripe." 

of  propb- 

ave  made 

">«I  gone 
ted  that  it 
the  island 
•mpany  at 
id  here  it 
idustry  of 
ns  always 
ircd  great 
k  Went  to 
prevailed. 

nd  charge 
etimes  by 

at  he  bar- 
'.  hindered 
ling  to  put 
tag  made 
««  of  lu8 
Jogkonate 
It  waiting 

sea,  that 

at  great 

and  rain 
I  to  bear 

ainst  the 
i  passed, 
mouth. 
s8et,Mr. 

At  fh-it 
an  ill  Eu- 
firei-born 
Jivo,  and 
"f  ^rarv 
id  woul^ 

•<«.  bom 
'Tjrears 
'  won  a 
»r.  He 
noiher,) 
>d  more 


CHir.  IV.J 


AWASHONKS. 


Cktmk  tepaired  to  him,  and  told  him  of  his  transactions  and  enngeroenti 
with  AtDOikonka.  Bradford  directed  him  to  go  and  inform  her  of  Ua 
arriral,  whieh  be  did.  Jhoaahonka  doubtless  now  discoyered  much  un- 
easiness and  anxiety,  but  Mr.  Church  told  her  "that  if  she  would  be  ad- 
vised and  observe  order,  she  nor  her  people  need  not  fear  being  hurt.'* 
He  directed  her  to  get  all  her  people  together,  **  lest,  if  they  should  be 
found  straggling  about,  mischief  might  light  on  them ;"  and  that  the  next 
day  the  army  would  march  down  into  the  neck  to  receive  her.  After 
begging  him  to  consider  the  short  time  she  had  to  collect  them  together, 
she  promised  to  do  the  best  she  could,  and  he  left  her. 

Accordingly,  two  days  after,  she  met  the  army  at  Punkateese.  Awa- 
ahffnka  was  now  unnecessarily  perplexed  by  the  stern  carriage  of  Major 
Bradford.  For  she  expected  her  men  would  have  been  enaployed  in  the 
army ;  but  instead  of  that,  he  "presently  gave  forth  oiders  lor  JhB<uhorA$t 
and  all  her  subjects,  both  men,  women  and  children,  to  repair  to  Sand- 
wich, and  tu  be  there  upon  peril,  in  six  days."  Chunh  was  also  quite 
disco^icerteJ  by  this  unexpected  order,  btit  all  reasoning  or  remonstrance 
was  of  no  avail  with  the  commander  in  chief.  He  told  Mr.  Chvareh  he 
would  employ  him  if  he  chose,  but  as  for  the  Indians, "  he  would  not  be 
concerned  with  them,"  and  accordingly  sent  them  off  with  a  flag  of  truce, 
ynder  the  direction  of  Jack  Havens,  an  Indian  who  had  never  been 
engaged  in  the  war.  Mr.  Church  told  Atvathonka  not  to  be  concerned, 
but  It  was  best  to  obey  orders,  and  he  would  shortly  meet  her  at 
Sandwich. 

According  to  promise,  Church  went  by  way  of  Plimouth  to  meet  the 
Sogkonates.  The  governor  of  Plimouth  was  highly  pleased  at  the  ae- 
cdunt  Church  gave  him  of  the  Indians,  and  so  much  was  he  now  satisfied 
of  Kid  superior  abilities  and  skill,  that  he  desired  him  to  be  commissioned 
ill  the  country's  service.  He  left  Plimouth  the  same  day  with  six  attend- 
anift,  ftmong  whom  were  Mr.  Jabez  Houtand,  and  Mr.  ATaOumiel  Soutk- 
tMrtk.  They  slept  at  Sandwich  the  first  night,  and  here  taking  a  few 
nibre  nen,  agreeably  to  the  governor's  orders,  proceeded  to  Agawmn,  a 
small  river  of  Rochester,  wnere  they  expected  to  meet  the  Indians. 
Some  of  his  company  now  b  ;came  discouraged,  presuming,  perhaps, 
the  Indians  were  treacherous,  and  half  of  them  returned  home.  When 
they  came  to  Sippican  River,  which  empties  into  Buzzard's  Bay  in 
Rochester,  Mr.  HouAand  was  so  fatigued  that  they  were  obliged  to  wave 
bnn,  he  being  in  years,  and  somewmit  corpulent.  Church  left  two  more 
mth  him  as  a  reserve,  in  case  he  should  be  obliged  to  retreat  They 
soon  came  to  the  shore  of  Buzzard's  Bay,  and,  hearing  a  great  noise  at 
considerable  distance  from  them,  upon  the  bank,  were  presently  in  sight 
of  a  "  vast  company  of  Indians,  of  all  ages  and  sexes,  some  on  horsebiuek, 
running  races,  some  at  foot-ball,  some  catching  eels  and  flat  fieh  in  the 
wiftter,  some  clamming,  6z:c."  They  now  had  to  find  out  what  Indians 
these  were,  before  th  ay  dared  make  themselves  known  to  them.  CkurrK 
therefore  halloed,  and  two  Indians  that  were  at  a  distance  from  the  rest, 
rode  up  to  him,  to  find  out  what  the  noise  meant.  They  were  very 
much  surprised  when  they  found  themselves  so  near  Englishmen,  and 
turned  their  horses  to  run,  but,  Church  znaking  himself  known  to  them, 
they  gave  him  the  desired  information.  He  sent  for  Jack  Havens,  who 
immediately  came.  And  when  he  had  confirmed  what  the  others  had 
related,  there  arrived  a  large  number  of  them  on  horseback,  well  armed. 
Tliese  treated  the  English  very  resfiectftilly.  Church  then  sent  Jack  to 
^AwashOfxks,  to  inform  her  that  he  would  sup  with  her  that  night,  and 
lodge  in  her  tent  In  the  mean  time,  the  English  returned  with  their 
liriends  they  had  left  at  Sippican.  When  they  came  to  the  Indian  com- 
pany, they  "  were  immediately  conducted  to  a  sheltei,  open  «n  one  'Ude, 


70 


AWASHONK8. 


[Bmk  UL 


whither  Aaashonlu  and  her  chiefs  soon  enme  and  paid  their  respecta." 
When  thia  had  taken  place,  there  were  great  ehouta  made  by  the  **  inidti-  . 
tudea,"  which  "made  the  heavens  to  rin^."  About  sunset,  "the  JVetop$*- 
came  ninninff  from  all  quarters,  laden  with  tlie  tops  of  dry  pines,  and  the 
hke  combustible  mutter,  making  a  huge  pile  thereof,  near  Mr.  ChwcVs 
sheher,  on  the  open  side  thereof.  But  by  this  time  supper  was  brought 
in,  in  three  dishes,  viz.  u  curious  young  bass  in  one  dish,  eels  and  flat 
fish  in  a  second,  and  shell  fish  in  a  third;"  but  salt  was  wanting.  When  , 
the  supper  was  finished,  "  the  mighty  pile  of  pine  knots  and  tops,  &c. 
was  fired,  and  all  the  Indians,  great  and  small,  gathered  in  a  ring  around 
it.  ,9u}(uhonks,  with  the  eldest  of  her  people,  men  and  women  mixed, 
kneeling  down,  made  the  first  ring  next  the  fire,  and  all  ths  lusty  stout 
men  standing  up  made  the  next ;  and  then  all  the  rabble,  in  a  confused 
crew,  surrounded  on  the  outside.  Then  the  chief  captain  stepped  in 
between  the  rings  and  the  fire,  with  a  spear  in  one  hand,  aqd  a  hatchet 
in  the  other,  danced  round  the  fire,  and  began  to  fight  with  it,  making 
mention  of  all  the  several  nations  and  companies  of  Indians  in  the  country 
that  were  enemies  to  the  English.  And  ut  naming  of  every  particular 
tribe  of  Indians,  he  would  draw  out  and  fight  a  new  fire-brand,  and  at 
his  finishing  his  fi|[ht  with  each  particular  nre-brand,  would  bow  to  Mr. 
Church  and  thank  him."  When  he  had  named  over  all  the  tribes  at  war 
with  the  English,  he  stuck  his  spear  and  hatchet  in  the  ground,  and  left ' 
the  ring,  and  then  another  stepped  in,  and  acted  over  tno  same  farce  ; 
trying  to  act  with  more  fury  <han  the  first.  After  about  a  half  a  dozen 
had  gone  through  with  the  pertbrmance,  their  chief  captain  stepped  to 
Mr.  CAurch,  and  told  him  "they  were  im-iking  soldiers  for  him>  and  what 
they  had  been  doing  was  all  one  swe  ng  of  them."^  Awcuhonka  and  her 
chiefi  next  came  and  told  him  "that  .^w  they  were  all  eneoged  to  fight 
for  the  English."  At  this  time  Awaahanks  presented  to  Mr.  Church  a 
very  fine  gun.  The  next  day,  July  22,  he  selected  a  number  of  her  men, 
and  proceeded  to  Plimouth.  A  commission  was  given  him,  and,  beine 
joined  with  a  number  of  EngUsh,  volunteers,  commenced  a  successfiii 
series  of  exploits,  in  which  these  Sogkonatr  :  bore  a  conspicuous  part,  but 
have  never,  since  the  days  of  Church,  been  any  where  noticed  as  they 
deserved. 

It  is  saidf  that  Jheaihonka  had  two  sons ;  the  voungest  was  WtUiaan 
Mm^ttf/Tuunl,  who  was  put  to  a  grammar  school,  and  learned  the  Latin  lan- 
guage, and  was  intended  for  tuHlege,  but  was  prevented  by  being  seized 
with  the  palsy.  We  have  been  able  to  extend  the  interesting  memoir  of 
the  family  ofjlwaahonks  in  the  early  part  of  tliis  ar'<*le  much  beyond  any 
before  punted  account;  of  Tokanuma  we  have  no  primed  notice,  except 
what  Church\  incidentally  mentions.  Some  of  his  Indian  soldiers  re- 
(luested  liberty  to  pursue  the  Narragansets  and  other  enemy  Indians, 
immediately  after  they  had  captured  Philip's  wife  and  son.  "They  said 
the  Narragansets  were  great  rogues,  and  they  wanted  to  be  i<)venged  on 
them,  for  killing  some  of  their  relations ;  named  Thkkanona,  (Aiaamonka'a 
brother,)  and  rsome  others." 

About  130  years  ago,  i.  e.  1700,  there  were  100  Indian  nicn  of  the  Sog- 
konate  tribe,  and  the  general  assembly  appointed  J\"iirrtpau8  their  captain, 
who  lived  to  be  an  old  man,  and  died  about  .1.748,  after  the  taking  of  Cape 
Breton,  1745.  At  the  commencement  of  the  eighteenth  century,  they 
made  quite  a  respectable  reUgious  congregation ;  h>>Ai  a  meeting-house  of 


*  Signifyinff/i  iendt,  in  Indian. 
lisi.  Philip' s  War,  39.    '    ' 


t  Col.  Mat*.  Hitt.  8oc. 
I  Hist.  PhiTip's  War,  39.    It  is  usual  to  cite  Capt.  Church  a»  the  author  or  recorder 
of  hii  own  actijns  ;  it  is  so,  althoug^h  his  son  Thomas  appears  as  the  writer  of  the  his- 
tory.   The  truih  is,  the  father  dictated  to  the  son,  and  corrected  what  appeared  errane- 
iHit  uWr  the  vwk  was  written. 


<3baf.  V 

their  ow 
month, 
whose  n 
Aboul 
in  1808 


Afvrih 

and. 

Hia 

himsi 

maso 

stva 

in 

disco 

Mat 

der- 

Sao 

Pet 

Pun 

history 

now  p 

coUec 

squaw 

showi 

Thi 

early 

try,  a 

iurnno 

he  al 

ment 

,  shovt 

discc 

Gort 

was 

eha£ 

USUI 

B 

sioti 

thei 

Ind 

thei 

not 

oui 

60, 

Px 

it  I 

ar 

in 

hi 


iBwK  UL 


\  Chwch'a 


Obat.  v.] 


PUimAM. 


n 


their  own,  in  which  th^  were  instructed  by  Rev.  Mr.  BiBingi,  onee  a 
month,  on  Sundays.  They  had  a  steady  preacher  among  thumaelvea, 
whoae  name  was  John  Simon,  a  man  of  a  strong  mind. 

About  1750,  a  very  distreasing  fever  carried  off  many  of  this  tribe,  and 
in  1808  there  were  not  above  ten  in  Compton,  their  principal  reaidenee. 


CHAPTER  V. 

mA  furBuT  aeamnt  of  chitft  coMptcAtM  tn  PhSLip'a  tear — PiniHAH — Taken 
and  alain — Hia  aon  Qdaqdalb — Chickon— Socononoco — Potock — 
Hia  reaidence — Complaint  againat  HVdboto'a  aneroachmtnU — Ddivera 
himaey  up — Put  to  death — STONE-wALL-ionif — >d  great  captain— tA 
maaon — Hia  men  g''taUy  annoy  the  Ikigliah  army  in  Nhrraganaet — ISUa 
aeveral  of  them — They  bum  a garriaon,  and  kUl  f\fUenperaona—A  tr^fix 
in  Indian  priaonera — The  burning  of  Rehoboth  and  Providence — John^a 
diacourae  with  Roger  fflUiama — b  killed — Sagamore  John — Fate  qf 
Matoonas — Put  to  death  on  Boaton  Common — Hia  aon  hanged  for  mwr- 

M  der — MoNoco — David — Andrew — Jamea-the-printer — 0Li)-JE<rHER0 — 
SAGAMORE-8AM,a^ia«SH08HANiu — Viaitcd  by  Eliot  tnl653 — Anecdote — 
Peter-jethero. 

Pumham,  it  may  be  truly  said,  "  was  a  mighty  man  of  valor."  Our 
history  has  several  times  heretofore  brought  him  before  Uci,  and  wo  shall 
now  proceed  to  relate  such  facts  concerning  him  as  we  have  been  able  to 
collect.  He  was  sachem  of  Shawomet,  the  country  where  the  old 
squaw-sachem  Magnua  was  taken  and  slain,  as  in  her  life  we  have 
shown. 

This  chief  was  brought  into  considerable  difficulty  by  the  English  as 
early  as  1645.  In  1642,  the  Rev.  Samuel  Gorton  took  reuige  in  his  coun- 
try, and  was  kindly  treated  by  him ;  and  in  January  the  next  year,  Mum- 
tunnomoh  and  Canonicua  deeded  to  him  Mishawomet,  or  Shaomet,  which 
he  afterward  called  fVdrwick,  after  the  earl  of  that  name.  This  settle- 
ment was  grievous  to  the  Puritan  fathers  of  Massachusetts,  as  they  soon 
showed  by  their  resentment  to  Mianlunnomoh  f  and  here  we  cannot  but 
discover  the  germ  of  all  the  subsequent  disasters  of  that  sachem.  Mr. 
Gorton  was  kindly  treated  by  him,  as  well  as  Pumham,  until  the  latter 
was  urged  by  Mr.  Gorton^a  enemies  to  lay  claim  to  the  lands  he  hud  pur- 
chased of  Miantunnomoh,  whom  the  court  of  Massachusetts  declared  an 
usurper,*  as  in  his  life  has  been  told. 

By  the  letters  of  the  unimpeachable  Roger  WiUiama,  the  above  conclu- 
sions will  appear  evident  In  1656,  he  wrote  to  Massachusetts,  showing 
them  the  wretched  state  Warwick  was  in  from  their  difficulties  with  the 
Indians,  as  follows  : — ^"  Your  wisdoms  know  the  inhuman  insultations  of 
these  wild  creatures,  and  you  may  be  pleased  also  to  imagine,  thut  they  have 
not  been  sparing  of  your  name  as  the  patron  of  all  their  wickedness  against 
our  English  men,  women  and  children,  and  cattle,  to  the  yearly  damage  of 
60,  80  and  100£.  The  remedy  is,  (under  God,)  only  your  pleasure  that 
Pumham  shall  come  to  an  agrees  nt  with  the  town  or  colony."t  Now 
it  should  be  romemhercd,  that  wiien  Warwick  was  purchased,  PumAam 
and  some  other  infi.vior  sachems  received  presents  for  their  particular 
interests  in  what  v.:;'  "M,  agreeably  to  the  laws  and  usages  of  the  Indians. 

The  Plimoutli  \j.  j  Ij  had  their  share  in  the  Warwick  controversy, 
having  caused  Ouaamaquin  to  lay  cltiim  to  the  same  place,  or  a  sachem 


*  MS.  *tale  paper. 


\  HulchinMon's  papen,  and  Hatard. 


■m 


73 


PUMHA  M.-5OC0N0NOCO.— QUAQUALH. 


inooK  jH. 


who  Iiv«d  with  him,  named  jVauneashawiuek ;  between  whom  mid  Pum- 
JWnn  Um  quavrei  ran  so  high  that  the  former  stabbed  the  latter. 

The  anaira  of  Warwick  bad  been  uniler  coiwideretion  by  tlie  comroia- 
riooen  of  the  United  Colonies  for  several  yeani  belore  this,  and  iu  1649, 
they  say,  "  Vppon  a  question  betwixt  the  two  collonies  of  the  MossachM- 
Mcts  and  Plymouth,  formerly  propounded,  and  now  again  renewed  by  the 
commissioners  of  the  Massachusetts,  concerning  a  traqt  of  land  now  or 
lately  belonging  to  Pamham  and  Saconoco,  two  Indian  sagamores  who 
had  submitted  themselves  and  their  people  to  the  Massachusetts  govor- 
inent,  vppon  part  of  which  land  som  English,  (besides  the  said  Imiians,) 
in  anno  1643,  were  planted  and  settled."  The  decision  was,  that  though 
the  said  tract  of  land  fall  within  Pnmouth  bounds,  it  should  henceforth 
belong  to  Massachusetts. 

About  1646,  we  find  the  following  record*  of  these  chieft : — **  Pomihom 
and  Saeonanoco  complaining  to  us  [the  court  of  Mass.]  that  many  In- 
dians dwelling  20  mdes  beyond  them,  (being  friends  and  helpers  to  the 
Narrag&nsetts  m  their  present  wars  with  tJneaa,)  are  come  upon  their  lands, 
and  p&nted  upon  the  same  against  their  wills,  tney  not  being  able  of  them- 
selves to  remove  them,  and  therefore  desire  our  counsel  and  help.  We 
shall  therefore  advise  them,  if  the  deputies  agree  thereunto,  to  send  a 
messenger  to  the  sachem  of  those  intruders  to  come  to  us  to  give  an  ac- 
count of  such  his  intention ;  and  if  he  come  to  us,  then  to  offer  him  pro- 
tection upon  the  same  terms  that  Pumham  hath  it,  provided  they  satisfy 
Uncaa  for  any  injury  they  have  done  him.  If  he  refuse  to  come,  then  we 
would  have  our  messenger  charge  them  to  depart  from  Pomham  and 
Soeonanoeho  their  lands,  which  also  if  they  refuse,  then  we  shall  account 
them  our  enemies."* 

ITiough,  by  the  aid  of  the  English,  Pumham  had  been  able  to  maintain 
a  kind  of  independence  for  some  years  afler  the  death  of  the  chief  sa- 
chem, yet  he  was  among  the. first  who  espoused  the  cause  ofPhUip  in  his 
war.  The  English  army  marched  through  )iis  country,  in  their  return  from 
the  attack  on  Philip  and  his  confederates  in  Narraganset,  in  December, 
1675.  At  this  time  a  small  fi^t  took  place  between  some  of  the  English 
and  a  number  of  Pumham*8  men,  under  a  chief  whose  name  was  Qua- 
muilk,  who  niined  some  advantage  of  the  English,  wounding  four  of 
their  men.  The  English,  however,  report  that  they  killed  five  of  the  In- 
dians. Q,uaqualk  himself  was  wounded  in  the  knee.  At  the  same  time 
they  burnt  Pumham^a  town,f  which  contained  near  100  wigwams.  The 
English  were  commanded  by  Capt.  Prentice.^ 

PunJuun  vras  not  the  chief  captain  in  the  fight  at  the  great  falls  in  the 
Connecticut,  which  took  place  19  May,  1676,  although  we  presume,  from 
the  known  character  of  him,  that  he  was  the  most  conspicuous  in  it  on  the 
side  of  the  Indians;  being  a  man  of  vast  physical  powers  and  of  extraor- 
dinary bravery.  In  this  af&ir  the  English  acted  a  most  cowardly  part, 
having  every  advantage  of  their  enemy,  who  acquired  credit  upon  the  oc- 
casion, even  at  the  time,  from  the  historian.  The  English  came  upon 
them  before  day,  while  none  were  awake  to  give  the  alarm,  and,  "  finding 
them  secure  indeed,  yea,  all  asleep,  without  having  any  scouts  abroad,  so 
tliat  our  soldiers  cume  and  put  their  guns  into  their  wigwams,  before  the 
Indians  were  aware  of  them,  and  made  a  great  and  notable  slaughter 
amongst  thera."§    Many  in  their  fright  ran  into  the  river,  and  were  hurled 

*!  In  meatuseript,  among  the  papers  on  filo  in  the  secretary's  office,  Afass.  without^date. 
,  t  Letttr  to  London,^  58.  2d  edition.    This  author  has  his  name  BuitUuxm.    There  were 
many  instances,  at  this  lime,  of  the  use  ofB  for  P. 
'  t  HMturd,  Nar.  67.  $  /.  MaOur,  30. 


flight 


m 


wdPvm- 


Oaip.  v.] 


run  HAM. 


78 


account 


down  the  falls,*  some  of  \vhoni,  iloiil)tlt<HP,  were  drowned.  As  soon  u 
the  Enf^lish,  who  wei-u  led  liy  Cnptaiuf)  Turner  and  Holioke,  had  mur- 
dered the  unresisiin^r,  and  tiie  Indiaim  having  l>egun  to  railv  to  oppose 
them,  they  fled  in  the  grentt-st  confusion,  although  they  had  ** about  an 
hundred  and  four  score"  nicn,f  of  wiiom  but  one  was  wounded  when  the 
flight  began.  This  enhances  the  valor  of  the  Indians,  in  our  minds,  es- 
pecially as  wcread  the  following  iMuamge,  in  Mr.  JlfoMer^s  Brief  History : — 
**  In  the  mean  while,  a  pnity  ot  Indians  from  an  island,  (whom  coming 
on  shore  might  easily  have  been  prevented,  and  the  soldiers,  before  they 
set  out  from  Hadley,  wore  earnestly  admonished  to  take  care  about  that 
matter,)  assaulted  our  men  ;  yea,  to^the  great  dishonor  of  the  English,  a 
few  Indians  pursued  our  soldiers  four  or  five  miles,  who  were  in  number 
near  twice  os  many  as  the  enem;^."  Id  this  fli^t  Cant.  TSamer  was 
killed,  as  he  was  crossing  Green  River.  Holioke  exerted  himself  with 
great  bravery,  and  seems  well  calculated  to  oppose  such  a  chief  as  Pum- 
ham  was.  We  hear  of  no  other  bravery  among  the  English  in  this  mas- 
sacre, but  this  passage  concerning  Holioke,  whicn  we  are  sorry  is  so  sadly 
eclipsed,  as  appears  by  what  follows.  During  the  fi^ht,  some  old  persons, 
(whether  men  or  women  is  not  mentioned,)  and  children,  had  hid  them- 
selves under  the  bank  of  the  river.  Capt.  Holioke  discovered  them,  and 
with  his  own  hands  put  five  of  them,  "  young  and  old,"  to  death-t  This 
English  ca[)tain  did  not  long  survive  his  antagonist,  for,  by  his  great  exer- 
tions in  this  flght,  a  fever  was  brought  upon  him,  of  which  he  died  in 
September  following,  *'  about  Boston."^ 

It  would  seem  from  the  several  accounts,  that,  although  the  English 
were  sadly  distressed  in  this  flght,  the  Indians  could  never  have  repaired 
their  loss ;  which,  says  the  author  of  the  Present  State,  &c.  wt?  al- 
most OS  much,  nay,  in  some  respects  more  considerable,  than  their  lives.^ 
He  continues,  "  We  destroyed  all  their  ammunition  and  provision,  which 
we  think  they  can  hardly  he  so  soon  and  easily  recruited  with,  as  possibly 
they  may  be  with  men.  We  likewise  here  demolished  two  forges  they 
had  to  mend  their  arms,  took  away  all  their  materials  and  tools,  and  drove 
many  of  them  into  the  river,  where  they  were  drowned,  and  threw  two 
great  pigs  of  lead  of  theirs,  (intended  fcr  making  of  bullete,)  into  the  said 
river."|| — "  As  our  men  were  returnui^  to  Hadley,  in  a  dangerous  pasa^ 
which  they  were  not  sufliciently  aware  of,  the  sKulkin^  Indians,  (out  of 
the  woods,)  killed,  at  one  volley,  the  said  captain,  and  eight-and-thirty  of 
his  men,  but  immediately  ai\er  they  had  dischar^d,  they  fled." 

In  relating  the  capture  and  death  of  PumAam,  Mr.  Hubbard  8ay8.ir  "  He 
was  one  of  the  stoutest  and  most  valiant  sachems  that  belonged  to  the 
Narragansets ;  whose  courage  and  strength  was  so  great  that,  after  he 
had  been  mortally  wounded  in  the  flght,  so  as  himself  could  not  stand  ; 
yet  catching  hold  of  an  Englishnian  that  by  accident  came  near  him,  had 
done  him  mischief,  if  he  had  not  been  presently  rescued  by  one  of  his 
fellows."  This  was  on  25  July,  1676.  PvfflAom,  with  a  few  followers, 
had  for  some  time  secreted  themselves  in  Dedham**  woods,  where  it  was 
supposed  they  were  "  almost  starved  for  want  of  victuals."    In  this  sad 

*  We  cannot  agree  with  our  Tricnd  Gen.  ffotjl,  thai  these  falls  should  be  named  Tur- 
ner's Falls,  although  we  once  thought  it  well  enough.  We  would  rather  call  them  the 
Massacre  Falls,  if,  indeed,  their  Indian  name  cannot  be  recovered. 

t  /.  Matiur,  30.  t  Hubbard,  Nar.  88.  ^  Ibid. 

R  Many  of  the  Indians  learned  trades  of  the  English,  and  in  the  wars  turned  their 
knowledge  to  good  account.  They  had  a  forge  in  their  fort  at  Nairaganset,  and  the 
Indian  blacksmith  was  killed  when  that  was  taken.  The  author  of  the  Present  8laU, 
See.  says,  be  was  the  only  man  amongst  them  that  fitted  their  guns  and  arrow-heads ; 
that  among  other  houses  they  burnt  his,  demolished  his  forge,  and  carried  away  his  lo«k. 

IT  Narrative,  100. 4to.  edition. 

**  Wootiunmomippogue  was  its  Indian  name,  or  apart  of  it 
.7 


74 


POTOK. 


(Book  m. 


Chap.  V 


condition,  they  wnro  fallnn  iiiion  by  the  Engliiih  un<Icr  Cnpt.  Hunting,  who 
|{ille«l  tillcun  and  took  thirty-fivu  of  them  withont  resititanro.*  They 
tbiind  hern  considoroblo  plunder ;  "besides  kettles,  there  was  almiit  half 
u  bushel  of  wainpuiiipimg,  which  the  enemy  lost,  and  twelve  pounds  of 
powder,  which  the  captives  say  they  had  receive*!  from  Albany  but  two 
doyn  lM'fore.''t  A  son  of  Pitmham  was  among  the  captives,  "a  very  likely 
youth,"  says  HtMarJ,\  "and  one  whose  countenance  would  have  be- 
spoke favor  for  him,  had  ho  not  Iwlongod  to  so  bloody  and  barbarous  an 
Indian  as  his  father  was."  It  would  seem  from  this  unfeeling  account 
that  he  wos  put  to  death.  Dr.  Mather  says  he  was  curried  prisoner  to  Bos- 
ton. Fn)in  the  same  author  we  muat  add  to  the  revolting  picture  of  the 
father's  <ieath.  "  This  Pumham,  after  he  was  wounded  so  as  that  he 
uould  not  stand  upon  his  legs,  and  was  thought  to  have  been  dead,  made 
u  shif),  (as  the  soldiers  were  pursuing  others,)  to  crawl  a  little  out  of  the 
way,  but  wos  found  again,  and  when  an  Englishman  drew  near  to  him, 
though  he  could  not  stand,  he  did,  (like  a  beast,)  in  rage  and  revenge,  get 
hold  on  the  soldier's  head,  and  had  like  to  have  killed  him,  had  not  an- 
other come  in  to  his  help,  and  rescued  him  out  of  the  enraged  dying 
hands  of  that  bloo(ly  barbarian"^ 

A  Hhort  time  before  this,  a  grandson  of  this  chief  was  killed  by  a  party 
under  Denison,^  "  who  was  also  a  sachem,  and  another  sachem  called 
Chickon." 

Polok,  n  Narroganset  chief,  we  may  properly  in  the  next  place  notice. 
None  of  his  acts  m  PhUip's  war  are  recorded,  at  least  none  have  come  to 
our  knowledge,  but  they  coidd  not  have  l)een  inconsiderable,  in  the 
opinion  of  his  enemies,  as  hi^  life  atoned  for  them.  We  find  him  first 
mentioned,  on  account  of  his  opposition  tu  the  introduction  of  Christian- 
ity into  his  nation.  When,  in  the  beginning  of  Philip's  war,  the  English 
army  marched  into  the  Narragonsct  coimtry,  to  treat  or  fight  with  that 
nation,  as  they  might  be  found  mclincd,  Potok  appeared  as  the  [irincipal 
chief.  In  the  treaty  which  was  concluded  at  that  time,  a  condition  was 
urged  by  him, "  that  the  English  should  not  send  any  among  them  to 
preach  the  goepcl  or  call  upon  them  to  pray  to  Grod."  But  the  English 
would  not  Mmit  such  an  article  ;  but  if  on  article  of  this  character  had 
been  urged  on  the  other  hand,  we  doubt  whether  there  would  have  been 
any  obiection  ui^ged  by  the  Indians.  On  this  policy  of  the  English 
Roger  niUimu  should  be  heard,  as,  at  this  day  even,  we  need  no  better 
commentary  on  the  matter  in  hand.    It  is  contained  in  a  letter||  to  the 

E>vemor  of  Massachusetts,  and  is  as  follows :— "  At  my  laskdeparture  for 
nglaki.^,  I  was  importuned  by  y*  Narraganset  sachems,  and  especially 
by  JS/hneemuU,  to  present  their  petition  to  the  high  sachems  of  England, 
that  they  might  not  he  forced  from  their  religion ;  and,  for  not  changing 
their  reli^oo,  be  invaded  by  war.  For  tliey  said  they  were  daily 
visited  with  threatenings  by  Indians,  that  came  from  about  the  Massa- 
chusetts ;  that  if  they  would  not  pray,  they  should  be  destroyed  by  war." 
And  asoiD,  in  the  same  letter:  "Are  not  all  the  English  of  this  land, 
^generaTly,)  a  persecuted  people  fitim  their  native  soil  ?  and  hath  not  the 
God  of  peace  and  Father  of  mercies  made  the  natives  more  friendly  in 
this  than  our  native  countrymen  in  our  own  land  to  us  ?  have  they  not  en- 
tred  leagues  of  love,  and  to  this  day  continued  peaceable  commerce  with 
us?  are  not  our  f^inilies  grown  up  in  peace  amongst  them  ?  Upon  which 
I  humbly  ask  how  it  can  suit  with  Christian  ingenuity,  to  tuke  hold  of  some 
aeeming  occasions  for  their  destruction." 

*  MS.  Nonative  of  Rev.  T.  Cohbet.  \  Mather's  Brief  Hist.  43. 

X  Narrative,  itf  mprv.  « 

iMany  write  Dratiuon,  but  his  own  signature,  in  my  possession,  is  as  in  the  text, 
lo  MB.  dated  Providence,  5:8: 1604. 


fBoo«  m. 


Cmap.  v.] 


STONE-WALL^OHN. 


fling,  who 
'.•     They 
•)oiif  half 
•oiiiuIh  of* 
hut  two 
ery  likely 
have  be- 
barous  an 
account 
ertoBos. 
iro  of  the 
that  he 
)ad,  made 
ut  of  the 
to  him, 
'«nge,  get 
id  not  an- 
ed  dying 

y  a  party 
'(II  called 

;e  notice. 

I  come  to 

>,  in  the 

him  firet 

'hriHtian- 

'  English 
vith  that 
principal 
ition  was 
them  to 
Eoglish 
cter  had 
ave  been 
English 
o  better 

II  to  the 
rture  for 
pecially 
rngland, 
liunging 
e  ilaily 
Massa- 
Y  war." 
is  land, 
not  the 
adiy  in 
lot  en- 
e  with 
which 
fsome 


1.43. 
(I. 


We  arc  able  to  fix  the  place  of  bis  rrmdeuce  in  the  ▼icinitv  of  Point 
Judith.  Otir  earlicHt  notice  uf  him  is  in  ItiGl.  In  thia  year,  Polot,  witli 
several  other  chiefs,  romplaiucd  to  the  court  of  MaaBBchuaetls,  that 
"  Samuel  h'Udbow,  and  otherH  of  Im  companie,"  claimed  jurisdiction  at 
Point  Judilli,  in  their  country,  and  lauds  adjacent.  They  came  on  and 
posHCHHed  themselves  forcibly,  bringing  their  cattle  and  other  effects  with 
them.*  What  onler  the  court  took  uiion  it  does  not  appear.  About  the 
close  oi  PhUip't  war,  Poloili:  came  voluntarily  to  RIhnIo  Island,  nodoulM 
with  the  view  of  making  friends  again  with  his  enemies ;  but  was  K;ut  to 
Boston,  where,  after  answering  dl  their  inquiries,  he  waa  put  to  death 
without  ceremony. 

In  the  account  carried  to  London  bv  Cap>t.  Mart,  mentioned  in  the  last 
chapter,  is  this  notice  of  Potok: — "There  is  onePo(ucik,a  mischievous 
Engine,  and  a  Counsdlour,  taken  formerly,  said  to  be  in  Go«l  at  Rhode- 
Island,  is  now  sent  to  Boston,  and  there  shot  to  death." 

In  the  detail  of  the  great  Narraganset  ex()cdition  of  1675,  we  have 
omitted  to  notice  a  by  no  means  unimportant  Indian  captain. 

Stone-toaU-iohn,  Aone4<Mtr^ohn,  and  sometimes  simply  Stone'icaU, 
were  names  by  which  his  English  friends  knew  him,  ana  we  have  not 
discovered  what  was  his  Indian  name.  One  writer  of  his  time  observes 
that  he  was  called  the  SUme-liyer,  "  for  that,  being  an  active,  ingenious 
fellow,  he  had  learned  the  mason^s  trade,  and  was  of  great  use  to  the 
Indians  in  building  their  forts,  &c."  Hence  wo  may  hazard  but  little  in 
the  conjecture  that  he  was  the  chief  engineer  in  the  erection  of  the  great 
Narraganset  fort,  which  has  been  described  in  the  life  of  PhUip.  Al- 
though but  little  is  known  of  him,  he  was  doubtless  one  of  the  most  dis- 
tinguished Narraganset  captains. 

The  first  notice  of  Stom-layer-john,  which  we  now  remember,  is  con- 
tained in  a  letter  of  Capt.  Oliver,^  which  he  wrote  while  on  his  march 
with  the  English  army  to  attack  the  fort,  which  we  have  just  mention- 
ed. He  says,  "  Dec'  15  ca[mc  in]  John  a  rcMnie,  with  a  pretence  of 
peace,  and  was  dismissed  with  [tbisl  errand  :  That  we  might  sfieak  with 
sachems.  That  evening,  he  not  being  gone  a  quarter  of  an  hour,  his 
company,  that  lay  hid  behind  a  hill  of  our  quarters,  killed  two  Salem 
men,  and  wounded  a  (bird  within  a  mile  of  us,  that  he  is  dead.  And  at  a 
house  three  mile  off,  where  I  hod  ten  men,  they  killed  two  of  them.  In- 
stantly Capt.  Moady,  myself  and  Cant.  Gardntr  were  sent  to  fetch  in 
Major  AmUton^a  company,  that  kept  three  miles  and  a  half  off,  and  com- 
ing, they  lay  behind  a  stone  wall,  and  fired  on  us  in  sight  of  the  garrisoii. 
we  killed  theicapu'in  that  killed  one  of  the  Salem  men,  and  had  his  cap. 
Mr.  Hvhbard  says,  **  A  few  desperate  Indians,  creeping  under  a  stone-wall, 
fired  twenty  or  thirty  guns  at  Moady  in  particular,  a  commander  well 
known  amongst  them,  but  the  rest  of  the  company  running  down  u|)on 
them,  killed  one  of  them  and  scattered  the  rest."  Thus  did  the  scouts 
from  the  main  body  of  the  Indians,  under  such  captains  as  the  iS!fon«- 
Uaier,  annoy  the  English  in  then:  inarch  into  their  countiy.  Immediately 
after  these  skirmishes, "  they  burnt  Jerry  BvWa  house,  antf  killed  seventeen 
[persons.]  Dec.  16,  came  that  news.  Dec.  17,  came  news  that  Con- 
necticut forces  were  at  Petaquamscut ;  killed  four  Indians  and  took  six 
Jvisoners.  That  day  we  sold  Capt.  Davenport  47  Indians,  young  and  old, 
or  £80  in  money.'t 

How  much  John  had  to  do  in  the  devastations  which  had  been  perpie- 
trated  the  previous  season,  is  unknown,  but  we  are  told  that  he  had  no 

*  MM.  documents. 

t  In  manuicripl.    See  an  account  of  it  in  a  note  to  the  life  of  Philip. 
■■•'■  y  i  Capt.  OHvtr's  MS.  letter. 


1.  j« 


70 


HTONKWAlxJOIIN. 


[DooK  III 


CV4P.V 


Miiall  n){i>i:cy  in  "  th«  mckinf(  of  Prnviilcncc,***  oiid  Rchvlioth  alto,  witli- 
oiit  iliiiilti.  Ill  th»  former  ultoiit  00  lioimoif  wen*  buriiod,  luid  in  Uio  Utter 
pla<;«!  "iionr  ii|M)n  40"  liotwtii  niid  30  haniN. 

Stnnc-wnll-john  wan  doiibtltfiw  <iiic  wlio  roiivwwd  with  the  Rev.  Mr. 
ffilliam-:  ntttu;  tinin  I'roviiltiticn  wiih  biiriKMl.  Thn  Habntanco  of  that  con> 
vorsitioii  JH  rt'lulfd  by  onr  anonvmoun  niitbor,  already  cited,  in  theae 
words  :—'*  Hut  indeed  the  reuMin  that  the  inhabitaiita  of  the  towna  of  8ea> 
ooniek  and  Providence  generally  escaped  with  their  Uvea,  is  not  to  bo  a( 
tritiuted  to  any  coin|M8Hion  or  rood  nature  of  the  Indians,  (whose  very 
mercies  nro  inhumane  crueltiea,)l)ut,  [the  autlior  soon  contradicts  bimael^ 
OH  will  III!  seen,]  next  to  God'a  providence,  to  their  own  prudence  in 
avoiding  tlioir  fury,  when  they  found  thnmHRlvea  too  weak,  and  unable  to 
resiHt  it,  hv  a  tirnelv  flight  into  Rhode  Island,  which  now  liecamo  the 
"Common  Zoar,  or  iilace  of  refuge  for  the  distressed  ;  yet  some  remained 
till  their  i-oinin^'  to  destroy  the  said  towns;  us  in  |mrticular  Mr.  WiUiamt 
at  Pro v idem  e,  who,  knowing  several  of  the  rhief  Indians  that  came  to 
fn-o  tliat  iiiwii,  dincoiiraed  with  them  a  considerable  time,  who  pretended, 
their  giviitcst  qiiurrcl  was  against  Plimouth ;  and  as  for  what  they  at> 
tomntcd  ugiiinst  the  other  colonies,  they  were  constrained  to  it,  by  the 
s|Niil  timt  wa»  done  them  at  Norragansot.^  They  told  him,  that  when 
Captain  Pierre  engaged  them  neur  Mr.  BUtckalone%  they  were  bound  for 
Plifiiowtli.  The^  gloried  much  in  their  suncesM,  promising  themselves 
the  conqiitnit  oi  the  whole  country,  and  rootin;;  out  of  all  the  English. 
Mr.  fVUliams  re|>roved  their  confidence,  minded  them  of  their  cruelties, 
and  told  ihem,  that  the  Bay,  viz.  Boston,  could  yet  spore  IC^OOO  men ; 
and,  if  they  should  destroy  all  them,  yet  it  was  not  to  be  doubted,  but  our 
king  would  send  as  many  everv  year  from  Old  England,  rather  than  they 
should  share  the  country.^  They  answered  proudly,  that  they  should  be 
ready  for  them,  or  to  that  effect,  but  told  Mr.  fyMianu  that  he  was  a 
good  man,  and  hod  been  kind  to  them  formerly,  and  therefore  they  would 
not  hurt  him." 

This  agrees  well  with  Mr.  HM>ard^$  account  of  the  carriage  of  Jolm  at 
the  time  Tie  went  to  the  English  army  to  talk  about  peace,  already  men« 
tioned.  His  words  are,  **  yet  could  the  messenger,  [John,!  hardly  forbear 
threatening,  vaporing  of  their  numbers  and  strength,  oddmg,  withal,  that 
the  English  durst  not  fight  them." 

We  have  now  to  close  the  career  of  this  Indian  captain,  for  which  it 
requires  but  a  word,  as  ho  was  killed  oh  the  2  July,  1676,  at  the  same 
time  the  old  sqtiaw-sachem  QiMitopen  and  most  of  her  people  were  fallen 
upon  by  Major  Takot,  as  we  nave  related  in  a  former  chapter. 

Many  Imlians  bore  the  name  of  John,  but  when  they  were  any  ways 
conspicuous,  some  distinguishing  prefix  or  affix  was  generally  added,  as 
we  have  seen  in  several  instances  m  the  preceding  chapters.  We  have 
already  given  the  life  of  one  Sagamore-john,  but  another  of  that  name,  still 
more  conspicuous,  (for  his  treacheiy  to  his  own  nation,)  here  presents 
himself.  This  Stufmnorejohn  was  a  Nipmuk  sachem,  and  a  traitor  to  his 
country.  On  the  37th  of  July,  1676,  doubtless  from  a  conviction  of  the 
hopelessness  of  bis  cause,  he  came  to  Boston,  and  threw  himself  on  the 
mercy  of  the  English.    They  pardoned  him,  as  he  enticed  along  with' 

•  Pruent  State,  &.c.  12. 

t  The  baitding  containing  the  recordi  of  K.  I.  v/aa  consumed  at  this  time,  and  part  of 
it*  contents.  Some  of  them  were  saved  by  being  thrown  out  of  a  window  into  some 
water.  They  bev  to  this  time  the  marks  of  thctr  immersion.^)ral  information  of  iV. 
R.  aUpUt,  Esq.  of  Providence. 

t  And  who  could  ask  for  a  better  reason  I 

\  Tliis  was  rather  gasconading  for  so  reverend  a  man !  Had  he  tired  lince  the  rev- 
olutionary war,  he  would  hardly  have  meant  to,  whatever  he  might  hove  taid. 


he 


tUooK  m 

lio,  witli- 
ttio  laiter 


CH4r.V] 


MATOONAS. 


bim  almut  IRO  iMhera.  Am),  that  ho  might  hare  a  atroafer  einim  on  Ibair 
cloiiM^nry,  he  aeizcMl  Maioonat,  aii«i  hia  aoD,  anioal  wbom  he  knew  the 
Eiiglwli  to  b«)  freaily  eoragiMl,  and  dtiUvered  ihcni  ud  at  the  aanio  timr. 
On  di-atli'a  buing  iuiiiHMiiatelv  aaaigned  aa  the  lot  of  MalooMU.  Saramore- 
John  niqueated  that  he  miKtit  execute  him  with  hia  own  liaoda.  To 
render  atill  more  horrid  lliia  atory  of  blood,  hia  roqueat  was  granted ;  and 
he  t(M»k  Maioonat  into  dm  common,  bound  him  to  a  tree,  and  there  ahot 
hint  tu  dcatli."  To  the  aliovo  Dr.  Mather  adda,*  "Thue  did  the  Lord 
retaliate  iiiion  him  the  innorent  blood  which  he  had  ahed ;  aa  be  had 
done,  MO  Uod  requited  him." 

Although  mucu  luul  been  alleged  againat  Jolm,  before  be  eame  in,  af- 
terwarda  the  moat  favorable  construction  was  put  upori  hia  conduct. 
Mr.  HuUmrd  aaya,  he  "  affirmed  that  he  bad  never  inteiiided  any  miachief 
to  the  Eiigliah  at  firookfiold,  the  laat  year,  (near  which  village  it  aeenix 
his  place  waa,)  but  that  PhUia,  coming  over  night  amongat  them,  ho  waa 
forctui,  Tor  fear  of  hia  own  lite,  to  join  with  them  againat  the  Engliali."t 

Matooruu  waa  alao  a  Nipmuk  chief.  A  aon  of  his  waa  aoid  to  have 
murdered  an  Engliahman  in  1C71,  when  "traveling  along  the  road," 
which  Mr.  Hubbard aaya  was  "out  of  mere  malice  and  apite,"  liecauae  he 
Tvaa  "  vexed  in  hia  mind  tliat  the  deaign  againat  the  E^gliah,  intended  to 
begin  in  that  year,  <lid  not  take  place.''  Thia  aon  of  Maioona$  waa 
banged,  and  anerworda  beheaded,  and  hia  head  oet  upon  a  pole,  where 
U  wod  to  be  aeen  about  six  yem  oAer.  The  name  of  the  murdered 
Englishman  waa  Zaehary  S$iath,  a  young  man,  who,  aa  be  waa  pafwing 
through  Dedluun,  in  the  month  of  April,  put  up  at  the  houoe  of  Mr.  Cal^ 
Oiurck.  About  half  on  hour  aAer  be  waa  gone,  the  next  morning,  three 
Indiana  paaaed  the  same  way ;  who,  aa  they  poaoed  by  ChurcK'a  house, 
behaved  in  a  very  insolent  manner.  They  haa  been  employed  as  labor- 
era  in  Dorchester,  and  aaid  they  beloo!  <d  to  PhUip;  tboy  leA  their 
mostcrs  under  a  suapicious  pretence.  Tiiu  body  of  tne  murdered  man 
wa8  soou  after  found  near  the  aaw-mill  in  Dedhara,  and  these  Indians 
were  apprehended,  and  one  put  to  death,  as  is  stated  above4 

Mr.  Hubbard  supposes  that  the  father,  "on  old  nudiciotia  villain,''  bore 
"an  old  grudge  q^uiat  them,"  on  the  account  of  the  execution  of  his  son. 
And  the  first  mischief  that  waa  done  in  Massacbuaetts  colony  was 
charged  to  him ;  which  was  the  killing  of  four  or  five  persons  at  Mendfin, 
a  town  upon  Pawtucket  River;  and,  says  /.  JMicrfAer,  "bad  we  amended 
our  ways  as  we  should  have  done,  this  misery  wouhl  have  been  prc- 
vented."§ 

When  old  Matoonaa  waa  brought  before  the  council  of  Massachusetts, 
be  "confessed  that  be  had  rightly  deserved  death,  and  couid  expect  no 
other."  "  He  hod  often  aeemed  to  favor  the  praying  Indians,  and  the 
Christian  reliipon,  but,  like  Simon  Magna,  by  bis  after  practice,  discovered 
quickly  that  be  bad  no  port  nor  portion  in  that  matter.^jj 

The  following  horrible  cuxumstance,  according  to  an  anonymous 
author,1[  took  place  at  the  execution  ot'Matoonat : — "The executioners,  (for 
there  were  many,)  flung  one  end,  [of  a  rope  about  bis  neck,  by  which  they 
led  bim,]  over  a  post,  and  so  hoisted  him  up  like  a  dog,  three  or  four 
times,  he  being  yet  half  olive  and  half  deaid ;  then  came  an  Indian,  a 
fiicnd  of  bis,  and  with  bis  knife  noade  a  bole  in  bis  breast  to  his  heart, 
and  sucked  out  bis  heart-blood:  being  asked  bis  reason  therefor,  his 

*  Brief  Hittory  of  the  War,  43.  t  Narrative,  101. 4to  edition. 

t  Manuscript  documeDts,  in  the  office  of  the  secretary  of  the  ilate  of  MaiiacbuseMi, 
6  Krief  Hist.  5.  ||  Hvbburd,  IQl. 

V  Of  the  Later  to  London,  27,  who  makes  no  menlion  of  the  name  of  the  Indian  aie- 
oiled ;  but  hii  account  evidently  relates  to  Maioonat. 

7« 


78 


NONOCO. 


tBoocin 


aniiwer, '  UmJi,  umh  nu,  me  stronger  eu  I  was  hefmt.    Mt  ht  to  ttrong  at 
me  tmd  he  too,  he  be  ver  strong  man  fore  he  die?  " 

The  author  from  w}ioni  we  have  made  this  extract  is  imther  more  of  a 
tme^e  than  any  one  we  have  met  with.  Upon  the  above  monstrous  act 
he  has  this  comment:  ''Thus  with  the  dog-like  death  (good  enough)  of 
one  poor  heathen,  was  the  people's  rage  laid,  in  some  measure ;"  from 
which  the  reader  will  naturally  infer  that  there  was  at  this  time  a  great 
thirst  for  blood  amongst  the  English,  which,  it  is  too  evident,  was  actually 
the  case. 

Our  readers  must  t  r  j  this  have  become  acquainted  with  the  state  of 
feeling  towards  the  Indians,  and  consequently  towards  all  those  who 
ventured  to  raise  their  voice  in  comiuutation  of  severity  towards  them. 
At  the  time  the  eleven  Indians  were  tried  for  their  lives,  the  particulars  of 
which  we  shall  soon  have  iccasion  to  relate,  Mr.  Gooimt  and  Mr.  £(to(, 
by  singular  perseverance,  succeeded  in  clearing  the  noost  of  them.  The 
rage  of  the  people  was  no  longer  confined  to  the  rabble,  as  will  be  seen 
by  the  following  passage  from  our  anonymous  author: — "But  for  Captain 
Guggins,  why  such  a  wise  council  as  they  should  be  so  overborne  by 
him,  cannot  be  judged  otherwise  than  because  of  his  daily  troubling  them 
with  his  impertinKnc«8,  and  multitudinous  speeches ;  insomuch,  that  it 
was  told  him  on  tl>^  >H3nch  by  a  very  worthy  person.  Captain  Oftver,  there 
present,  that  he  c.'^ht  rather  to  ne  confined  among  his  Indians,  than 
to  sit  on  the  bench.  His  taking  the  Indians'  part  so  much  hath  made 
him  a  by-woi^  hoth  among  men  and  boys."* 
, "  While  Mat'jonas  belonged  to  the  Christian  Indians,  his  residence  was 
at  Pakacho?,i!f.  Here  he  was  made  constable  of  the  town.f  On  joining 
in  the  war,  he  led  parties  which  committed  several  depredations.  He 
joined  the  main  body  of  the  Nipmuks  in  the  winter  of  1675,  when  Jamts 
^yanapohU  was  among  them  as  a  spy,  who  saw  him  arrive  there  with  a 
trun  of  followers,  and  take  the  lead  in  the  war  danceB.t    Doubtless 

Smne^hWi  evidence  drew  forth  the  confessions  which  he  made,  and 
ded  to  the  severity  exercised  at  his  execution. 
We  have  yet  to  uoticif «» distinguished  Nipmuk  sachem,  called 
Mottoco  by  hi^  couiiiiymen,  but  by  the  English,  generally.  One-eyed- 
John ;  as  though  ut.^cient  in  tl  )  organs  of  vision,  v^ich  probably  was 
the  case.  He  was,  say^  an  otiiy  writer,  «a  notable  fbllow,"  who,  when 
PAtKp'«  war  began,  live>il  near  I^ncaster,  kqA  consequently  was  acquainted 
with  every  part  of  tlie  town,  which  kni.wledge  he  improved  to  his  advan- 
tage,* on  two  occasions,  in  t^et  vm.  On  Sunday,  22  August,  1675,  a 
>  man,  his  wife  and  two  children  were  killed  at  that  place.6  At  this  time 
the  Hassanamesit  praying  Indians  were  placed  at  Mariborouch  by  au- 
thority. No  sooner  was  it  known  that  a  murder  was  committed  at  Lan- 
caster, than  not  a  few  were  wanting  to  charge  it  upon  the  Hassanamesits. 
Captain  Motelvy  who  it  seems  was  in  the  neighborhood,  sent  to  their 
quarters,  and  found  "  much  suspicion  against  rievm  of  them,  for  singing 
and  dancing,  and  having  bullets  and  slugs,  and  much  powder  hid  in  their 
baskets."  For  this  off«nee,  these  eleven  were  sent  to  Boston,  on  suapicion, 
and  there  tried.  "  But  upon  trial,  the  said  prisoners  were  all  or  them 
acquitted  from  the  fact,  and  were  ezther  released,  or  ebe  were,  with 
others  of  that  fort,  sent  for  better  security,  and  for  preventing  fUture  trou- 
ble iu  the  like  kind,  to  some  of  the  islands  below  Boston,  towards  Nan- 


iMlnt.'* 
twelv* 
whom 


*  LttUr  to  London,  26.  \  ahaUucVt  Hitt.  Concord,  31. 

1 1  CoL  Matt.  Hilt.  8oe.  vi.  906. 

f  The  above  is  Mr.  HubbanPt  account.  Mr.  WiUard,  in  his  excellent  history  of  Lai»- 
astter,  rives  us  the  names  of  six,  and  says  eigi.t  were  lulled.  But  in  hit  enuineraUoB  1 
eoaatmiw;  and  Gootin  says  seven. 


m 


ItBooKlif 

timtg  Of 

»ore  of  • 
BUS  act 

i-'ugh)  of 

"  from 

a  great 

actually 

Slate  of 

lose  who 

them. 

uculare  of 

ff.  Stiot, 

[11  be  seen 
>rCaptaiii 
'borne  by 
'ing  them 
|h,  that  it 
•w,  there 
iansfthan 
ith  made 

Bnce  was 
n  joining 
ions.  He 
>en  James 
ne  with  a 
Doubtless 
nade,  and 

I 

OtU'tyed- 

•ably  was 

ho,  when 

iquajnted 

ia  advan- 

,  1675,  a 

^bis  time 

d  by  au- 

at  Lan- 

lamesitB. 

to  their 
sinmng 
in  their 

lapicion, 

>r  them 

re,  with 

re  trou- 

s  Nan- 
Si.  ' 

of  Lao- 
miioni 


CUAf.  V.) 


MONOCO. 


m 


Fiikean  wm  the  number  brought  down  to  Boaton,  but  eUtm  or 
twelve  only  were  auapeeted  of  the  alleged  offence.  The  othera,  among 
whom  wvre  Mrmm  Sptm  and  John  Ckoo,  were  taken  along  and  impri*- 
oned.  for  no  other  reason  but  their  being  accidentally,  at  that  time,  at 
BhrllMNrough,  or  the  crime  of  being  Indians.  It  appears  some  time  had 
eianaed  after  the  murder  was  committed,  before  they  were  sent  down  for 
trial,  or  more  probably  they  were  suflfend  to  return  honne  before  being 
sent  to  Deer  Island.  For  SMuraim  Turner  and  IFiOimi  Kent  were  not 
sent  up  to  find  out  where  "tney  all  were,"  and  what  answers  they  eould 
get  fitMn  those  they  should  meet,  until  the  beginning  of  October;  at 
which  tioM  these  eleven  Indians  were  scattered  in  various  directions,  about 
their  daily  calKngs.  And  all  the  information  TWiwr  and  Kent  handed 
into  court  was,  that  they  were  thus  dli^rsed.  Wahan  and  Mr.  John 
IFatom,  who  had  been  appointed  to  reside  among  those  Indians,  were 
the  only  persons  questionea.  What  steps  the  court  took  upon  this  in* 
formation,  we  ate  not  informed,  but  they  were  about  this  time  sent  to 
Deer  Island. 

The  names  of  these  IS  Indians,  concerning  whom  more  particular 
inquinr  may  hereafter  be  made  by  the  benevolent  antiquary,  it  is  thought 
should  be  given ;  especidly  as  they  may  not  elsewhere  be  preserved. 
Thw  follow:— 

(Md-;f«tkr»  and  two  sons,  (Peter  |Mrobab]y  being  one,)  a  Mtioto,  (name 
not  mentioned,)  iAnwes-tte-fWtnfer,  Jamu  Aeompttnetj  Daniel  Mtnauta,  John 
C^wuqmaecnO,  John  Jlaqvind,  Qeergt  Mnu^uetewit,  Thomas  Mamuxon- 
qua,  tid  Joseph  fFaltquKoson. 

After  a  trial  of  great  vexation  to  these  innocent  Indians,  David,  the 
main  witness  agunst  them,  acknowledged  he  had  perfidiously  accused 
them ;  and  at  tm  same  time,  a  prisoner  was  brought  in,  who  testified  that 
he  AneiP  One-^/ed-john  had  committed  the  murder  at  Lancaster,  and  a 
short  time  after  another  was  taken,  who  confirmed  his  testimony. 

lliose  Indians  brought  all  these  troubles  upon  themselves  by  reason  of 
A',  ir  attachment  to  the  English.  It  was  in  their  service  that  they  discov- 
ered and  captured  Andrew,  a  brother  of  David,  who,  on  being  delivered 
to  the  soldiery,  was  shot  by  them  with  ferocious  precipitancy.  Therefore, 
when  the  Lancaster  muiiier  happened.  Captain  Mosdv,  having  already 
sundry  char|pe8  against  David,  held  an  inquisition  upon  nim  to  make  him 
confiMS  relative  to  the  Lancaster  affair.  The  method  taken  to  make  him 
confess,  (agreeably  to  the  desire  of  his  inquisitors,)  was  this :  they  bound 
him  to  a  tree,  and  levelled  guns  at  his  breast.  In  this  situation,  to  avert 
immediate  death,  as  well  as  to  be  revenged  for  the  death  of  his  brother, 
he  proceeded  to  accuse  the  eleven  Indians  before  named.  The  result  wc 
have  before  stated.  For  thus  folsely  accusing  his  countrymen,  and  shoot- 
ing at  a  boy  w.ho  was  looking  after  sheep  at  Marlborough,  David  wns 
condemned  to  slavery,  and  accordingly  sold. 

James  Aeompanet  was  conspicuous  at  the  trial,  as  one  of  the  eleven,  and 
** pleaded,  in  uehatf  of  himself  and  the  rest,  that  what  David  said  apinsr 
them,  was  to  save  his  own  life  when  bound  to  the  tree,"  &c.  Aeompantty 
says  Mr.  Gookin,  "  was  a  very  understanding  fellow." 

n otwithsta...iing  the  two  prisoners,  taken  at  diflerent  times,  as  we  havo 
mentioned,  avowMl  that  Mvnoco  led  the  party  that  did  the  mischief,  yet 
one*  of  the  deeen,  whom  Mr.  Oookin  calls  Joseph  Spoonant,  was,  l)y  a 
new  jury,  found  guilty,  and  sold  into  foreign  slavery.  Ills  Indian  name 
was  Jrottt^pacoMm. 

Andrew^s  history  is  as  follows :  he  had  been  gone  for  some  time  before 
the  war,  on  a  hunting  voyage  towards  the  lakes ;  and  on  his  return  hnino- 


*  Oookin'*  MS.  Hitt.  Pratpng  Indians. 


BIONOOO. 


[Boos  OL 


C«AP.V.l 


WHiL  he  All  in  auionff  PhiKf^M  men  aboot  QualMog.  Thk  was  about  • 
■HMitb  befim  the  aflair  at  Lanoaater.  The  raaaon  he  aiaid  among  the 
hoatila  Indians  ia  very  obvioiui:  he  was  afiraid  to  ▼entura  into  the  vieinity 
•f  tiie  whites,  lest  they  should  treat  him  as  an  enemy.  But  as  bis  iU 
ftitune  fell  out,  he  was  found  in  the  woods,  by  his  countrymen  of  Mark 
borough,  who  conducted  him  to  the  English,  by  wliom  be  was  sliot,  aa 
1^  have  just  related^  The  officer  who  preaided  over  and  directed  this 
■Air,  would,  tio  doubt,  at  any  other  time,  luve  received  a  reward  pro- 
IMStioMtB  to  the  malignity  of  the  oflfence.  But  in  thia  horrid  storm  of 
war,  many  were  suffered  to  tnuMgreas  the  laws  with  impuni^. 

We  have  yet  to  add  a  word  concerning  Momoco.  When  fffianiqtohA 
iisIb  out  aa  a  spy,  Jlfeiieee  kindly  entertained  him,  on  account  of  Ibrmer 
afBOiiainfence,  not  knowing  his  character.  They  had  served  tiwether  in 
«ber  wars  against  the  Mdhawkd.  On  10  Feb.  1676,  about  600  Indians 
611  upon  Lancaster,  and,  after  burning  the  town,  carried  the  inhabitants 
into  captivity.  Among  them  was  the  flunily  of  Rev.  Mr.  BotUmtdton. 
Mrs.  Rotukmdaon,  after  her  redemption,  published  an  amusing  account  of 
the  aflair.  Aiimoeo,  or  Om-ejitdpaka,  it  is  said,  was  among  ib»  acton  of 
this  tragedy.  On  13  March  foUowing,  Qroton  was  surprised.  In  this 
affiur,  too^  Mm  JMbnoeo  was  principal ;  and  on  his  own  word  we  set  him 
down  as  the  destroyer  of  Medfteld.  After  he  had  burned  Groton,  except 
one  (garrison  house,  he  called  to  the  captain  in  it,  and  toM  him  he  would 
bum  mMuceesaion  Chelmsford,  Concord,  Watertown,  CamlHidgo,  Charles' 
town,  Roxbury  and  Boston.  He  boasted  much  ot  the  men  at  his  com- 
mand; said  he  had  480  warriors;  and  added — "  What  me  teiU  rnt  do." 
The  report  of  this  very  much  enraged  the  English,  and  occasioned  his 
being  entitled  a  *<  bragadocio^  by  the  historian.  At  the  close  of  Philip's 
war,  with  others,  he  gave  himself  up  to  M^jor  WaUbron  at  Cochecho ;  or, 
havinc  come  in  there,  at  the  request  of  P^tr-jMro,  to  niake  peace,  was 
seizedand  sent  to  Boston,  where,  in  the  bwguage  of  Mr.  Huhbardf  he, 
"with  a  few  more  bragadocios  like  himself  Sagamon-tam,  Old-je^vrOf 
and  the  sachem  of  Quabaog,  [MmUamp*],  were  taken  by  the  En^^hr 
and  was  seen,  (not  long  before  the  writing  of  this,)  marching  towards  the 
gallowR,  (through  Boston  streets,  which  he  threatened  to  burn  at  his 
pleasure,)  with  a  halter  about  his  neck,  with  which  Ite  was  banged  at  the 
town^i  end,  8ept.  96,  in  this  present  year,  lOTe." 

It  was  reported,  (no  doubt  1^  tbe  Indians,  to  vex  their  enemies,)  that 
Mrs.  Rou)lan<t»oH  had  married  Monoco.  **  But,"  the  author  of  the  PasBsif  r 
Statb,  But.  says,  "  it  was  soon  contradicted,"  and,  **  that  she  appeared 
and  behaved  herself  amongst  them  with  so  much  oouraite  «nd  majestic 
gravity,  that  none  durst  offer  any  violence  to  her,  but,  on  me  contrary,  (in 
their  rude  manner,)  seemed  to  show  her  pe^t  respect." 

In  the  above  quotation  firom  Mr.  HuSbardf  we  have  shown  at  what 
time  several  of  the  Nipmuk  chieft  were  put  to  deatli  beride  Monoco. 
Oldrj^tkro  was  little  less  noted,  though  of  quite  a  different  character.  Ilis 
Indian  name  \vik8  Tankmmu.  He  was  present  at  the  sale  of  Coqqord 
(Mass.)  to  the  English,  about  which  time  he  lived  at  Natick.  In  1674,  Jhe 
was  appointed  a  missionary  to  the  Nipmuks  living  at  Weshakim,  siaco 
Sterling,  but  hia  stay  there  was  shortf  He  and  his  umily,  (of  about  12 
persons,)  were  among  those  ordered  to  Deer  Island,  on  the  breaking  out 
of  the  war  the  next  year.  Their  residence  then  was  at  Nobscut  Hill,  near 
Sudbury.     His  spirit  could  not  brook  the  indignity  offered  by  those 

*  The  tame,  probably,  called  Jlf<iM<iMam})p«,  who,  in  1665,  witnessed  the  tale  or 
Brookfield,  Mass.,  deedcfid  at  that  time  by  a  chier  named  fiAotfooclymf.  Mtmlamp 
claimed  an  interest  in  said  lands,  and  received  part  of  the  pay>~R«T.  Mr.  Ftet't  HUt, 

t  HiTshtUtucl^i  Km.  CoBCord,  SO. 


# 


[Bmc  to, 


CmAT.  v.] 


SAOAMOBE-SAM. 


81 


English  who  wen  tent  to  conduct  the  pnyinc  Indiuw  to  Boelon,  and  in 
the  night  he  escaped,  with  all  his  fiuniljr,  into liis  native  wilda.  Hia  son 
Ptier  bad  been  so  lonp  under  the  inatnwtion  of  the  Euf^iah,  that  he  had 
become  almoat  one  orthen\.  He  deserted  hia  fiuber's  cause,  and  was  the 
means  of  bis  being  executed  with  the  other  Nipmuk  saehenw  alnoihr 
mentioned.  This  oecaaoned  Dr.  L  Malker  to  say  of  him,  "That  abonu- 
iiabie  Indian,  Peter-jdhro,  betrayed  hi$  own  faiher,  and  other  Indians  of 
his  special  acquaintance,  unto  death."  It  seena  be  had  been  emi^yed 
by  the  Englidi  for  this  purpose. 

Sagamon-iam,  sachem  of  Nashua,  was  a  participant  in  the  mxSemmt  of 
those  just  named.  He  was  one  of  those  that  sadted  Lancaster,  10  Febi 
1676.  His  Indian  name  was  at  one  time  Shoahaniin,  but  in  PhM^$  war 
it  appears  to  have  been  changed  to  UdcatuhKvtn ;  at  least,  if  he  be  the 
same,  it  was  so  subscribed  by  Pdar-jetkro,  when  the  letter  was  aent  by 
the  Indians  to  the  English  about  the  exchange  of  Mrs.  BoteUmdton  and 
others,  as  will  be  ibuM  in  the  life  of  JVeponel.  SKofAontsi  was  successor 
to  Matthew,  who  succeeded  Sholan.  This  last-noentimed  sachem  is  prob- 
ably referred  to  by  the  authw  quoted  in  Mr.  Thorowgood^i  curious  f>ook. 
In  the  summer  of  1650,  Rev.  Jokn  Eliot  intended  to  visit  the  Nashuaa, 
in  his  evangelical  capacity,  but  understanding  there  wm  war  in  that 
direction  among  the  Indians,*  delayed  his  journey  for  a  time.  The 
sachem  of  Naahua  hearing  of  Mr.  EKafi  intention,  "took  90  men,  armed 
after  their  manner,"  as  his  guard,  with  many  othen,  and  conducted  him 
to  his  countiy.  And  my  author  adds,  "this  was  a  long  journey  huto  the 
wilderness  of  60  miles:  it  proved  very  wet  and  tedious,  so  that  he  was 
not  di^  three  or  four  davs  together,  night  nor  day."f  One  of  the  Indians  at 
this  ume  asked  Mr.  Eliot  why  Uioee  who  prayed  to  God  among  the 
Eujdisb  loved  the  Indians  that  prayed  to  God  "more  than  their  own 
breUiren."  The  good  man  seemed  some  at  a  loss  for  an  answer,  and 
waved  the  subject  by  several  scriptural  t|uotations. 

We  may  be  incorrect  in  the  supposition  that  the  sachem  who  coo- 
ducted  Mr.  lUiot  on  thia  occasion  was  ShoUm,  as  perhaps  Pa$»aeonmM^ 
would  suit  the  time  as  well. 

Anther  great  and  benevolent  chief  it  would  be  proper  to  notice  in 
this  pnce,  whose  name  was  Atl^pehn ;  but  as  he  cornea  to  our  notice  after 
Phihp't  war,  we  shall  notice  him  in  another  chapter. 

*  In  1647.  three  Indians  were  killed  between  Qaabaor  and  Springfield,  by  other 
Indian*.  The  next  yenr,  five  others  wore  killed  about  midway  between  Quabaog  and 
Laacasier.— ICMArdj.  Journal,  (8aoag^$  ed.)  Such  instances  were  conmion  amonf 
the  Indians. 

t  Sure  Arcuments  to  prove  that  the  Jews  inhabit  now  in  America.— By  Tlkomo* 
normogooitMo.  London,  160S.  Sir  Roger  L'Estnmgt  answored'this  book  by  another 
entitled,  Tax  Amibicars  ko  Jaws. 


,  "V 


AMOS. 


[Bmk  UL 


Cmaf.  V 


CHAPTER  VI. 

PrimtAf  hutimt-  ■■CArrAiw  Amon—Purmu*  Tahaan  and  PenaehatK^-  - 
Eteapn  Hit  aUmrlder  at  Pautudut—CommoHib  a  coMpomf  tn  the  eauUm 
war— Captain  LioHTrooT-^Mw  terrieef  tn  PhSfl'a  wai^^tn  Ike  tatUm 
w«rr~KATTaifAi(iT — Hit  •emeu— Qvarkapohit-^Mi  mfartant  $er- 
vicu  cu  a  jpv-~MACTAMP— JIfonoco — Nepanxt — EmpUiged  to  tnat  wiOt 
the  atemh— Brings  letten  from  ttcM— J^^oC*  on  txditmgt  tffpritomut— 

PiTKR  CoHWAT-^PeTBB  EpHRAlIb 

^nuw,  conamonly  called  C«^->r/.  Amoa^  was  a  Wampanos)  whose  > 
residence  wan  about  Cape  Cod.  We  hare  no  notice  of  hiin  unld  ItSi^a 
war,  at  which  tkne  he  was  entirely  devoted  to  the  service  o<':he  Bnglisb. 
After  the  Plimouth  peopk  had  found  that  Taioavn  was  concerned  in  the 
destruction  of  CUaVa  garrison,  they  sought  for  tome  friendly  Indians 
who  would  undertake  to  deliver  him  and  his  abettors  into  their 
hands.  Captain  Amoa  tendered  his  services,  and  was  duly  commisBioned 
to  prosecute  the  enterprisei  snd  to  take  into  that  service  any  of  his  friends. 
Meantime,  Tatoson  haid  fled  to  Elizabedi  Island,  in  company  with  Pau- 
dUuon,  another  chief  who  was  also  to  be  taken  if  hfe  could  be  found. 
This  Pmuuhaaon  was  probably  3Vilasoii'«  brothoi's  son,  sometimes  called 
Tbsi,  who,  if  the  same,  was  also  at  the  destroying  of  Claitea  garrison. 
Yet  the  wily  chicfr  eluded  the  vigilance  of  Captain  dflsMW,  by  flying  from 
tl:,.it  regies  into  the  Nipmuks'  country,  where  they  joined  PhUm, 

To  cueouragn  greater  exertion  on  die  part  of  tho  friendly  Indians,  to 
easoute  their  oommissiony  it  wsB  ordered,  that  in  case  they  captured  and 
biMigbt  in  either  3\itosoii  or  P«n«cJkuon,  "they  may  expect  for  their 
rewnd,  for  each  of  them  four  coats,  and  a  coat  ^liece  for  every  other 
Indian  that  shall  prove  inerehantabie.'' 

We  have  mentioned  fai  a  former  cbaMet  the  hatni  catastrophe  of 
Captain  Feirat  and  bM  men  at  Pawtueket  Captain  vftnov  escaped  that 
dreadful  slaughter.  He  fought  there  vrith  90  or  his  warriors,  and  when 
Captain  Pctrse  vras  shot  down  by  a  ball,  which  wounded  him  in  the 
thigh,  he  stood  by  his  side,  and  defonded  him  as  long  as  there  wss  a 
gleam  of  hope.  At  lengtli,  soeing  nearly  all  his  frieiras  slain,  by  great 
presence  of  mind  he  made  his  escape,  by  the  following  subtle  stratagem : — 

A/bntmlmao'*  warriors  bad  blackened  their  Akss,  which  Captain  Amoa 
had  observed,  and  by  means  of  powder  contrived  to  discolor  his  own 
unobserved  by  them.  When  be  had  done  this,  he  managed,  by  a  dexterous 
manoBUver,  to  pass  among  the  enemy  fbr  one  of  them,  and  by  these 
means  escaped. 

What  were  Captain  Amoa'a  other  acts  in  this  war,  if  any,  we  have  not 
learned ;  nor  do  we  meet  again  with  him  until  1689.  In  that  year,  he 
went  with  Col.  Ckuvch  against  the  eastern  Indians  and  French,  in  which 
expedition  he  also  had  the  command  of  a  company.  Church  arrived 
with  his  forces  in  Sept.  at  Casco,  now  Pordand,  and,  having  landed  se- 
credy  under  cover  of^the  night,  surprised,  on  the  following  morning,  about 
four  hundred  Indians,  who  had  come  to  destroy  the  place.  Although  the 
Indians  did  not  receive  much  dama^,  yet,  €rov.  SuUivan  says,* 'the  whole 
eastern  country  was  saved  by  the  timely  arrival  of  this  expedition.  In 
the  fight  at  Casco,  eight  of  the  English  were  killed  and  many  wounded. 
Two  of  Captain  Amoa^a  men  were  badly  wounded,  and  Sam  Moaesy 
another  fiiendly  Indian,  was  killed.    There  was  another  Indian  com- 

*  Hill.  District  of  Maine,  108. 


whose 


( 

k 


Cbaf.  VI.] 


KATTENANIT. 


pany  in  this  otpedition,  csmnwndiid  by  Capuun  Damd,  out  cf  which  om 
man  wa»  killed,  who  was  of  Yarmouth  on  Cape  Cod.* 

Lightfbot,  of  the  tribe  of  the  Sogkonoiea,  distioguiabeu  in  PkSir't  war, 
WON  alao  in  the  service  under  Chwch  at  Caaco ;  a  memorable  expedition, 
on  more  than  one  account.  One  circumatance  we  will  mme,  as  it  well 
uigh  proved  the  ruin  of  the  undertaklre.  When,  on  the  following  room- 
ings aifler  the  arrival  of  the  forces,  the  attack  was  begun,  it  was,  to  the  in- 
expressible surprise  of  the  English,  found,  that  the  bullets  were  much 
laqfer  than  the  calibre  of  their  guns.  This  was  a  most  extraordinary  and 
unaccountable  occurrence,  and  great  blame  was  charseable  somewhere. 
In  this  wretched  dilemma,  the  fight  having  already  negun,  Ckwrck  set 
some  at  work  making  the  bullets  into  slugs,  by  which  resort  he  was  able 
to  continue  the  fight  It  being  high  water  at  the  time,  an  estuary  sepa- 
rated the  betde-ground  from  the  town.  The  buUetb  were  to  be  carriea  *o 
the  army  engaged,  in  buckets,  aAer  being  hammered.  When  the  first 
recruit  of  slugs  was  made  up.  Col.  Chunk  ran  with  it  to  t„.  water's  edge, 
and,  not  caring  to  venture  himself  to  wade  across,  called  to  those  on  Uie 
other  side  to  send  some  one  to  take  it  over  to  the  army.  None  appeared 
but  LjghffooL  This  Indian  dexterously  repassed  the  estuary,  witli  a  quan- 
tity ofpowder  upon  bis  head,  and  a  "  ketUe"  of  bullets  in  each  hand,  and 
thus  the  fight  was  maintuoed,  and  the  enemy  put  to  flight.  In  PhU^» 
war,  Lightfm^t  exploits  were  doubtless  very  numerous,  but  fe\/  of  thein 
have  come  down  to  us.  He  volunteered  to  fight  for  the  English,  at 
.SuHtahonka^a  great  dance  at  Buzzard's  Bay,  alreaidy  mentioned.  When 
LUtU'Ctfea  was  taken  at  Cushnet,  in  1676,  LAghtfoot  was  sent  witli  liim  tr 
what  is  now  called  Palmer'a  Idand,  near  the  mouth  of  Cushnet  Kiver, 
where  he  held  him  in  guard,  until  he  could  be  safely  conducted  to  Pli- 
mouth.  About  the  time  Akkampom  was  killed,  and  Plulip'a  wife  and 
son  wert  taken.  Church  gave  him  a  captain's  commission,  alter  which  he 
made  several  successful  expeditions. — We  now  pass  to  characters  hitherto 
less  known,  thougli,  perhaps,  of  more  inteiest. 

Very  little  wos  Known  or  certain  important  characters  among  the  friend- 
ly Indians  of  Massachusetts,  which  should  have  by  no  means  been  over- 
looked, until  the  discovery  of  Mr.  Gookin'a  manuscript  history  of  tb« 
praying  Indians,  not  long  since,  and  to  which  we  have  often  referred 
already.  We  shall,  therefore,  devote  the  remainder  of  the  present  chapr 
ter  to  their  history. 

Job  Kattenanit  seems  first  to  demand  attention.  He  was  a  Christian 
Indian,  and  lived  soiue  time  at  Natick,  but  was  at  one  time  a  preacher  at 
Magunkog,  and  belonged  origmaUy,  we  believe,  to  Haseanamesit.  How- 
ever that  may  have  been,  it  is  certain  he  lived  there  in  the  beginning  of 
PkUip'a  war,  when  that  chief's  men  made  a  descent  upon  the  |)lace,  witli 
the  intention  of  carrying  away  those  Christian  Indians  prisonei-s.  Job 
made  his  escape  from  them  at  this  time,  and  came  in  to  the  English  at 
Mendon.  He  had  still  three  children  in  the  enemy's  hands,  and  lie  was 
willing  to  run  any  venture  to  release  them.  He  therefore  applied  for 
and  obtained  a  pass,  assuring  him  safety,  provided  that,  in  his  return,  he 
should  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  English  scouts.  Besides  lil)erating  his 
children,  considerable  hopes  were  entertained,  that  be  might  be  enabled 
to  furnish  information  of  the  enemy.  It  unfortunately  happened,  that, 
before  he  had  passed  the  frontier,  he  fell  in  with  some  English  soldierR, 
who  treated  him  as  a  prisoner,  and  an  enemy,  even  taking  from  him  his 
clothes  and  gun,  P^ni        ■■  • 

satisfy  the  cJamoi' 
signed  him  to  the  uon 


ne  him  to  the  governor  at  Boston  ;  "  who,  more  to 
•"  ''ly  people  than  for  any  offence  committed,'' as- 
;ion  jail,  where  he  suffered  exceedingly ;  himself 


*  MS.  leUcr  of  Capl.  Batttt  at  Um  espediliou. 


■.x..,». 


KATTENANIT. 


[Boon  m. 


Cnxr.  VI 


end  inuiy  others  lieing  crowded  into  a  narrow  and  filthy  place.  Aftei 
about  three  weeks,  he  was  taken  out  and  sent  to  Deer  Island.  The  clamora 
of  the  people  were  indeed  high  at  this  time,  and  many  accused  Major 
Oookiny  who  gave  him  the  pass,  as  guilty  of  fiimishing  the  enemy  with 
intelligence.  . 

AAer  the  Ndiraganset  fight,  19  December,  1675,  the  Ehiglish  were  very 
anxious  to  gsin  information  relative  to  the  position  of  the  enemy,  and 
accordingly  viistnicted  Major  Oookin  to  use  his  endeavors  to  employ  some 
flriendly  Indian  spies ;  who,  aiier  considerable  negotiation  among  those 
at  Deer  Island,  engaged  Job  acain,  and  Jama  ^uamuuokU.  alias  Quona- 
paug.  Their  reward  was  to  lie  fme  pounds  apiece!  They  departed 
upon  this  service  before  day,  the  90th  of  December,  and,  during  their 
iniaaion,  behaved  with  great  prudence,  and  brought  valuable  information 
to  the  En^ish  on  their  return ;  but  which,  from  intestine  bickerings 
among  the  English,  turned  to  small  account 

Jamea  On(mfuq>^hU  returned  34th  of  Jan.  following,  nearly  worn  out 
and  famished ;  ha\  ing  travelled  about  80  miles  in  that  cold  season,  upon 
snow-shoes,  the  snow,  being  very  deep.  The  informadon  whic!;  he  ^ve 
wns  Mrriuen  down  by  Major  Cfookin.*  Among  other  matters,  he  £i*ated 
that  the  enemy  had  tnknn  up  their  quarters  in  ^iflferent  places,  probably 
near  Scattncook ;  and  many  others,  including  the  Nipmuks,  about  Menu- 
inesse.  The  Narragansets  had  not  yet  joined  PkUtp  openly,  but  while 
Jamea  and  Job  were  among  the  Nipmuks,  messengers  arrived  from  Nar- 
raganset  which  gave  them  much  jo^,  for  they  expressed  an  ardent  desire 
to  join  them  andPhUip  in  prosecuting  the  war.  They  said  their  loss  in 
the  great  swamp  fight  was  small.  In  three  weeks,  Jamea  learned,  they 
woiud  assault  uincaster,  which  accordinffly  came  to  pass,  upon  the  vei^ 
day  which  he  said  they  intended  it    He  Teamed  and  thus  divulged  their 

Elans  to  a  great  extent  A  circumstance  now  oceiirred,  whicii  obliged 
im  to  make  his  escape,  which  was  this :  He  found  a  mend  and  pro- 
tector in  J(fauto»u>,f  one  of  the  Nipmuk  chiefs,  who,  it  seems,  intended 
shortly  to  visit  Philip ;  and  insisted  that  QitonnopoAtt  should  accompany 
him,  and  it  was  with  no  small  difiiculty  he  was  able  to  elude  the  vieilant 
«ye  of  Jlfau^amp,  and  make  his  escape,  which,  however,  was  eflfectedon'y 
by  a  cunning  stratagem,  as  follows : — He  told  Mautamp  that  ho  had  foug  tit 
afainst  Philip  in  the  commencement  of  the  war,  and  that  Philip  knew 
him,  and  that,  unless  he  could  go  to  him  with  some  important  trophy, 
PkUip  would  not  believe  him,  and  would  immediately  kill  him.  And 
moreover  TukapewMin  had  priviitely  to!d  hitn  that  Philip  had  ^iven  out 
word  that  certain  praying  Indians  sho'Jd  be  sought  after,  and,  it  possible, 
seized  and  brought  to  him ;  for  lie  wanted  to  put  them  to  death  in  a 
cruel  manner,  with  his  own  hands,  and  that  he  was  one  of  them.  He 
therefore  told  Maxdamp  that  he  would  go,  in  the  first  place,  and  kill  some 
English,  and  take  their  heads  along  with  him,  and  then  he  should  con- 
nder  himself  safe.  This  being  consented  to,  he  lost  no  time  in  retracing 
Ills  steps  to  the  frontiers  of  the  English. 

He  mentions  Monaco,  or  One-eyed-john,  as  a  great  captain  among  the 
enemy,  who  also  treated  him  kindly,  and  entertained  him  in  his  wigwam 
during  his  stay  there ;  they  being  old  acquaintance,  having  served  to- 
gether in  thfir  wars  against  the  Mohawks,  ten  years  before^ 

And  here  also  Mr.  Chokin  gives  a  favorable  account  of  JIfonoco.  PhUip 
had  ordered  that  the  persons  above  named  should  be  brought  to  him,  if 

*  The  same  published  in  Col.  Matt.  Hitt.  Soc.  1.  vi.  205—208. 
t  The  same,  probably,  called  Netaump,  who  was  aAcrwards  executed  at  Boston,  at 
•he  same  time  wilh  8agamore-iam.    See  Hubbard,  35. 
X  Of  (hii  war  we  have  given  an  account  in  b,  2.  e.  iii 


ini 


'?• 


iUooK  nr. 

pace.  Aftei 
he  clamors 
isetl  Major 
■neiny  with 

were  v^ry 

nemy,  and 

nploy  some 

nonr^  those 

departed 

liring  their 

nfbrmation 

bickerings 

worn  out 
■son,  upon 
;h  he  ^ve 
I,  he  ii'ated 
B,  probably 
out  Menu- 
but  while 
from  Nar- 
lent  desire 
eir  loss  in 
imed,  they 
fi  the  very 
ilged  their 
ph  obliged 
and  pro- 
I,  intended 
ccompany 
le  viffilant 
ected  on'y 
lad  fougtit 
Uip  knew 
«  trophy, 
im.    And 
(jiven  out 
i  possible, 
;ath  in  a 
lem.    He 
kill  some 
>uld  cou- 
retracing 

long  the 
wigwam 
Tved  to- 

PhUip 
'  him,  if 


Qoston^at 


Cn\r.  VI.] 


kattenaKit. 


85 


taken  alive,  **tliat  he  might  put  thnm  to  aonM  tormenting  death,  tvUcA 
had  hUkeHo  been  prevented  by  the  care  and  kindneaa  of  a  great  captain 
among  them,  named  JoAn-tMA-one-cye,  bek>nging  to  Nashua,*  who  had 
civilly  treated  and  protected  /BMet,  and  entertained  him  at  hia  wigwam, 
all  the  time  of  his  being  tliere.''t 

M  waa  reaueated  to  come  away  with  QiMini^|ioM,  but  aaw  no  way  of 
getting  away  bis  chiMren,  which  was  a  main  ob|eet  with  him.  He  knew, 
too,  (hat  Jeune9  could  ^ve  ail  the  information  they  both  possessed  at  that 
period,  and  not  considering  himself  in  imminent  danger,  preferred  to 
tarry  longer. 

At  Wanexit,  or  Manezit,  they  fell  in  with  seven  Indians,  who  took  them 
and  conveyed  them  about  twenty  miles,  across  the  path  leading  to  Con- 
necticut, northward  from  Quabnog.  These  were  some  of  the  Quahmsits 
and  Seguneaits.  At  this  piac4  were  three  towns  which  contained  about 
300  warriors  well  armed.  Here  they  were  threatened  with  death,  their 
mission  being  truly  guessed.  But  going  to  the  wigwam  of  Ome-eyed-jokn, 
or  Monaco,  he  char|^  bis  gun  and  s|iid, "  I  will  kill  whomsoever  shall 
kill  fiwaumihH"^  Some  said  he  had  killed  one  of  PhUip*t  counsellors 
ut  Mount  Hope,  and  Philip  had  hired  some  to  kill  him ;  also  Jamea  Speen, 
.'^-.Jrew  Ftfimy,  Captain  nunttr,  Tkonuu  ^uaiuqtMt,  and  PeUr  Epkraim. 
On  being  ordered  to  visit  PhUip,  '*Job  and  he  pretended  to  go  out  a  hunt- 
ing, killed  three  dear  quickly,  and  perceiving  they  were  dogged  by  some 
other  Indians,  went  over  a  pond  and  lay  in  a  swamp  till  berore  day,  and 
when  tliey  had  prayed  together  he  ran  away.**  JtA  was  to  return  to  the 
enemy,  and  tell  them  that  James  ran  away  liecause  thev  had  threatened  to 
kill  him.  Job,  not  being  particularly  obnoxrous  to  them,  concluded  to 
remain  k>nger  for  the  end  of  ransoming  his  children,  as  we  have  said. 

He  returned  to  the  Ebiglisb  in  the  night  of  the  9th  of  Februaiy,  and 
said,  as  Jama  had  before,  that  on  the  next  day  Lancaster  would  be  at- 
tacked, for  ho  knew  about  four  hundred  of  Jie  enemy  were  already  on 
their  march.    It  resulted  as  James  had  foretoM. 

He  fiirtber  informed  the  English,  that  the  enemy  would  shortly  attack 
Medfield,  Oroton,  Marlborough,  and  other  places,  and  that  the  Narragan- 
seui  had  joined  PAtltp  and  the  Nipmuks. 

While  Jamu  was  there,  "a  Narraganset  brought  to  them  one  Engluh 
head:  they  shot  at  him,  and  sakl  the  Narragansets  were  the  English 
friends  all  last  summer.  AAerwards  two  messengers  came  with  twelve 
head&  craving  their  asnstance,  they  then  accepted  th(>'m."§ 

Before  he  left  tlio  enemy,  he  appointed  a  place  of  safety  for  bis  children, 
and  sundry  others  of  his  friends,  captured  at  Haesanameeit,  where  he 
would  aAerwards  meet  and  conduct  them  to  the  English.  He  therefore 
petitioned  the  council  for  liberty  to  meet  them,  which  was  granted.  But  he 
aovf  had  new  difficulties  to  encounter,  owing  to  "  the  rude  temuer  of  those 
times,"  as  one  of  the  wise  men  of  that  age  expressed  itj  Although  both 
these  men  had  acquitted  themselves  to  the  entire  satisraction  of  the  au- 
thorities who  sent  them  forth,  yet  the  populace  accused  them  of  giving 
information  to  the  enemy,  and  that  they  were  secretly  their  advisers,  or 
else  they  had  not  returned  in  safety ;  to  appease  which  they  were  con- 
fined af^in  to  the  island.  This  so  interfered  with  the  time  set  by  Job  to 
meet  his  children  and  friends,  that  great  suiferings  ensued  to  them,  as 
well  as  to  himself;  and  he  knew  not  that  ever  he  should  have  an  oppor- 
tunity to  see  his  children  again.  But  it  much  sooner  happened,  no  doubt, 
than  be  expected,  although  in  an  indirect  way.    Aliout  the  time  he  was 

•  Called  Mgamore  of  Nashua,  in  the  Cotton  Mamucriptt. 

t  Hiit.  Prayiof  Indians.  t  Cotton  ManuscripU.  9  Ibid 

i  Mi^or  Dcmul  Oookiit,  who  was  ai  l«asl  a  hundred  yean  in  advance  cf  that  age.    ^ 


KArrENANIT. 


[Boos  m. 


neut  to  Uie  iuland,  a  vote  poaaed  in  the  general  court  of  MaaBacbuaetti,  to 
ralio  (in  army  of  six  liunJred  iiieii,  and  Major  Thomtu  Savagt  was  ap- 
plietl  to,  to  conduct  them  in  the  war.  He  refused,  nnleas  he  could  have 
iNinie  of  the  friendly  Indiana  from  ..lie  island  for  assistants.  On  a  messen- 
ger being  sent  among  them,  six  of  their  principal  and  bravest  men  vol- 
imtecre<l  in  that  service,  among  whom  was  Job  KaUmanit,  The  army 
marched  aboui  the  first  of  March,  1675, 0.  S.  But  when  at  Marlborough, 
Job  got  liberty  of  Major  Smage  and  Major-general  Henmson,  to  attempt 
the  finding  of  his  fl:ie.-;ds  and  children,  whom  he  bad  aimointed  to  meet 
Dcar  Haasanamesit.  When  it  was  known  to  Captain  Moady^  he  be- 
liaved  biinaelf  very  unbecoming  towards  the  commanding  officer,  and 
iioihing  but  bis  popularity  with  the  army  saved  his  reputation.  Indeed, 
ills  conduct  seems  quite  as  reprehensible  as  that  of  a  more  modern  In- 
dian hunter  in  the  Floridas,  which  all  friends  of  humanity  joined  to  con- 
demn. JMofdy,  it  appears,  would  place  no  confidence  in  any  Indian,  and 
doubtless  thought  he  was  acting  for  the  best  interests  of  the  country. 
Ho  urged  that  it  was  a  most  impolitic  measure  to  suffer  any  Indian  to  go 
away  at  this  time,  knowing  their  natural  treacherousness ;  and  he  doubted 
not  but  Job  (although  a  tried  friend)  would  i^ifbrm  the  enemy  of  the  ap- 
proach of  the  army,  which  would  frustrate  all  their  designs.  The  grc»t 
(iscendency  which  this  officer  held  in  the  nr;ny  can  best  be  understood 
by  u  simple  statement  of  the  fact,  that  Major  Savage  and  General  Dtmn- 
son  were  obliged  to  send  after  Job  before  the  soldiery  would  cease  their 
clamors.  Captain  Wadncorth  and  Captain  SyU,  acconinanied  by  Jamts 
^uannapoUU,  went  in  pursuit  with  the  utmost  speed.  But  they  did  not 
o'rertak's  him,  and  he  soon  returned  to  the  army  without  finding  his 
flvends ;  they,  from  fear  of  discovery,  having  changed  their  place,  the 
tim?  Laving  been  much  longer  than  was  set,  and  Uieir  conseouent  Suiier- 
iogs  were  indescribable. 

We  shall  only  add  here  concerning  them,  that  they  afterwards  MX  into 
the  hands  of  a  party  of  English,  who  treated  them  very  ill,  taking  every 
thing  from  them.  But  when  they  were  brought  to  Major  Savagtf  he 
treated  them  kindly,  and  had  them  sent  to  Boston,  all  except  four,  who 
ran  away  from  Marlborough,  where  they  stopped  for  tlie  night,  from  the 
fear  of  being  murdered,  some  of  the  people  so  abused  them.  About  two 
months  after  that,  they  were  found  and  brought  in  by  JVepone^  Finally, 
Job  recovered  all  his  children,  and,  marrying  again,  lived  very  hnppily. 
His  wife  was  or^e  of  those  which  he  had  managed  to  deliver  out  of  the 
hands  of  the  enemy  at  such  hazard  and  pains.  She  had,  during  their 
wanderings,  nursed  and  kept  alive  his  children,  one,  especially,  which  was 
very  yo«:iig. 

Wnen  the  Hassanamesits  went  off  with  the  enemy,  James  Ouannapohit 
was  in  the  neighborhood  with  the  English  forces.  Captain  ^U  sent  out 
a  scout,  and  Jamea  and  Elvxr  Pegin  accompanied.  Seven  of  the  enemy 
were  soon  discovered,  one  of  whom  was  leading  an  English  prisoner. 
They  discovered  the  English  scout,  and  fled.  James  and  Elher  pursued 
them,  and  reoov  ored  the  prisoner,  whose  name  was  Christopher  Muchin, 
who  had  been  taken  from  Marlborough.  James  also  took  one  of  the 
enemy'8guns.j 

The  English  having,  by  moans  of  spies,  as  in  the  preceding  life  we 
have  just  stated,  learned  the  state  of  feeling  among  their  enemies,  felt 
themselves  prepared,  as  the  spring  of  1676  advanced,  to  make  overtures 
to  them  for  peace,  or  exchange  of  prisoners,  or  both,  as  they  might  be 
found  inclined. 

*  It  may  be  a  question  with  some  whether  the  captain  meant,  io  the  original  dor.umeaV: 
wcro  Motety,  but  I  think  I  conjecture  rightly, 
t  Oookin'i  MS.  Hilt.  Christian  Indians. 


niiAP.  VI. 

Tom 
although 
in  Bostor 
to  meet 
benefit,' 

for  tne 
which  w 
fVom  the 
Ukemya 
voiih  aii 
and  we 
hnndred 
cattle  as 
At  the 
words  V 
child  is 


«:ilAP.  VI.] 


NEPANET. 


87 


T\m  N^epanii  ww  fixed  bpon  as  plenipotontianr  in  thia  fauaimss.  And, 
althoujfh  unjustly  Buffering  with  many  of  his  brethren  upon  a  Ueak  island 
in  Boston  harlmr,  consented,  at  the  imminent  risk  of  nia  Ufb,  to  proceed 
to  meet  the  Indians  in  the  western  wilderness,  in  the  aenrice,  and  for  the 
benefit,  of  those  who  had  caused  his  sufferings. 

fi^anet  set  ou^  April  the  12th,  1676,  to  make  overtures  to  the  enemy 
for  the  release  of  prisoners,  especially  the  family  of  Mr.  JtMrfondlnm, 
which  was  taken  at  Lancaster.  He  soon  returned  with  a  written  answer 
fVom  the  enemy,  saying,  "  Wt  no  givt  anneer  by  fhU  one  imm,  bid  {fytm 
like  my  annetr  and  oru  more  manbeside$  Out  one  Tom  Nepanet,  ana  tend 
with  aU  true  heart  and  with  all  y<mr  mind  by  turn  nicn ;  btcauae  you  know 
and  wf  know  your  heart  great  torrowjid  with  crying  for  your  lofl  manumany 
hundred  man  cmd  aU  your  house  and  all  your  kmd  and  iMmon  cmld  and 
cattle  as  all  your  thing  that  you  have  lost." 

At  the  same  time,  and  I  conclude  in  the  same  letter,  they  wrote  a  few 
words  to  others  as  follows:  "JIfr.  Rowlandson,  j^ovr  wUe  and  all  your 
child  is  well  but  one  dye.  Your  sister  is  well  and  her  3  child, — John  Kittell, 
your  wife  and  all  your  child  is  all  v>ell,  and  all  them  prisotier^  taken  ot  Muh- 

iiais  all  wtU. 

Mr,  Rowlandson,  se  your  loving  sister  his  hand    L     Hanah. 

,^nd  old  Kettel  wifhis  hand  X 

Bntlur  Rowlandson,  pray  send  thre  pound  of  T\)bacco  for  me,  tfyou  can 

my  loving  husband  pray  smd  thre  pound  of  tobiacto  for  me. 

"  This  writing  by  wur  enemt'e^ — Samuel  U.skaituligun  and  Gunrasbit, 
two  Indian  sagamoresr* 

Mrs.  Rowlandson,  in  her  account  of  *'  The  Sixteenth  Remove,"  relates, 
that  when  they  had  waded  over  Baquaugf  River,  "  Quickly  there  came 
up  to  MS  an  Indian  who  informed  them  tnat  I  timst  go  to  Wachuset  to 
my  master,  for  there  was  a  letter  come  from  the  council  to  the  saggamores 
about  redeeininK  the  captives,  and  that  there  would  bo  nnother  'm  14  days, 
and  that  I  must  be  there  ready .**{  This  was  doubtless  after  tho  letter  just 
recorded  had  been  sent  to  the  English.  "About  two  dajs  after,"  Mrs.  R. 
continues,  "came  a  company  of  Indians  to  us,  near  30,  all  on  horseback. 
My  heart  skipt  within  me,  thinking  they  had  been  Enj;1ishmen,'at  the 
first  sight  of  them :  For  they  were  dressed  in  English  apparel,  with  hats, 
white  neck-cloths,  and  sashes  about  their  waists,  and  riobons  upon  their 
shoulders.  But  when  they  came  near,  there  was  a  vast  difference  between 
the  lovely  faces  of  Christians,  and  the  foul  looks  of  those  heathen,  which 
much  damped  my  spirits  again.'*§ 

Having,  aflei'great  distress,  arrived  at  Wachuset,  our  authoress  adds, 
"Then  came  7&m  and  Peter  with  the  second  letter  from  the  council, 
about  the  captives."  "  I  asked  them  how  my  husband  did,  and  all  my 
friends  and  acquuntance.  They  said  they  were  well,  but  very  melan- 
choly." They  brought  her  two  biscuits  and  a  pound  of  tobacco.  The 
tobacco  she  gave  to  the  "Indians,  and,  when  it  was  all  gone,  one  threatened 
her  because  she  had  n-j  more  to  give ;  probably  not  believing  her.  She 
told  him  when  her  husband  caipc,  she  would  give  him  <H>me.  "  Hang 
him,  rogue,  says  he,  I  will  knock  out  his  brains,  if  he  comes  here. 
"  Again,  at  the  same  breath,  they  would  say,  if  there  should  come  an 
hundred  without  guns  they  would  do  them  no  hurt.  So  unstable  and 
like  madmen  they  were."||  There  had  been  something  talked  about  Mr. 
Rowlandson^s  gomg  himself  to  ransom  his  wife,  but  she  says  she  dared 


*  PtUr-jtthro,  a  Christian  Indian,  acted  as  scribe  upon  this  occasion, 
t  Or  PayquaM,  now  Miller's  River.    lU  onfluer.ce  wilh  the  Connecticut  is  between 
Northficid  and  Montague. 
X  Narrative  of  her  Captivity,  59.  $  Ibid.  60.  ||  Ibid.  64,  &^. 


NfiPANET. 


(BOOE  III. 


1-    i. 


uot  wiKi  fur  lijin, "  fur  Uiero  waa  Utile  mere  tniat  to  tbein  than  to  the  mas- 
ter tliey  served."* 

Ntpand  lesriib.!  by  the  enemy  tbnt  they  lost  io  the  ficbt  when  CapL 
Pitr$t  wa«  killed,  '^srorea  of  tlieir  iiii!ii  that  sabbath  day.^f 

Ah  ih«;y  refti!ie<i  to  treat  with  Tom  ^fepantt  alone,  ruv  CtmHUf  waa 
joined  with  him  on  a  second  uxpeditiou,  us  wo  have  seen,  which  ted  to 
Hoveral  others,  to  which  some  English  ventured  to  add  themselvea,  which 
resulted  iu  tlie  redemptiou  of  Mrs.  Rovriandton  and  several  others. 

"  When  tlie  letter  was  come,  (says  Mrs.  A,)  the  saggamorea  noet  to 
consult  altout  the  captives,  and  called  nie  to  them,  to  inquire  how  much 
my  husband  would  give  to  redeem  me:  When  I  cume  and  aat  down  among 
them,  as  I  was  wont  to  do,  os  their  manner  is :  Then  they  bid  me  stand 
up,  ani  ioid  tky  utre  the  gentral  court.  They  bid  me  speak  what  I 
thought  he  woul'l  give.  Now  knowing  that  all  that  we  had  was  destroy- 
ed by  tliu  Indi'kns,  I  was  in  a  great  stniit."{  She  ventured,  however,  to 
say  £90,  and  'Ihin  and  Petei^  bore  the  offer  to  Boston. 

Of*tliuir  rr.tum  the  same  writer  proceeds :  "  On  a  sabbath  day,  the  sun 
being  aboiir  un  hour  high  in  the  afternoon,  came  Mr.  John  Hoar,  (the 
council  permitting  him,  and  his  own  forwaixl  spirit  inclining  him,)  to- 
gether with  the  two  fore-mentioned  Indians,  7\»n  and  Peter,  with  the 
third  letter  from  the  council.  When  they  came  near,  I  was  abroad;  they 
preavtitly  culled  me  in,  and  bid  me  sit  down,  and  not  stir.  Then  they 
catclied  (;p  their  gmis  and  nway  tliey  ran,  as  if  an  enemy  hod  been  at 
han4l,  and  the  gunti  wont  off  apace.  I  manifested  some  great  trouble, 
and  asked  them  what  was  the  matter.  I  told  them  I  tliought  they  had 
killed  the  Englishman ;  (for  they  hod  in  the  mean  time  told  me  that  an 
Enfflishman  had  come ;)  they  said,  JVb,  they  shot  over  hit  hor$e,  and  under, 
ana  btfore  hit  horn,  and  thejf  ptuhed  kim  this  umf  and  that  tsogf,  at  their 
pltaawe,  showino  him  what  tAet  coolo  do.''§ 

They  would  not  at  first  suffer  her  to  see  Mr.  Hoar,  but  when  they  bad 
gratified  their  tantalizing  whim  sufficiently,  she  was  permitted  to  see 
him.  He  brought  her  a  pound  of  tobacco,  which  the  told  for  nine  thU- 
lingt.  "  The  next  morning,  Mr.  Ho€w  invited  the  saggamorea  to  dinner ; 
but  when  we  went  to  set  it  ready,  we  found  they  had  stolen  the  greatest 
part  of  the  provisions  Mr.  Hoar  had  brought  And  we  may  see  the  won- 
derful power  of  God,  in  that  one  passage,  in  that,  when  there  wos  such  a 
number  of  them  together,  and  so  greedv  of  a  little  good  food,  and  no 
English  there  but  Mr.  Hocw  and  myself,  that  there  they  did  not  knock  us 
on  the  head,  and  take  what  we  had ;  there  being  not  only  some  provision, 
but  also  trading  cloth,  a  part  of  the  20  pounds  agreed  upon :  But  instead 
of  doing  us  any  mischief,  they  seemed  to  be  ashamed  of  the  fact,  and 
said  it  was  the  nudehit  [bad]  Indians  that  did  it."]) 

It  is  now  certain  that  this  ne(|otiation  was  the  immediate  cause  of  their 
final  overthrow.  For  before  this  time  the  Pokanokelp  and  Narragansets 
went  hand  in  hand  o^inst  their  common  cukjmy,  and  they  were  the  most 
powerful  tribes.  This  parleying  wiih  the  English  was  so  detestable  to 
PAilu),  that  a  separation  took  place  among  these  tribes  in  consequence, 
and  tie  and  the  Narragansets  separated  themselves  from  the  Nipmuks, 
and  other  inland  tribes,  and  went  off  to  their  own  country.  This  was 
the  reason  they  were  so  easily  subdued  after  this  took  place. 

It  was  through  JVepaneft  means  tliat  a  party  of  English,  under  Cnpt 
Henchman,  were  enabled  to  surprise  a  body  of  his  countrymen  at  Wesha- 
komf  Ponds  near  Lancaster,  in  May,  1676.    Following  in  a  track  pointed 


*  Narrative,  64,  €5.  t  Manuscripts  ol'  Kev.  /.  Cotton. 

\  Narrative.  U  tnpra,  68.  $  Ibid.  71 ,  72.  ||  ibid.  72,  7.1. 

%  Rogtr  WiUiamt  tetj  down  tea  as  the  definition  of  Wechiaim. 


Cmap.  VI.l 


Ql'AXAPOIIIT. 


out  by  ^/'epanH,  the  Indiuit  were  fnllen  upon  while  flehiiif.  Hid,  beinc 
entirely  unprepared,  seven  were  killed,  and  99  taken,  chkfly  women  and 
children. 

PeUf'epkraim  and  .^ndrtv-piNrnt  were  abo  two  other  conatderably  dia- 
tinffiiifliiea  Nipniuk  Indiana.  Tne^  rendered  miieh  service  to  the  Rngiish 
in  Pkitin'a  war.  They  went  out  in  January,  1676,  and  brought  in  many 
of  the  Ninneti*,  who  had  endeavored  to  aheher  themaelvea  under  Untan. 
Uut,  Mr.  HuUtttrd  observes,  that  Utuoi,  havins  "shahbed"  them  ofl*,  **they 
were,  in  the  beginning  of  the  winter,  [1676,]  brought  in  to  Boston,  many 
of  them,  by  Pettr-epkraim  and  .Andnw-pUvm."  Ephrmm  commanded 
an  Indian  company,  and  had  a  commiwion  flrom  govnmment.  The  news 
that  many  of  the  enemy  were  doing  mischief  amut  Rehoboth  caused  a 
party  of  English  of  Medfield  to  inarch  out  to  their  relief  :£pArm'in  went 
with  thein,  with  his  company,  which  consisted  of  99.  The  snow  bein;; 
deep,  the  English  soon  grew  discouraged,  and  returned,  hut  Capt.  Efhraim 
continued  the  march,  and  came  upon  a  body  of  them,  enciunped,  in  the 
night.  Early  the  next  morning,  he  successfiilly  surrounded  them,  and 
offered  tliem  quarter.  "  Eight  resolute  fellows  refused^  who  were  pretf 
cntly  shot :"  tlie  others  vielaed,  and  were  brought  in,  bemf  in  number  49. 
Other  minor  exploits  of  this  Indian  captain  are  recorded. 

'Hionuu  ^uaiumikii,  called  also  Rvmney-manhj  was  a  brother  otJitmu, 
and  was  also  a  Curixtian  Indian.  In  the  beginning  of  hostilities  against 
PhQip,  M^jor  Cfooittn  received  ordere  to  raise  a  company  of  praying 
Indians  to  be  employed  against  him.  This  company  was  immediately 
raised,  and  consisted  of  53  men,  who  were  conducted  to  Mount  Hope  by 
Capt.  baac  Johnson.  QwtwgiMt  was  one  of  these.  The  officers  under 
whom  they  served  testified  to  their  credit  as  faithful  soldiers ;  yet  many 
of  the  army,  officers  and  men,  tried  all  in  their  power  to  bring  them  into 
disrepute  with  the  country.  Such  proceedings,  we  should  naturally  con- 
clude, would  tend  much  to  dishearten  those  friendly  Indians ;  but,  on  the 
contrary,  they  used  everv  exertion  to  win  the  aflectiona  of  their  oppressors. 
^uanapolat,  with  the  other  two,  received  fVom  government  a  reward  for 
the  scalps  which  they  brought  in.  Though  not  exactly  in  order,  yet  it 
must  be  mentioned,  that  when  TTumuu  was  out,  at  or  near  Swansey,  in 
the  beginning  of  the  war,  he  by  accident  had  one  of  hia  hands  shot  ofT. 
He  was  one  of  the  troopers,  and  carried  a  gun  of  remarkable  len^li. 
The  weather  being  excessively  hot,  his  horse  was  verv  uneasy,  bemg 
disturbed  by  flies,  and  struck  the  lock  of  the  gun  as  the  breech  rested 
upon  the  ground,  and  caused  it  to  go  off,  which  horribly  mangled  the 
hand  that  held  it ;  and,  notwithstanding  it  was  a  long  time  in  getting  well, 
yet  he  rendered  great  service  in  the  war  afterward.  The  account  of  one 
ognal  exploit,  having  been  preserved,  shall  here  be  related.  While  Capt 
mnckman  was  in  the  enemy's  countiy,  he  made  an  excursion  from  Has- 
sanamesit  to  Packachoog,  which  lies  about  ten  miles  north-west  from  it. 
Meeting  here  with  no  enemy,  he  marched  agun  for  Hassanamesit ;  and 
having  got  a  few  miles  on  his  way,  discovered  that  he  had  lost  a  tin  case, 
which  contained  his  commission,  and  other  instructions.  He  therefore 
despatched  Thomat  and  two  Englishmen  in  search  of  it  They  made  no 
discovery  of  the  lost  article  until  they  came  in  sight  of  an  old  wigwam  at 
Pachachoo^,  where,  to  their  no  small  surprise,  they  discovered  some  of 
the  enemy  in  possession  of  it  They  were  out  a  few  rods  from  them,  and 
being  so  few  in  number,  that  to  have  given  them  battle  would  have  been 
desperate  in  the  extreme,  as  neither  of  them  was  armed  fbr  such  an 
occasion ;  stratagem,  therefore,  could  only  save  them.  The  wigwam 
was  situated  upon  an  eminence ;  and  some  were  standing  in  the  door 
when  they  approached,  who  discovered  them  as  soon  as  they  came  in 
sight.  One  presented  his  gun,  but,  the  weather  being  stormy,  it  did  not 
8* 


'-*-- 


PASSACONAWAV 


(Bmi  m. 


go  off    At  ihi*  niomviit  our  chief,  looking  back,  called,  and  mide  many 

nm^m  though  he  were  di«|io«itig  of  a  large  force  to  enooiiipa«  tbeni. 
ia  niancBUvre  they  all  fled,  being  itix  in  number,  leaving  our  heroee 
to  punue  their  object.  Thua  their  proaervation  waa  due  lo  Oiiaiwi^oAtf ; 
■nd  ia  the  more  to  be  admired,  aa  they  were  in  ao  (kr  doaiTtute  of  the 
means  of  defence.  Capt  Quanapokit  bad  but  a  pistol,  and  one  of  hia 
men  a  gun  without  a  flint,  aud  the  other  no  gun  at  aiU* 


0B4V. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

0/the  huUans  in  Jfmt  Hatnpthire  and  Maine  jfreviotu  to  Iheir  wtri  with 
the  u^tUu—Donunimu  vthe  bathalm—Peruhts  in  tear — rAsiACORA- 
WAT — Ki  dominioni — Hii  lait  tpttch  to  hii  jttoipU — Hit  l}fe — Hit 
daughter  marrita  H^nnmurlut— Petitions  the  court  qf  Mauaehuiett$— 
Lands  aUotted  to  him — Erueliah  tend  a  fine  to  ditarm  him-^Their  feart 
9fhit  enmity  ut\founded — Thejf  teize  and  ill  treat  hit  ton — He  eteapet — 
Pattaeonaioay  deliveri  hit  armt,  and  moket  peace  wWi  the  Engtith — 
TVadilions  concerning — £rt/e  oTWannalancet — Hit  tituationin  Phil- 
ip'twar—Mettengera  and  leUera  tent  him  by  the  Englith-^Leavet  hit 
retidence — Hit  humanity — Fate  a/'Josiah  Nodel — H^nalaneet  returtit 
to  hit  country — Hit  landt  teized  tn  his  cdttenee — He  again  retires  into  the 
tnldemett — Motd^  detlroya  hit  village,  tfc. — Impritoned  for  debt — 
Favort  Christianity^^  tpeech—WtHASOwtiowir,  tachem  of  JVew 
Hampthire — ^Robinuooo — Hit  taitt  nf  land  tn  Maine — MoitquiNE — 
KiifNEais— AssiMiifAsqoA  —  Abbioadasbkt — Thtir  retideneet  and 
tales  qfland—iMelancholy/ate  qfCaoco%vjL. 

Bout  knowledge  of  the  Indiana  eastward  of  the  Massatihusetts  was 
very  early  obtained  by  Captain  John  Smith,  which,  however,  was  very 

Kneral ;  as  that  they  were  aivided  into  several  tribes,  each  of  which  had 
eir  own  sachem,  or,  as  these  more  northern  Indians  pronounced  that 
word,  aaehemo,  which  the  English  understood  sagamore ;  and  yet  all  the 
aachemos  acknowledged  subjection  to  one  still  greater,  which  they  called 
hatiuAa. 

Of  the  dominions  of  the  bashaba,  writers  differ  much  in  respect  to  their 
extent  Some  suppose  that  his  authority  did  not  extend  this  side  the 
Pascataqua,  but  it  is  evident  that  it  did,  irom  Captain  Snuth*s  accountf 
Wars  and  pestilence  had  greatly  wasted  the  eastern  Indians  but  a  short 
time  before  the  English  settled  in  the  country,  and  it  was  then  difficult  to 
determine  the  relation  the  tribes  had  stood  in  one  to  the  other.  As  to  the 
bashaba  of  Penobscot,  tradition  states  that  he  was  killed  by  the  Tarra- 
tines,  who  lived  still  farther  east,  in  a  war  which  was  at  its  heicht  m  1615. 

PassaeonauHxy  seems  to  have  been  a  bashaba.    He  livedf  upon  the 

*  Chokm's  MS.  Hitt.  Prayinr  Indiani. 
'  t  "  The  principal  habiUtUon*  I  taw  at  northward,  was  PenobMot,  who  are  in  wars 
with  the  Terentinei,  Iheir  next  northerly  nelrhbon.  Southerly  up  the  rivers,  and  alonj; 
the  coast,  we  found  Mecadacut,  Segocket,  Pemmaquid,  Nusconcas,  Sagadabock,  Sat- 
quin,  Aumaugheawien  and  Kenabeca.  To  those  belong  the  countries  and  people  of 
S(^tago,  Pauhunlanuek,  Poeopassum,  TauKbtanakanel.  Wabinanos,  Nassaque, 
Mashorosqueck,  Wawrigwiek,  Moshoqucn,  Waccogo,  Pashamoack,  &c.  To  those 
are  allied  m  confederaev,  the  countries  of  Aueocisco,  Accomintieus,  Passataquak,  Au- 
gawoam  and  Naemkeelc,  all  these,  fdr  any  thing  I  could  perceive,  differ  little  in  Ian- 
guase  or  any  thing ;  though  most  of  them  be  sagamos  and  lords  of  themselves,  yet  they 
hold  the  boshabes  of  Penobscot  the  chief  and  greatest  amongst  then."  3  Co).  ita*». 
HiiU  ate.  iii.  SI,  SI 


# 


(Hmi  in, 

Mkle  inanx 
ipaw  Uieni. 
our  berow 
)»a»apohiti 
\M»  of  the 
one  of  Ilia 


cmav.  vai 


PAMAOONAWAY. 


toar$  with 
'assacora- 

aehuietU— 
Their  f earn 
t  uemet — 
Engfith— 
m  in  Phil- 
Ltavu  hit 
neetreiuntt 
res  itdo  the 
for  debt— 
^  of  Mw 
pitqviifE — 
biCM    and 


luetu  was 
',  was  very 
which  had 
iDced  that 
l^et  all  the 
iioy  called 

>ct  to  their 
I  side  the 

accountf 
It  a  short 
lifficuh  to 

As  to  the 
he  Tarra- 
it  in  1615. 
upon  the 


re  in  wan 
I  nnd  alooj; 
ihock,  Sal- 
people  of 
Nasraque, 
To  those 
iquak,  Au- 
iltte  in  lao- 
»,  yet  iher 
Vol.  Mtui. 


Merriimek  River,  at  a  plaea  eaited  l*tmmkmk,  and  hia  doiiiiiiionik  ai  the 
period  of  the  BaglWi  ■etUemmii,  were  verv  extenMre,  evuii  over  ilie 
■aebema  living  upon  tlM  Paaeaiaque  and  its  bnnchea.  Tlie  Abenai|u«a 
inhabited  between  the  Paeeaiaaiu  and  Peoofaecot,  and  the  reMdence  of 
the  chief  nchem  was  upon  Indian  Maod.*  FhtaUen  and  Caniain  Stmdag 
were  early  known  aa  ebiefii  among  the  Abenaquei^  and  Sotmrndo  at  a 
later  period ;  but  of  theae  wr  shall  be  more  panieular  bereaAw :  the  Ant 
sachem  we  abould  notice  is  PuBtmnnmrag,  Ho  "lived  to  a  venr  fi«at 
age ;  for,"  save  my  manuacripl,  "  I  aavf  him  alive  at  Pawtueket,  wban  be 
was  about  a  bundrsd  and  twenty  yeaia  old.'H  Uefore  bia  desith,  he  de- 
livered the  MIowing  speech  to  hie  children  and  frienda:  **/«•  NMtgei^g 
Ms  MMy  ^aUJImkt  or  naibi  to  die,  and  nut  UkUji  to  $et  yom  met  mud  to- 
gdhtr  am  store.  /  isiU  note  leave  thi»  ward  of  ceimsal  tsilA  yeit,  Oud  yum 
menf  take  heod  horn  mu  qmrrtl  mtk  the  BnAiah,  fir  though  ym  mem  d» 
Mem mucA mi$ehitf,jjtt auwrtdhi y»u wUL  m  ht  dutroytd^ma  rootei^ 
tke  earth  j^ymt  do ;  for,  I  wot  as  wmeh  an  enemy  to  the  JBnglieh,  at  thmr 
frd  eoNiww  tnto  Mtese  jMrto,  a*  omf  on«  isAotooever,  and  didtnftdl  wagi  and 
mean$poitM»j  to  hate  dednyed  Aesi,  at  lead  to  have  prevented  Oum  $tt- 
tHag  Aam  her*,  hut  I  eoutd  no  vau  efid  it ;  thenfore,  I  admn  you  never  to 
eoidend  with  the  Et^iKeh,  nor  make  toar  with  them:'    And  Mr.  Hubhard 


adds,  <*  it  is  to  be  noted  that  thia  Passaeonowa  was  the  moot  noted  powow 
and  sorcerer  of  all  the  country." 

A  story  of  the  marriage  of  a  daughter  of  Poe Mwonouagr,  in  lOflB,  is  thus 
related.  Hlnnefnirket,  commonly  called  Georgv,  sachem  of  Saugus,  made 
known  to  the  chief  of  Pennakook,  that  he  desired  to  marry  his  daughter, 
which,  being  agreeable  to  all  parties,  was  soon  consummated,  at  the  resi- 
dence of  i^wsoeonaiMqf,  and  the  hilarity  was  closed  with  a  great  feast. 
According  to  the  uaages  of  the  chiefs,  Pauaeonaway  ordered  a  select 
number  of  his  men  to  accompanv  the  new-married  couple  to  the  dwell- 
ing of  the  husband.  When  they  had  arrived  there,  several  days  of  feast- 
ing followed,  for  the  entertainment  of  his  firiends,  who  could  not  be  pres- 
ent at  the  consummation  at  the  bride's  Other's,  as  well  as  for  the  escort; 
who,  when  this  was  ended,  returned  to  Pennakook. 
'  Some  time  after,  the  wife  of  fFinnepurkd,  expressing  a  desire  to  visit 
her  fkther's  house  and  friends,  was  permitted  to  go,  and  a  choice  company 
conducted  her.  When  she  wished  to  return  to  her  husbuid,  her  father, 
instead  of  conveying  her  as  before,  sent  to  the  young  sachem  to  come  and 
take  her  away.  He  took  this  in  high  dudgeon,  and  sent  his  father-in-law 
this  answer:  "  When  she  departed  firom  me,  I  caused  my  men  to  escort 
her  to 'your  dwelling,  as  became  a  chief.  She  now  havmg  an  intention 
to  return  to  me,  I  did  expect  the  same."  The  elder  sachem  was  now  in 
his  turn  anpy,  and  returned  an  answer  which  only  increased  the  di^r- 
ence;  and  it  is  believed  that  thus  terminated  the  connection  of  the  new 
husband  and  wife.} 

This  same  year,  [1663,]  we  find  the  |[eneral  court  acting  upon  a  pei<- 
tion  of  PottaconoiMy,  or,  as  his  name  is  spelt  in  the  records  themaclves, 
PqmfeeonetMiy.  The  petition  we  have  not  met  with,  but  from  the 
answer  |iven  to  it,  we  learn  its  nature.  The  court  say :  **  In  answer  to 
the  petition  of  PoputeeonetMy,  this  court  judgeth  it  meete  to  graunt  to 


•  Wmamum's  Hist.  Maine,  ii.  4. 

t  Oookin't  Hilt.  Praying  hdiam.  This  history  was  drawn  up  during  the  year  I6T7, 
and  how  lone  before  this  the  author  saw  him,  is  unknown :  but  tnere  can  be  no  doubt 
Imt  he  WM  dead  some  years  before  Philiff*  war.  Nevertbeleu,  with  Mr.  Hvbbard  and 
•ur  text  before  him,  the  author  of  7We«  of  the  Indiatu  has  made  Pattaconateaif  appear 
fa  the  person  of  Aipinquid,  in  1682,  at  Ajramentacus  in  Maine. 

I  Deduced  lh>m  facU  in  Mortm'i  N.  Catuun. 


PASSACONAWAY. 


IBooB  lU. 


the  said  Fapisseeoneway  and  his  men  or  aaaociates  about  Naticol,*  abore 
Mr.  BnnUm?a  lands,  wnere  it  is  free,  a  mile  and  a  half  on  either  side 
Merremack  Riuer  in  breadth,  throe  miles  on  either  side  in  lencth :  pro- 
Tided  he  nor  they  do  not  alienate  an^  part  of  this  grant  without  feave  and 
Uoense  from  this  court,  first  obtained." 

Gov.  H'inthrop  mentions  this  chief  as  early  as  1633.    One  of  his  men, 
having  gone  with  a  white  man  into  the  country  to  trade,  was  killed  by 
another  Indian  "  dwelling  near  the  Mohawks  country,  who  fled  away 
with  his  goods ;"  but  it  seems  from  the  same  account,  that  Paaaaeonateojf 
pursued  and  took  the  murderer.    In  1643,  there  was  great  alarm  through- 
out the  English  seulements  from  the  belief  that  all  the  Indians  in  the 
country  were  about  to  make  a  general  massacre  of  the  whites.    Tiie 
{[ovemment  of  Massachusetts  took  prompt  measures  "  to  strike  a  terror 
uito  the  Indians."    The^  therefore  "  sent  men  to  C\  .^kamekutj  at  Brain- 
tree,  to  fetch  him  and  hi&  guns,  bows,  &c.,  which  was  done ;  and  he  came 
willingly:  .uid  being  late  in  the  night  when  the^  came  to  Boston,  he 
was  put  into  the  prison ;  but  the  next  morning,  findmg,  upon  examination 
of  him  and  divers  of  his  men,  no  ground  of  suspicion  of  his  partaking  in 
any  such  conspiracy,  he  was  dismissed.    Upon  the  warrant  which  went 
to  Ipswich,  Rowley  and  Newbury,  to  disarm  Pctstaeonamy,  who  lived  bv 
Merrimack,  they  sent  fortli  40  men  armed  the  next  day."    These  English 
were  hindered  from  visitins  the  wigwam  of  Pauaconamy,  by  rainy 
weather,  "but  they  came  to  his  son's  and  took  him."    This  son  we  pre- 
sume was  Wanncdancet.    This  they  had  orders  to  do ;  but  for  taking  a 
squaw  and  her  child,  they  had  uone,  and  were  ordered  to  send  them  back 
again  immediately.    Fearing  fFannalance^s  escape,  they  "  led  him  in  a 
line,  but  he  taking  an  opportunity,  slipped  his  line  and  escaped  from  them, 
but  one  very  indiscreetly  made  a  shot  at  him,  and  missed  him  narrowly." 
These  were  called,  then,  "  unwarranted  proceedings,"  as  we  should  say 
they  very  well  might  have  been.    The  English  now  had  some  actual 
reason  to  fi^ar  that  Patsaeonaway  would  resent  this  outrage,  and  therefore 
"sent  CtUakamekin  to  him  to  let  him  know  that  what  was  done  to  his 
son  and  squaw  was  without  order,"  and  to  invite  him  to  a  parley  at  Bos- 
ton ;  also,  '*  to  show  him  the  occasion  whereupon  we  had  sent  to  disarm 
all  the  Indians,  and  that  when  we  should  find  that  they  were  innocent  of 
any  such  conspiracv,  we  would  restore  all  their  arms  again."    Peutaeona- 
wojf  said  when  he  should  have  his  son  and  squaw  returned  safe,  he  would 
go  and  speak  with  them.    The  squaw  wcs  so  much  frightened,  that  she 
ran  away  into  the  woods,  and  was  absent  ten  days.    It  seems  that  fFan^ 
tudancet  was  soon  liberated,  as  he  within  a  short  time  went  to  the  English, 
''and  delivered  up  his  guns,  &c."f    These  were  the  circumstances  to 
which  Miantunnomoh  alluded  so  happilv  afterwards. 

At  a  court  in  Massachusetts  in  1644,  it  is  said,  "PofsckMnattfoy,  the 
Merrimack  sachem,  came  in  and  submitted  to  our  government,  as  Pum- 
hom,  &c.  had  done  before ;"  and  the  next  year  the  same  entry  occurs 
again,  with  the  addition  of  his  son's  submission  also,  "  together  with  their 
lands  and  people."| 

This  chief  is  supposed  to  have  died  about  the  same  time  with  Meutatoitf 
a  sachem  whom  in  many  respects  ho  seems  to  have  much  resembled.§ 

•  Another  version  of  Nahum-keag.  f  Winlhrofft  Journal.  X  Ibid. 

(  Amonrother  stanzas  in  Farmer  and  Moore' t  Collection!,  ths  following  very  happily 
inbvducei  I'attaeonauiay  :— 

"  Onee  did  my  throbbing  bosom  deep  receive 
•  The  sketch,  which  one  of  Pattaeonamaif  drew.  ^ 

Well  may  the  muse  his  memory  retrieve  ! 

^'  '  From  dark  oblivion,  and,  with  pencil  true. 

Retouch  that  picture  sUunpe,  with  tints  and  nonors  due." 


CB4P. 

He 

iati 
thingi 


% 


(BOOE  III. 


CHAP,  vn.] 


WANNALANCET. 


■I* 

. '» 
m 


He  WM  often  styled  tte  grttt  todbon,  and,  aeoofding  to  Mr.  HuUmrd,  was 
OMMidered  a  great  powow  or  sorcerer  ainong  bis  people,  and  his  fiune 
in  this  respect  was  Tery  extensive ;  and  we  know  not  that  there  was  any 
thing  that  they  thou|(ht  him  not  able  to  perfonn :  that  he  couM  cause  a 
green  leaf  to  grow  in  winter,  trees  to  oance,  and  water  to  bum,  seem  to 
na^e  been  feats  of  common  notorie^  in  his  time.  A  sachem  of  nearly  as 
much  note  was  bis  son,  already  mentioned,  named 

Waimakmett,  or  Wonokmett,  who,  in  obedience  to  the  advice  of  his 
ftther,  always  kept  peace  with  the  En^ish.  He  resided  at  an  ancient 
seat  of  the  sagamores,  upon  the  Merrimack,  called  at  that  time  MutmJuke, 
but  from  whence  he  withdrew,  about  six  weeks  before  the  war  with 
PkS^t.  Fearing  that  his  movements  might  be  hostile,  the  council  of 
Massachusetta,  in  Sept.  1675,  ordered  that  Lieut  Tkomtu  Henchman  of 
Chelmsford  abould  send  some  messengers  to  find  him,  and  persuade  him 
of  their  friendship,  and  urge  bis  return  to  his  place  of  residence.  With 
this  order  a  letter  was  sent  to  ffannalaneit  at  the  same  time,  and  are  as 
follows:  '*Itis  ordered  by  the  council  that  Lieut.  T%t».  Henehwum  do 
forthwith  endeavor  to  procure  by  hire,  one  or  two  suitaUe  Indians  of 
Wamesit,  to  travel  and  seek  to  find  out  and  speak  with  fF^umalancet  the 
sachem,  and  carry  with  them  a  writing  from  the  council,  being  a  safe 
conduct  unto  the  said  sachem,  or  any  other  principal  men  belonging  to 
Natahook,  Pena^ooge,  or  other  people  of  those  northern  Indians,  giving 
(not  exceeding  six  persons)  free  liberty  to  come  into  the  house  of  the  said 
Henekman,  where  uie  council  will  appoint  Capt  Coottn  and  Mr.  lUiot  to 
treat  with  them  about  terms  of  amity  and  peace  between  them  and  the 
En^^ish ;  and  in  case  agreements  and  conclusions  be  not  made  to  mutual 
aatmction,  then  the  uid  sachem  and  all  others  that  accompany  him 
shall  have  free  liberty  to  return  back  anin ;  and  this  offer  the  council 
are  induced  to  make,  because  the  said  Wannalaneet  sachem,  as  they  are 
informed,  hath  declared  himself  that  the  English  never  did  any  wrong  to 
him,  or  his  &ther  Paataeomuoay,  but  always  lived  in  amitv,  and  that  his 
ftther  charged  him  so  to  do,  and  that  sitid  WannaUmcet  will  not  begin  to 
do  any  wrong  to  the  English."  The  folkiwing  is  the  letter  to  fFon- 
nofamoel: — 

''This  our  writing  or  safe  conduct  doth  declare,  that  the  governor  and 
council  of  Massachusetts  do  «ve  you  and  eveiy  of  you,  provided  ycu 
exceed  not  six  persons,  free  Kberty  of  coining  unto  and  returning  in 
safety  from  the  house  of  Lieut.  T.  Henchman  at  Naamkeake,  and  there 
to  treat  with  Capt.  Damd  Oookin  and  Mr.  John  lUiot,  whom  you  know, 
and  [whom]  we  will  fully  empower  to  treat  and  conclude  with  you, 
upon  such  meet  terms  and  articles  of  friendship,  ami^  and  subjection,  as 
were  formerly  made  and  concluded  between  the  English  and  old  Patsa- 
conatMty,  your  father,  and  his  sons  andpeople ;  and  for  this  end  we  have 
sent  these  messengers  [Uank  in  the  MS.]  to  convey  these  unto  you,  and 
to  bring  your  answer,  wliom  we  desire  you  to  treat  kindly,  and  speedily 
to  despatch  them  back  to  us  with  your  answer.  Dated  in  Boston,  1  Oct. 
1675.    Signed  by  order  of  the  council.    John  Leverett,  Gov'. 

Edw^.  Rawaon,  Seer." 

On  the  3  May,  1676,  TlmmaB  Kimbal  of  Bradford  was  killed,  and  his 
wife  and  five  children  carried  into  the  wilderness.  From  the  circum- 
stance that  iVannaltmed  caused  them  to  be  sent  home  to  their  friends 
again,  it  would  seem  tliat  they  were  taken  by  some  of  the  enemy  within 
his  sachemdom,  or  bv  some  over  whonr  he  had  some  control.  From  a 
manuscript  written  about  the  time,*  we  are  abhs  to  make  the  following 

*  By  Rev.  T.  Cobbet  of  Ipiwicb. 


M 


WAIIffALANCirr. 


(Book  Iir, 


Cbay.  ' 


extipet,  which  goes  to  show  that  Wannakmeit  wn  ever  the  friend  of  the 
Ehiglish,  and  also  his  disposition  to  humane  actions.  Mr.  Cobbti  says^ 
"Uwugh  she,  [Mrs.  KimMjU^]  and  her  sucking  child  were  twice  con-' 
demnM  by  the  Indians,  and  the  fires  ready  made  to  burn  them,  yet,  both 
times,  saved  by  the  request  of  one  of  their  own  grandees;  and  afterward* 
bv  the  intercession  of  the  sachem  of  Pennicook,  stirred  up  thereunto  b^ 
Major  Waldron,  was  she  and  her  five  children,  together  with  PhiUxp' 
EoMlman  of  Haverhill,  taken  captive  when  die  and  her  children  were,  set 
at  liberty,  without  ransom." 

At  the  time  WannaUmeet  forsook  his  residence,  as  we  have  just  men- 
tioned, several  of  the  praying  Indians,  to  avoid  the  war,  went  off  with 
him,  and  when  he  delivered  himself  up  afterwards  to  Maj.  WaUtron,  they 
accompanied  him,  and  delivered  themselves  up  also.  Some  of  these  suf- 
fered capital  punishment  at  Boston,  and,  it  is  to  bo  feared,  for  ofaai^ges 
which  had  no  foundation  in  truth  a^inst  them. 

About  the  19  Sept  1676,  the  Indians  fell  upon  Hatfield,  burnt  several 
houses  and  bams  without  the  line  of  the  town,  wounded  and  killed  about ' 
13  persons,  and  carried  off  about  30  more  into  captivity.    Most  of  the 
latter  were  women  and  children.    This  attack  was  supposed  by  some, 
at  first,  to  have  bern  made  by  a  party  of  Mohawks,  because  it  took  - 
place  the  next  day  after  some  of  that  nation  had  passed  through  the  place ' 
with  some  Christian  Indian  prisoners,  women  and  children,  and  a  scalp, 
wliich  it  was  afterwards  found  had  been  taken  finm  the  head  of  an  In- 
dian called  Joiiah  JVoud,  near  Sudbury.*    But  it  was  found  out  sooii'> 
after,  by  a  white  that  escaped  fitim  his  captivity,  that  the  company  of  >. 
Indians  that  attacked  Hatfieki  consisted  of  33  men  and  four  women,  who  * 
were  of  the  common  enemy,  but  had  for  some  time  before  been  among 
the  French  about  Quebeck,  and  that  a  second  party,  who  just  before  sep- 
arated from  these,  went  towanls  the  east,  to  fiilt  upon  some  of  the  settle- 
ments upon  the  Merrimack.    It  appears  that  the  fiiir  promises  of  the' 
English  had  before  this  induced  the  return  of  Wannakmcd  to  Naamkeke, 
out  who,  finding  that  sonie  lawless  whites  had,  during  his  absence,  taken 
possession  of  his  grounds  and  planting,  and  consequently  his  chief  means, 
of  subsistence  were  cut  otr,  did,  upon  being  visited  by  this  party  of  the 
enemy,  go  off  with  them ;  but  what  '.vis  most  astonishing  in  this  affair,  no 
mischief  of  any  kind  was  committed  at  their  going  o%  although  it  was 
in  their  power  to  have  done  the  English  great  damage.    All  the  whites 
attributed  their  escape  to  the  influence  of  WanndlarKet,  to  whom,  no  doubt, 
the  credit  was  justly  due. 

Here,  then,  opens  a  fair  field  of  reflection,  in  which  "  poor  human, . 
nature,"  in  her  spontaneous  growtli  and  wild  retreat,  will  bo  seen  to  flour- 
ish and  bring  forth  fruits  no  less  to  be  admired  than  any  ever  found  in 
the  cultivated  garden  of  civilization. 

We  have  stiU  to  relate  another  cireumstance,  which  redounds  as  much 
to  the  honor  and  humanity  of  this  sachem  as  any  we  have  related. 
Some  time  after  the  letter  had  been  sent  to  him,  "  there  was  a  companv 
of  soldiers,  about  100,  msut  under  Capt.  Moady,  to  Pcnuagog,  where  it  ^ 
was  reported  there  was  a  body  of  Indians ;  but  it  was  a  mistake,  for ' 
there  wore  not  above  100  in  all  of  the  Penna||oog  and  Namkig  Indians^ 
whereof  Wannalancet  was  chief.  When  the  English  drew  nigh,  whereof 
he  had  intelligence  by  scouts,  thev  left  their  fort,  and  withdrew  into  the 
woods  and  stamps,  where  they  had  advantage  &nd  opportunitv  enough 
in  anibushment  to  have  slain  many  of  the  English  soldiers,  without  any  • 

*  Nouel  and  James  Spten  were  hrothorH-in-law.  I)y  his  death  four  small  children 
were  left  fatherless.  He  and  Speen  had  been  together  but  hair  m\  hour  before,  and  by 
appointment  were  to  have  met  afain,  but  when  Speen  came  to  the  place,  he  could  fiuiit 
nolhiDi;  of  his  friend. 


[Boorm, 


Chap.  VII.] 


WANNALANCET. 


were,  aet 


freat  hazard  to  themaelvea ;  and  aereral  of  the  ^oiing  Indiana  inclined  to 
iL  But  the  sachem  WaimakmetL,  by  his  authority  ancf  wisdom  reb'rained 
his  men,  and  suffered  not  an  Indian  to  appear  or  ahoot  a  gun.  They 
were  veiy  near  the  English,  and  yet,  thoush  they  were  provoked  by  the 
English,  who  burnt  their  wirwams,  and  destroyed  some  dried  fish,  yet 
not  one  gun  was  shot  at  any  Englishman."*  The  facts  in  this  afiair  were 
related  by  Wamuianett  himself  and  several  of  his  men,  after  their  return. 

No  mischief  appears  to  have  been  done  at  the  time  that  Wannaianai 
went  away,  and  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  he  prevented  the  enemy 
with  whom  he  went  from  doing  any.  Although  he  might  not  have  been 
in  any  fear  from  the  English,  yet  there  were  various  causes,  either  of 
which  were  sufficient  to  induce  him  to  leave  this  part  of  the  country.  A 
son  of  his  lived  with  the  French,  or  near  them,  in  Canada,  and  many  of 
his  friends,  and  other  relatives.  While  he  withdrew  from  his  place  of 
residence,  as  has  been  mentioned,  the  English  had  taken  possession  of 
his  planting  ground,  and  so  deprived  him  of  means  of  living  there. 

He  had  acknowledged  a  belief  in  Christianity,  and  this  was  laid  hold  of 
by  many  to  reproach  the  advocates  of  Christianizing  the  Indians. 

In  1659,  Wannakmait  was  thrown  into  prison  for  a  debt  of  about  £45. 
His  people,who  owned  an  island  in  MerrimackRiver,three  miles  above  Paw- 
tuckett  Falls,  containing  60  acres,  half  of  which  was  under  cultivation,  re- 
linquished it,  to  obtain  his  release.  About  1670,  he  removed  to  Pawtuck- 
ett  Falls,  where,  upon  an  eminence,  be  builta  fort,  and  resided  until  PhilipU 
war.  He  was  about  55  years  of  age  in  1674 ;  always  friendly  to  the  Eng- 
lish, but  unwilling  to  be  importun^  about  adopting  their  religion.  When 
he  had  got  to  be  very  old,  however,  he  submitted  to  their  desirss  in  that 
respect.  Upon  that  oc.usion  he  is  reported  to  have  said,  "/  must  ae- 
knowledge  I  have  aU  my  days  been  used  to  pass  in  an  old  canoe,  and  now 
you  exhort  me  to  change  and  leave  my  old  canoe,  and  'tnbark  in  a  new  one, 


inquired  of  him  after  the  welfare  of  his  former  acquaintances,  and 
whether  the  place  had  suffered  much  during  the  war.  Mr.  Fisk  said 
they  had  been  highly  favored,  and  for  which  he  thanked  God.  ^Me  next," 
said  WannalanseL  This  showed  his  consciousness  of  the  great  influence  be 
had  had  in  warding  destruction  from  them.f 

Rev<>.  John  Eliot  thus  writes  to  the  Hon.  Robert  Boyle^  in  England,  in 
1677: — "  We  hud  a  sachem  of  the  greatest  blood  in  the  country  submitted 
to  pray  to  God,  a  little  before  the  wars :  his  name  is  fVanalauncd :  in  the 
time  of  the  wars  be  fled,  by  reason  of  the  wicked  actings  of  some  Eng- 
lish youth,  who  causelessly  and  basely  killed  and  wounded  some  of  them. 
He  was  persuaded  to  come  in  again.  But  the  English  having  plowed 
and  sown  with  rye  all  their  lands,  they  had  but  little  corn  to  subsist  by. 
A  party  of  French  Indians,  (of  whom  some  were  of  the  kindred  of  this 
sachem's  wife,)  very  lately  fell  upon  this  people,  being  but  few  and  un- 
a.-med,  and  partly  by  persuasion,  partly  by  force,  carried  them  away. 
One,  with  his  wife,  child  and  kinswoman,  who  were  of  our  praying  In- 
dians, made  their  escape,  came  in  to  the  English,  and  discovered  what 
was  done.  These  things  keep  some  in  a  continual  disgust  and  jealousy 
of  all  the  Indians."^ 


•  Gookin't  M3.  H  -^t. 

t  For  many  year''  "'  '■' 
Iniiians.  He  was  a  ^i 'ii 
Royal  Society  of  Lonaon 


Eflc.    He  died  in  London,  IGOl ,  aged  64  yean 
f  1  Col.  Matt.  Hut.  Soc.  iii.  m. 


f  AUen's  Hist.  Chelmsford,  165, 1A9. 
i"-).d  of  the  Society  Tor  propa^ting  the  Gospel  among  th« 
leneractor  of  N.  Enirland,  and  cie  of  the  founders  oT  the 
He  was  by  birth  an  Irishman,  but  settled  finally  at  Oxford, 


WEHANOWNOWIT. 


(Book  Itf. 


It  may  be  proper  to  add  a  word  upon  the  name  of  the  place  which  we 
have  often  montioned  in  thla  life,  as  tue  name  word,  differently  pronounced, 
was  applied  to  a  creat  many  places  by  the  Indians,  and  is  the  same  word 
which  Dr.  /.  Me&tr  and  some  others  miide  many  belicTe  was  made  up 
of  two  Hebrew  words,  to  prove  that  the  Indians  were  reidly  the  descend- 
ants of  the  disperaed  Jews ;  but  for  which  purpose,  if  vn  are  not  misin- 
formed, any  other  Indian  word  wouid  answer  the  same  purpose.  The 
doctor  writes  the  name  Ndhmkaky  and  adds  that  IMuun  signifies  mnwfa- 
(ton,  and  keik  a  h'ttom^  or  ktaetn ;  and  hence  the  setders  of  places  bearing 
this  name  were  seated  in  the  bosom  of  consolation.*  He  points  out  thu 
etymological  analogy  in  speaking  of  the  settlement  of  Salem,  which  was 
called  bv  the  Indians  ^^mmkeag,  Mtmkeg,  Miamhok,  Mtuimkuk,  or  some- 
thing a  lUtk  somewhat  like  it.  A  $ad  bosome  qfeotuolaHon  did  it  prove 
in  the  days  of  TUuba,  and  even  in  Dr.  Matha*»  own  days.  Though  a 
digression,  we  shall,  I  doubt  not,  be  pardoned  for  inserting  here  D^.  C 
MUher's  account  of  a  curiosity  at  Amoskeag  Falls,  which  he  save  in  a 
letter  to  London,  and  which  afterwards  appeared  in  the  Philosophical 
Transactions  ^  "  At  a  place  called  Amnuricei^,  a  little  above  the  hiaeoua| 
fiills  of  Merimack  River,  there  is  a  huge  rock  in  the  midst  of  the  stream, 
on  the  top  of  which  are  a  great  number  of  pits  made  exactly  round,  like 
barrels  or  hossheads  of  dimrent  capacities,  some  so  laige  as  to  hold  sev- 
eral tuns.  Tlie  natives  know  nothing  of  the  time  they  were  made ;  but 
the  neighboring  IndiaiM  have  been  wont  to  hide  their  provisions  in  them, 
in  their  wars  with  the  Maquas ;  affirming,  God  had  cut  them  out  for  that 
use  for  them.  They  seem  plainly  to  be  artificial."  It  could  certainly 
have  required  no  great  sagacity  to  have  supposed  that  one  stone  placed 
upon  another  in  the  water,  so  as  to  have  been  constantly  rolled  from  side 
to  aide  by  the  current,  would,  in  time,  occasion  such  cavities.  One  quite 
as  reuLarkable  we  have  seenjaear  the  source  of  this  river,  in  its  descent 
fVom  the  Franconia  Mountains ;  Abo  upon  the  Mohawk,  a  short  distance 
below  Little  Palls.    They  may  be  seen  as  you  pass  upon  the  canal. 

Early  purchases  of  lauils  brinx  to  our  notice  a  host  of  Indians, 
many  of  whom,  though  sachems,  but  for  such  circumstances  of  trade, 
would  never  have  come  to  our  knowledge.  There  are  some,  however, 
of  whom  we  shall  in  this  chapter  take  notice,  as  such  notices  assist  in 
enabling  us  to  judge  how  the  natives  regarded  their  lands,  and  the  terri- 
tories of  their  neighborinff  countrymen. 

IFehanoumowil  was  a  New  Hampshire  sachem,  whose  name  has  been 
considerably  handled  within  a  few  years,  from  its  being  found  to  the 
much-talkcd-of  deed  conveying  lands  m  New  Hampshire  to  the  Rev.  John 
fFhetlwrighl,  and  othen,  3  April,  1638.  If  IFehanoumount  were  sachem 
of  the  tract  .<mid  to  have  been  oy  him  conveyed,  his  "  kinffdom"  was  larger 
than  some  can  boast  of  at  this  day  who  call  themselves  kings.  It  was  to 
contain  30  miles  square,  and  its  boundaries  were  thus  described :  "lying 
und  ffltuate  wil'.in  three  miles  on  the  northeme  side  of  ye  River  Meremoke, 
extending  thirty  miles  along  by  the  river  A-om  the  sea  side,  and  from  the 
sayd  river  side  to  Pisscataqua  Patents,  30  miles  up  into  the  countrey  north- 
west, and  so  fh>m  the  falls  of  Piscataqua  to  Oyster  River,  30  miles  square 

*  Rdation  of  tht  Troubl«»,  &e.  SO.  Dr.  Inertau  Mather  was  the  author  or  a  great 
maiiy 'Works,  cniefly  sermons,  many  of  which  have  become  curious  for  their  singularity, 
and  some  others  vuuable  for  the  facts  ibey  contain.  His  sermons,  like  many  others  of 
that  day,  had  very  little  meaning  in  them,  and  consequently  are  now  forgotten.  He 
was  son  of  Richard  Mather,  preached  in  Boston  above  60  years,  died  in  1733,  aired  84 
years,  fieo  his  life,  by  his  son.  Dr.  Cttton  Matlier,  who  was  bom  12  Feb.  low— 3, 
died  13  Feb.  1737—8,  aged  69.    See  his  life  by  Samuel  MaOier. 

t  Published  in  vol.  v.  of  Jones's  Abridgment,  pari  ii.  164. 

X  We  cannot  sny  what  they  were  in  those  days,  but  should  expect  to  be  laughed  at 
if  we  should  call  tKem  hideoui  at  the  present  time. 


Chav.  vri 

every  wa| 
aion  of  T 


fBooK  nr. 


Chaf.  VII.] 


UOniNHOOD. 


97 


every  vrvf."    This  deed  ia  doubtless  oenuiae.    The  orifiiia]  i?  in  : 
sion  of  Mr.  ^n  iVmiwr,  of  Concord,  N.  H.* 

l\mmaihckyou  was  a  son  of  ^dumownowUf  and  his  name  ia  also  to  the 
deed  above  mentioned  ;  and  nnother  Indian,  belooging  to  that  tract  of 
coimtry,  named  H'atehenowet :  tlie^c  both  relinquished  their  title  to,  or  eon- 
curredin  the  sale  of  said  tract. 

JloWnAoodt  was  the  father  of  a  more  noted  chief,  whose  Indian  name  was 
ff^okatea,  but  commonly  known  among  the  English  as  Hopthocd.  His  terri- 
tories, as  will  appear,  were  upon  the  Kenneoeck  River  in  the  first  settle- 
ment of  N.  England. 

Our  first  nouce  of  iZoMnAoocf  runs  as  follows:  "Be  it  known"— " that  I, 
Ram^n^  soe  called  by  my  Indian  ilame,  or  Robinhood^  soe  called  bv 
English  name,  sagamore  of  Negiisset,  [or  Neguasseag,]  doe  freely  sell 
vnto  Jama  SmMk^ — ^  part  of  my  land,  beginning  att  Meriy-meeting  Cove, 
and  soe  downward  the  maine  riuer  vnto  a  rocke,  called  ff^tuhwe'i 
Rocke,  in  the  longe  reach,  and  in  breadth  eastward  ouer  the  little  riuer, 
runinge  through  the  great  merah,  with  the  priuilidges  [niserved  to  me] 
08  bunting,  fowlinge,  fishing,  and  other  games."  I^nith  ^aa  to  pay  him 
or  his  heirs,  on  the  1  Nov.  annually,  "  one  peck  of  Indiou  com.  This 
deed  bears  date  8  May,  1648,  nnd  is  signed  and  witnessed  as  follows:— $ 

Nebwimis  hia  -r-  mark.  Robih hood  V^  ^  matk, 

SV>NesssHooD  At*  (.  mark  Mr.  Thomas  A  hia  miork. 

and  two  Enffiiah.  Pbwazeosake  ^  hia  mark. 

The  mark  ^'~-  qfRoam. 

The  next  year,  1649,  he  sold  the  island  of  .Teremysquam,  on  the  east 
side  of  the  Kennebeck,  and  in  1654  we  find  bim  sellmg  bis  plaee  of  resi- 
dence, which  was  in  what  is  now  Woolwich,  to  Edward  baUman  and 
John  Broum.  In  1663,  SobhAood  is  mentioned  as  one  of  the  prineipal 
cbiefii  among   m  eastern  Indians.  || 

In  1667,  the  inhabitants  upon  Connecticut  River,  about  Hodley,  sustidned 
some  injury  flrom  Indians,  in  their  lands  and  domestie  animals,  and 
satisfaction  therefor  was  demanded  of  Robmhood;  at  the  »nie  tkne 
threateni'-g  him  with  'he  utmost  seventy,  if  the  like  riiould  be  repeated. 
But  whether  his  people  were  the  perpetrators  we  are  not  told ;  but  fl<on 
the  following  feels  it  may  be  thought  otherwise.  "  To  promote  amity 
with  them,  license  was  at  length  given  to  the  traders  in  fiir  and  in  pellrieo, 
to  sell  unto  Indian  frienda  guna  and  ammunition.'^  Henee  these  Jrienda 
could  see  no  reason,  afterwards,  why  arms  were  prohibited  them,  as  we 
shall  again  have  occasion  to  notice. ' 

On  the  breaking  out  ofPhUip'a  war,  Bobinhood  vraa  in  no  wise  inclined 
to  join  ! '  it,  and  ^vhen  a  party  of  English  was  sent  at  that  time  to  leani 
their  feelings  in  that  respect,  he  made  a  great  dance,  and  by  songs  and 
shouts  expressed  his  satisfaction  that  the  ^iglish  were  dispoMd  to  main- 
tuin  neaoe.  . 

Monauine,  "alias  Mdahanada,  the  eon  of  oM  JVbtewornuM,  sagamore  of 
Kennebeck  River,"  sold  to  William  Bradford  and  others,  all  the  land  on 
both  sides  of  said  river,  "  fVotn  CussenocRe  upwards  to  Wesseninsieke." 

*  MS.  communicalioii  of  that  gentleman. 

t  This  name  was  adopted,  I  have  no  doubt,  as  it  came  something  near  the  sound  of 
his  Indian  name,  as  was  the  case  in  several  instances  which  we  have  already  recorded : 
the  old  Englisb  robber  of  that  name,  or  fables  concerning  him,  are  among  the  first  in  the 
nursery.    Even  at  this  day,  the  curious  aHult  will  dispense  with  Mr.  Rition'i  colleetioM 
of  legends  concerning  him  with  pecnIiR-  .#gret. 
X  The  same,  I  suppose,  called  in  SuUivcm's  Hist.  Rogotnck. 
From  a  mamucript  copy  of  the  original  deed. 
By  JoMtlyn,  who  visited  the  countryat  this  time.    See  his  Voyagtt 
'  WiUumtoH^i  Maine,  i.  4S8,  from  3  Man.  X/c. 


96 


KENNEBIS.— THOCORfTA. 


[Book  III 


This  aale  (rare  date  8  August,  164^.  The  vignature  i»  "  MonquitUj  aXiu 
Dumhanada,'"  Tiien  followH :  "■  We,  Ji/todoademago,  the  sonne  of  muthe- 
mett,  and  7a««ucite,  the  brother  of  .Vatakanada,  do  conaent  fireely  unto  the 
■  sale  to  Bradford,  Pcukbf,  and  others."* 

Kennebit  was  a  sachem  from  whom  it  has  iieen  atippoaed  that  the  Ken^. 
uebeck  River  derived  its  name.  But  whether  there  were  a  line  of  saga- 
mores of  this  name,  iVoin  whom  the  river  was  so  called,  or  whether  sa- 
cbema  were  so  called  from  their  living  at  a  certain  place  upon  it,  is  un- 
certain. It  is  certain,  however,  tliat  there  ^vas  one  of  this  name  residing 
there,  contemporaneously  with  Robinhood,  who,  besides  several  others, 
deeded  and  redeeded  the  lands  up  and  down  in  the  country.  He  was 
sometimes  associated  in  his  sales  with  AbbigadcuBtt,  and  sometimes  with 
others.  In  1649,  he  sold  to  Christopher  Lawaon  all  the  land  on  the  Ken- 
nebeck  River  up  as  high  as  Taconiiet  falls,  now  Winslow,  which  was  the 
residence  of  the  great  chief  Etaiminaaqua,  or  Auimnuqua,  elsewhere 
mentioned.  About  the  same  time,  he  sold  the  same  tract,  or  a  part  of  it, 
to  Spencer  and  C^rk.  The  residence  of  Kmnebia  was  upon  Swan  Island, 
"  in  a  delightful  situation,  and  that  of  ^ttkigwkuaet  between  a  river  of  his 
name  and  the  Kennebeck,  upon  the  northern  borden  of  Merry-meeting 
Bay."!  Swan  Island  was  purchased  of  ^hbigddauet  in  1667,  by  tfum- 
phru  Davie,  and  afterwards  claimed  by  Sir  Jonn  Davy,  a  Serjeant  at  law.^ 

We  shall  proceed  to  notice  here  one,  of  another  age,  whose  melancholy 
fate  has  long  since  commanded  the  attention  of  writers. 

Some  time  previous  to  the  settlement  oi' Burton,  N.  H.,  that  is,  previous 
to  1766,  there  resided  in  that  region  a  small  tribe  of  Indians,  amonig  whom 
was  one  named 

Choeonm,  and  he  was  the  last  of  the  primitives  of  those  romantic 
soenea.  Tbia  region  was  attracting  to  them  on  account  of  the  beaver 
which  were  found  in  its  pellucid  waters,  and  its  cragged  cliflEs  afibrded 
safe  retreats  to  a  plentiful  game.  It  is  handed  to  ua  by  tradition,  that 
Chocoma  was  the  laat  of  this  region,  and  that  he  was  murdered  by  a  mis- 
erable white  hunter,  who,  with  others  of  h/s  complexion,  had  wandered 
here  in  quest  of  game.  This  solitary  man  had  retired  to  a  neighboring 
mountain,  and  was  there  discovered  and  shot.  The  eminence  to  which 
it  is  said  this  Indian  had  retired,  is  the  highest  mountain  in  Burton,  and 
oommandfl  a  beautiful  view  of  a  great  extent  of  surrounding  country. 
One  of  the  most  superb  engravings  that  has  appeared  in  all  our  annuals, 
ia  that  rapnaentins  Choeorua  in  his  last  iietreaL 

It  is  a  fact  well  known  in  all  the  neighboring  parts  of  the  eountryt  that 
cattle  cannot  long  survive  in  Burton,  uUioiurh  there  appears  abundance 
of  all  that  is  necessary  for  their  support.  Txiey  lose  their  appetite,  pine 
and  die.  It  is  said  that  Choeorua  cursed  the  English  before  he  expwed, 
and  the  superstitious,  to  this  day,  attribute  the  disease  of  cattle  to  the  curse 
of  Choeorua.  But  a  much  more  rational  one,  we  apprehend,  will  be 
foimd  in  the  affection  of  the  waters  by  minerals. 


*  Peo|>i<-  of  Plimouth.— fftUtom  Paddy  died  at  Boston, 
out  of  the  rubbiih  under  the  old  state-house  in  1830. 
t  WUliamion,  i.  467. 


His  gravestone  was  dug 
\  Ibid.  331. 


Chap.  Vll 


SanAHDO 
Mmty 
hMmani 
««-Ai 
nedto 
Itanqf 
aUaek$ 
vnder 
great  I 


[Book  ttl 

vme.aliu 
tffTauhe- 
jrunto  the 

the  Ken. 
I  of  nga. 
hether  aa- 
it,ia  un- 
>  residing 
"»IoUierB, 
He  was 
mes  with 
the  Ken- 
!h  was  the 
elsewhere 
part  of  it, 
an  Island, 
ver  of  his 
^'meeting 
hy  Hum- 
tat  Jaw4 
elancholy 

( previous 
ng  whom 

romantic 
le  beaver 

afibrded 
itlon,  that 
by  amis' 
vandered 
ghboring 
to  which 
rton,  and 
country, 
annuals, 

itiytthat 
undance 
ite,  pine 
expued, 
he  curse 
wUI  be 


Chap.  VIII.] 


SQUANDU. 


CHAPTER  Vin. 


98 


'H 


SquAifDO,  taehem  qf  Saeo^-AUaeka  the  toicn  of  Saeo—Singidar  aeewnt  of 
Um  bjf  a  eoUmpmnay—The  ill  tnatmenl  qfkit  w\fe  a  cause  ^  var—uu 
Awmontty  m  rttlonng  a  captive — ALii>OKAWji!ino— CSewses  ^  ki$  KoM- 
^ — AssiMiRAsqcA— /Kt  tpueh—Sjtttch  o/'Takomkibi — ^Mcee — b  ear- 
ned to  Bolton  to  execute  a  tretUif — it  MamkawanMi  amfcossacbr — ^ile- 
hate  iff  Thomas  Cobbd—Mtdoktmando*$  Idndntu  to  pri$oner» — Moxvt 
attadU  WeSU  and  it  beaten  off— Attacked  the  i\ext  year  iy  tke  hndiane 
under  Madokawando  and  a  company  of  Frenchmen— jlre  rtp*d$ed  with 

Seat  lou — heidente  i^the  aiege—Mont.  CattemB—AfwUktr  aetount  of 
oxut — WAMDifooNET — Abbacombuit — Further  account  nf  Mugg — 
/fit  deatii — Stmon,  Andrew,  Jeoffrey,  Peter  and  Jobefh — Jkcount 
of  their  depredations — L^e  of  Kankamaous — Treated  with  neglect — 
Pliea  hia  country — Becomes  an  enemy — Surprise  qf  Dover  and  murder  qf 
Mm.  fFaldroti--tllA»AKDO\nuT — W'jrombo — His  fort  captured  i^  Church 
—Kankamagus*s  urife  and  children  taken — Hopchood — CVmsptcuou*  in 
the  massacre  atSfdmon  Falls — Hia  death— M^TtAUASDo — "SimaviuatwAr. 

The  first  chief  which  will  here  be  properly  noticed  is  Squando,  a  Tar- 
ratine,  commonly  called  sasamore  of  »aco.  He  is  mentioned  with  a 
good  deal  of  sinffularity  by  the  writers  of  his  times.  And  we  will  here, 
by  way  of  exordium,  extract  what  Mr.  Mather,  in  his  fiaisr  History, 
&C.,  says  of  him.  **  After  this,  [the  burning  of  Casco,]  they  [the  Indians] 
set  upon  Saco,  where  they  slew  13  men,  and  at  last  burnt  tne  town.  A 
principal  actor  in  the  destruction  of  Saco  was  a  strange  ealhuaiaatical  sa- 
gamore called  Squando,  who,  some  years  before,  pretended  that  God  ap- 
peared to  him  in  the  form  of  a  tali  man,  in  black  clothes,  declaring  to 
him  that  he  was  God,  and  commanded  him  to  leave  his  drinking  of 
strong  liquors,  and  to  prav,  and  to  kbon  sabbaths,  and  to  go  to  hear  the 
word  preached ;  all  which  things  the'  Indian  did  for  some  years,  with 
great  seeminj^  devotion  and  conscience,  observe.  But  the  God  which 
apjpeared  to  him  said  nothing  to  him  about  Jeaus  Christ;  mnd  therefore 
it  is  not  to  be  marvelled  at,  uat  at  last  he  discovered  himself  to  be  no 
othervrise  than  a  child  of  him  that  was  a  murderer  and  a  liar  from  the 
beginning."  Mr.  Huhibard  says  that  he  was  "  the  chief  actor  or  rather 
the  beginner"  of  the  eastern  war  of  1675— 6;  but  rather  contradicts  the 
statement,  as  we  apprehend,  in  the  same  paragraph,  by  attributing  the 
same  cause  to  the  **  rude  and  indiscrete  act  of  some  English  seamen," 
who  either  for  mischief  overset  n  canoe  in  which  was  Squando's  wife 
and  child,  or  to  see  if  young  Indians  could  swim  naturally  like  animals 
of  the  brute  creation,  as  some  had  reported.*  The  child  went  to  the 
bottom,  but  was  saved  from  drowning  by  the  mother's  diving  down  and 
bringing  it  up,  yet  "  within  a  while  after  the  sa-d  child  died."  "  The  said 
Squando,  father  of  the  child,  hath  been  so  provoked  thereat,  that  he  hath 
ever  since  set  himself  to  do  all  the  mischief  he  can  to  the  English."  The 
whites  did  not  believe  that  the  death  of  the  child  was  owing  to  its  immer- 
sion ;  still  we  must  allow  the  Indian  to  know  as  well  as  ihey.  When  the 
fiimily  of  "  old  Mr.  Wakdjf''  was  murdered,  a  young  woman  was  carried 
away  captive.  S^uondb  was  the  means  of  her  being  set  at  liberty.  "  She 
having  been  carried  up  and  down  tiie  country,  some  hundreds  of  miles, 
as  far  as  Narraganset  fort,  was,  this  last  June,  returned  back  to  Major 
WaUtron^s  by  one  Squando,  the  sagamore  of  Saco ;  a  strange  mixture  of 

*  "  They  can  swim  naturally,  striking  their  paws  under  iheir  throat  like  a  dog,  and 
■ot  spreading  their  arms  as  we  do."    JoMtelyn't  Voyage  to  A-  E.  142. 


100 


KADOKAWAMX). 


[Book  III 


CHir.VI 


mercy  and  cruelty !"  And  tlie  historian  of  Maine  observes,  that  his  "  con- 
duct  exhibited  at  different  times  Mucb  traits  of  cruelty  and  compassion,  as 
rendenii)  his  character  difficult  to  l)e  portrayed." 

He  WW  a  ^mtt  powwow,  and  noted  in  concert  with  Madokaieando. 
These  two  chieft  "  are  said  to  be,  by  them  that  know  them,  a  strange 
kind  of  iiiorali/ed  savages ;  grave  and  serious  in  their  speech  and  car- 
riage, OJid  nnt  wi.rhout  some  show  of  a  kind  of  religion,  which  no  doubt 
but  they  have  Itarned  from  the  prince  of  darkness."  In  another 
place,  Mr.  Hubban'.  calls  him  an  "enthusiastical,  or  rather  diabolical  mis- 
creant."   His  nbilit'cs  in  vrar  gained  him  this  epithet. 

MadokauK  *do,  of  vchom  wo  have  just  made  mention,  was  chief  of  the 
Penol)scot  tr  <  r>)  vf^s  the  adopted  son  of  a  chief  by  the  name  of  .^- 
n'mtniuytta.  ;  m  >  rn)S«>hief  had  been  done  by  the  Androscoggin  Indians 
in  Phihp'a  wu;  .  u  tL  :  'nglish,  following  the  example  of  those  whom 
they  so  much  t       tbati  d,  jtnliated  on  any  Indians  that  fell  in  their  way. 

Madokawando  ■<  id  not  a.  ■:;  '^fny,  nor  do  we  learn  that  his  people  bad 
committed  any  depredationh,  >.  litil  after  somt!  English  spoiled  his  corn, 
and  otherwise  did  him  damage. 

Many  of  the  eastern  Indians  bad  been  kidnapped  and  sold  for  slaves, 
about  the  time  PhUip'a  war  commenced.  This,  it  will  not  be  questioned, 
was  enough  to  nuiiso  a  war,  without  Philip's  instigation,  or  the  afiront 
offered  to  the  wife  and  child  of  Sqiumdo. 

The  English  had  prohibited  the  sale  of  arms  and  ammunition  to  the 
eastern  Indians,  as  tbc^  had  liefors  to  the  western,  as  a  means  of  lessen- 
iilg -their  (rawer ;  provided  they  should  declare  themselves  hostile:  thus 
regardimir  their  own  safety,  and  totally  disregarding  whatever  evils  might 
accrue  from  the  measure  to  the  Indians.  Knowing  enourii  bad  been 
done  to  excite  their  resentment,  agents  were  sent  to  parley  vnth  them,  in 
the  spring  and  summer  of  1676,  to  hinder,  if  possible,  their  taking  offence 
at  these  proceedings. 

Meanwhile  the  Indians  had  complained  to  some  friendly  English  of 
the  outrage  upon  their  friends,  who  were  unacquainted  with  the  circum- 
stance, and  hardly  believed  it ;  still,  told  the  Indians,  that  if  it  were  so, 
those  kidnapped  should  be  restored,  and  the  perpetrators  punished.  But 
knowing  the  circumstance  to  be  as  they  had  represented,  it  is  rather 
marvellous,  that  Indiana,  instead  of  at  once  retaliating,  should  hearken  to 
unsatisfactory  parleyings,  as  will  appear. 

When  the  English  agents  went  to  treat  with  them,  or  rather  to  excuse 
themselves  for  vmat  tliey  cnuld  not,  or  pretended  thev  could  not,  amend, 
the  Indians,  in  the  course  of  the  interview,  siid,  "  fre  were  driven  from 
omr  ewn  laat  year  by  the  people  about  Kcnnebeck,  and  many  qfi'i  died.  We 
had  no  powder  and  shot  to  kill  venison  and  fowl  toith  to  preveni  ii.  If  you 
Englian  were  our  friends,  as  you  pretend  you  are,  you  would  not  suffer  us  to 
ateave  as  we  did." 

"However,  says  Mr.  Hutbard,  the  said  agent,  making  the  best  he  could 
of  a  bad  cause,  used  all  means  to  pacify  the  complainants."  The  great "  all 
mean  i"  was,  that  they  should  try  to  get  the  Androscoggin  Indians  to  come 
and  hold  a  treaty!  ho  that  if  the'  English  could  effect  a  treaty  with  them, 
then  there  would  be  a  general  |,»eace  with  the  eastern  Indians.  This  ^ 
talk,  it  was  said,  they  received  with  joy.  "  Yet,  adds  the  same  author, 
still  by  one  fatal  accident  or  other,  jealousies  still  seemed  to  increase  in 
their  minds,  or  else  the  former  injuries  began  to  boil  atresh  in  their  spirits, 
as  not  being  easily  digested,"  &c. 

A  meeting  had  been  agreed  ujxin  at  Totononnock,  or  Taconnet,  and 
immediately  after  the  meeting  just  mentioned  a  runner  was  sent  down 
from  thence,  with  word  that  Squando  would  be  there  with  "divers  Am- 
oiioa<:oggan  sachems,"  Mugg  being  a  messenger  to  him.     Accordingly 


fBoOK  III 


Chap.  VIII.] 


MAUOKAWANDO, 


lUl 


la  atraoge 

and  car- 

I  no  doubt 

another 

H'cal  mr»- 


the  English  proceeded  to  Taconuet  On  their  orrival,  thry  were  honored 
with  a  aalute,  and  conducted  into  the  council  bojse,  where  they  found 
Madokawando,  Auimkuuqua,  Tarumkin,  Hopthood^  J^^*tgffi  and  many  at- 
tendants. Madokmoando  was  prime  negotiator,  and  .mtmiiuu^ua  chief 
speaker,  who  soon  after  proceeded  to  iime  a  speech,  and  among  other 
thinnaaid, — 

**Munot  our  autmn  token  meawngtrs  come  to  treat  <^ peace,  to  leize  upon 
their  peraoHi,  oi  tometime*  tht  Mohmeka  do ;  yea,  at  tiu  Enf^lish  have  done, 
sevm^f  upon  fourteen  Indiana,  our  men,  wko  ufeni  to  treat  with  jfou — aetUng 
a  guard  over  them,  and  tckiaig  away  their  guna.  This  ia  not  all,  hut  a 
second  time  you  required  ourguiu,  and  demanded  tu  to  come  down  unto  you, 
or  elae  you  would  tUl  ua.  7m«  waa  the  eaitae  i\four  leaving  both  our  fort 
and  our  com,  to  our  great  loaa." 

This  speech  caused  considerable  embarrassment  to  the*  English,  "  yet 
to  put  the  best  construction  might  be,  on  such  irregular  actions,  which 
could  not  well  be  justified,  they  told  them,  the  persons  who  had  so  done* 
were  not  within  the  limits  of  their  government,  and  therefore,  though  they 
could  not  call  them  to  an  account  for  so  acting,  yet  they  did  utterly  dis- 
allow thertoff  And  to  be  as  expeditious  as  possible,  the  English  com- 
missioners told  these  chiefs  that  they  came  to  treat  with  the  Androacog- 
gins,  and  were  sorry  that  Sauando  waa  not  there.  And  it  appears  that, 
though  the  English  reportea  a  peace  with  the  Penobscots,  yet  AfeuUUi- 
traiiAi  and  hit'  coa^iutors  scarcely  underKood  as  much ;  and  it  ia  also 
«vident  that  fhe  bimness  was  hurried  over  as  fast  as  possible  by  die 
Enriish  commissioners. 

What  had  leen  said  by  Aaaiminaaqua  in  the  morning  was  inerely  pre- 
liminary, and  it  was  his  miention  in  the  afternoon  to  enter  morb  particu- 
larly into  details ;  but  the  English  cut  the  matter  short,  and  proceeded  to 
treat  with  such  of  the  Androaeoggins  as- were  preaent  Jvrumkin  waa 
their  orator,  and  he  spoke  to  this  effect: — 

<*  /  have  been  to  «U  weatward,  where  I  have  found  many  Indiana  tnuoiUti^ 
to  makepeace;  but  far  myownvart,  lamwuHng^  which  hf  confirmed  by 
taking  the  En^iah  by  the  banc!,  as  did  seven  or  eight  of  his  men,  among 
whom  were  Mugg  and  BMnhood^a  son.  The  English  had  now,  as  ttey 
supposed,  sot  miften  into  a  reguktr  train;  but  Madokawando,  iX  appean, 
was  not  wniins  to  leave  things  in  quite  so  looae  a  manner,  as  it  refpurded 
his  people,    m  therefore  interrupted : — 

"  fVhat  are  we  to  do  for  powder  and  ahot,  when  our  com  ia  conaumed? 
whti  ahall  wedofor  a  wintei'a  aupply  ?  Must  we  periah,  or  must  we  aban- 
don our  country,  and  fly  to  (he  French  for  protection  ?" 

The  English  replied  that  they  would  do  what  they  couM  with  the  gov- 
ernor ;  «  aome  might  be  allowed  them  for  neeeaaity."  Madokawando  added  : 
"  We  have  waited  a  great  while  idreudy,  and  now  we  expect  you  will  aay  ws 
w  no.^  The  English  rejoined :  "  Vou  say  yourselves  that  many  of  the 
western  Indians  would  not  have  peace,  and,  therofore,  if  we  sell  you  pow- 
der, and  you  give  it  to  the  western  men,  what  do  wr  fcul  «i/  our  own 
thnata  f  It  is  not  in  our  power  without  leave,  if  you  should  wait  tm  years 
more,  to  let  you  have  powder."  .    . 

Here,  as  might  reasonably  have  been  expected,  ended  the  negotiation, 
and  maasaetes  and  bloodshed  soon  after  desolated  that  part  of  the 
country. 

At  the  close  of  the  war  of  1675  and  6,  this  sachem)i  people  bad  among 
tbem  about  60  English  captives.  When  it  was  known  to  him  that  the 
En^ish  desired  to  treat  about  peace,  he  sent  Mugg,  one  of  his  chiefs,  to 
Pascataqua,  to  receive  proposals;  and,  that  he  might  meet  with  good  ac- 


*  That  is,  thoie  who  bad  kidnapped  their  friends. 

9* 


t  Hubbard,  part  ii.  38. 


\m 


MAlX)KAV,V>rM) 


fBnoR  lir. 


coirtMW*',  Bt'iti  «loi»|{  with  liiiii  «  cniitivi'  lo  IiIm  homo.  Gen.  GenJal,  of 
MawMU-hiimittM,  Iteing  there,  fon-wl  >/u<«r  <>n  board  Iiih  vcusel,  and  earned 
him  til  Itoaloii,  Tor  which  trearlienniH  net  an  exciinn  waa  pleaded,  that  he 
waH  not  vested  with  niiflirieiit  Hiithority  to  treat  with  him.  Miuhkawnn- 
dbV  ambaaaador,  being  now  in  tlie  (lower  of  the  Knglish,  was  obliged  to 
agree  to  uueh  temw  tm  tlie  Enghnh  dictated.*  It  ia  no  wonder,  iherefon-. 
if  the  great  chief  aobn  appears  again  their  enemy.  Still,  When  Afug^ 
was  sent  home,  Madokawando  agreed  to  the  treaty,  more  readily,  pcrhap!<, 
as  two  armed  vesselu  of  the  English  conveyed  him. 

A  son  of  Rev.  Th&nuu  CMd  had  Ixjen  taken,  and  was  among  the  In 
dians  at  Mount  Desert,  ft  so  happeiie<l  that  his  master  had  at  that  tini)- 
Hont  hitn  down  to  Catiein'$  trading-house,  to  buy  |K>wder  for  him.  Mugfr 
took  hiiu  by  the  hand,  and  toi<i  him  ho  had  been  at  his  father's  hous<>. 
and  hud  promised  to  send  him  home.  Madokawando  demanded  a  ran 
soin,  probably  to  satisfy  the  owner  of  the  captive,  "fearing  to  be  killed  bv 
Iiiin,  if  he  yielded  him  up  without  he  were  there  to  consent ;  for  he  wa^, 
he  said,  a  desiierate  man,  if  crossed,  and  had  crambd^  two  or  three  in  thni 
way."  Being  on  board  one  of  the  vessels,  and  treated  to  some  liquor, 
"  hu  waHced  a\^ile  to  and  again  on  the  deck,  and  on  a  sudden  made  >i 
stand,  and  said  to  Captain  Moon;  '  Well  captain,  since  it  is  so,  take  thi.s 
man :  1  freely  give  him  up  to  you  ;  carry  him  home  to  his  friends.'  "\  A 
red  coat  was  given  to  Madokawando,  which  gave  him  great  satisfnctioii. 

The  historians  of  the  war  have  all  observed  that  the  prisoneis  under 
MadokatDondo  were  remarkably  well  treated. 

In  February,  1677,  Major  H'aldron,  and  Captain  Frost,  with  a  body  of 
men,  were  sent  into  the  eastern  coast  to  observe  the  motions  of  the  In- 
dians, who  still  remained  hostile.  At  Pemmaquid  they  were  invited  on 
shore  to  hold  a  treaty,  but  the  English  finding  some  weapons  concealed 
among  them,  thought  It  a  sufficient  umbrage  to  treat  them  as  enemici<, 
and  a  considerable  fight  ensued,  in  which  many  of  the  Indians  were 
killed,  and  several  tiA:en  prisoners ;  among  whom  was  a  sister  of  Ma- 
tMcauando.  He  had  no  knowledge  of  the  aifUr,  having  been  gone  for 
aeveral  months  at  a  great  distance  into  the  country,  on  a  hunting  voyage. 

We  hear  no  more  otMadokatDondo,  until  1691.  It  will  be  found  men- 
doned  in  the  account  of  ligeremet,  Uiat  in  that  year  a  treaty  was  -made 
with  him  and  other  eastern  chie6.    This  was  in  November,  imd  it  waK 

would  deliver  all 

,_    ,      ,    Dr.  Jlfatt«r,§ "  as 

it  was 'not  upon  thoj^  land,  l^t  in  their  eanoM  upon  the  teaitr,  that  they 
si^ed  and  sealed  this  instrument ;  so,  reader,  we  will  be  jealous  that  it 
will  prove  but  a  fluctuating  and  umtaMe  sort  of  bunnees;  and  that  the 
Indians  will  do  a  lie  as  they  used  to  do." 

The  time  for  the  delivery  of  the  captives  having  arrived,  the  English 
met  at  Wells  to  receive  them,  and  to  renew  their  treaty.  They  took  care 
to  be  provided  with  an  armed  force,  aiid  to  have  die  place  of  meeting  At 
a  strong  place,  which  was  Slorer'a  garrison-houae.  But,  as  the  author 
just  cited  observee,  "The  Indians  Iwing  poor  tntuieiatu  for  keqiing  of 
time,  came  not  according  to  their  articles."  The  reason  of  this  we  cannot 
explain,  unless  the  wariike  appearance  of  the  English  deterred  them. 
Aner  waiting  a  while,  Captain  Cotwerae  surprised  some  of  them,  end 
brought  them  in  by  force,  and  having  reason  to  believe  the  Indians  pro- 
voked by  this  time,  immediately  added  35  men  to  their  force.    These 

*  A  ifMiy  wu  tlnied  9lh  of  Dec.  1676.    Mamucript  Nar.  of  Rn>.  T.  CoU*t.    It 
may  be  seen  in  Hunhard's  Narrative, 
t  The  Indian  word  for  killed.     Wood's  N.  E-  Propel. 
I  Manuscript  Narrative,  before  cited.  ^  Ma|[^alia,  ii.  0S9. 


TTK^CB     «■«!■■    UUU     W^UVS     .rfUO&VAU    I/IIICID.  X  IIIO       VTOO       III      l^VTVU 

agreed  by  them,  that,o'n  the  first  of  May  folbwing,  they 
the  captives  in  their  possession,  at  Wells.    **  But,^  says  1 


"were  I 
nor 
before 
■on," 
here  in 
•aid,".' 
■ear,  or 
'  The 


%. 


Chap.  Vin.] 


MADOKAWANDU. 


ion 


<*  were  not  com«  half  an  hour  to  Stttrer't  house,  oh  the  9th  of  June,  lOHl, 
nor  had  they  cot  their  Indian  wud  fkirly  lighted,  into  their  niauth«, 
before  fierce  Jmxiu,  with  900  Indiana,  made  an  attack  upon  the  garri- 
son,"* but  were  repulied  and  aoon  drew  off.  Madokamando  waa  not 
here  in  perwn,  but  when  he  knew  of  the  diaasler  of  hia  chief  captain,  h«- 
aaid,  '^Mv  brother  Moxna  has  mtatd  ik  now^  bui  /  ttiU  go  myu^  tht  ntrt 
jear,  and  have  the  dog  Convene  outofhii  AoJe." 

TIm  old  chief  was  as  good  as  his  word,  and  appeared  before  the  garri- 
son 32  June,  1093.  He  waa  joined  by  Bumi^and  Lahroert,  two  French 
officers,  with  a  body  of  their  aoldien,  and  their  united  strength  was  esti- 
mated at  about  500  men.  They  were  so  confident  of  succosa,  that  Uiey 
agreed  before  the  attack,  how  the  prisonerB  and  property  should  be  di- 
vided. Converse  had  but  15  men,Diit  fortunately  tnere  arrived  two  sloopa 
with  about  as  many  more,  and  supplies,  the  day  before  the  lAttle. 

MadokauHaMt  men  haid  unwisely  given  notice  of  their  approach,  by 
firing  upon  some  cattle  they  met  in  the  woods,  which  running  in  wound- 
ed, gave  the  inhabitants  time  to  fly  to  the  garrison.  Madoltawando  was 
not  only  secondMl  by  the  two  French  officen*  and  a  company  of  their 
men,  aa  before  obaerved,  but  Moxui,  Egeremtl  and  fforombo  were  alno 
among  them. 

They  bopm  the  attack  before  day,  with  great  fierceness,  but  after  con  - 
tinning  it  for  some  time  without  success,  they  fell  upon  the  vessels  in  the 
river ;  and  here,  although  the  river  was  not  above  twenty  or  thirtyfeet 
brood,  yet  they  met  with  no  better  success  than  at  the  guiTiwii.  Tliey 
tried  many  stratagems,  and  succeeded  in  setting  fire  to  the  Hloope  several 
times,  by  means  of  fire  arrows,  but  it  was  extinguished  without  great 
damage.  Tired  of  thus  exposing  themselves  an(f  throwing  away  their 
ammimition,  they  returned  aigain  to  the  garrison,  resolving  to  practise  a 
stratagem  upon  that,  and  thus  ended  the  first  day  of  the  attack.  They 
tried  to  persuade  the  English  to  surrender,  hut  finding  they  could  not 
prevail,  made  several  desperate  charges,  in  which  they  lost  many.  Be- 
ginning now  to  grow  diacoiuraged,  they  sent  a  flag  to  the  garrison  to  effect 
a  capitulation,  but  Converse^  being  a  man  of  great  resolution,  re{)lied, 
"  that  he  wanted  nothing^  but  men  to  come  and  fight  him."  To  which 
the  bearer  of  the  flag  said,  '*  JBetng  you  are  so  stout,  why  donH  3^  come 
and  fight  in  the  open. field  like  a  man,  and  not  RgM  in  a  garrison  like  a 
squawr  This  attempt  proving  ine^ectual,  tney  cast  out  many  threats, 
one  of  which  was, "  Wo  will  cut  you  as  small  as  tobacco,  before  to-morrow 
morning."  The  captain  ordered  them  "to  comu  on,  for  he  wanteil 
work." 

Having  nearly  spent  their  ammunition,  and  general  Labrocre  being 
slain,  they  retired  in  the  night,  after  two  days'  siege,  leaving  several  of 
their  dead,  among  whom  waa  the  general  just  named,  who  was  shot 
through  the  head.  They  took  one  Englishman,  named  John  Diamond. 
whom  they  tortured  in  a  most  barbarous  manner.  About  the  time  ot 
their  retreating,  they  fired  upon  the  sloops,  and  kiHed  the  only  man  lot>t 
by  the  vesKls  during  the  assault 

During  the  attack  upon  the  vessels,  among  other  stratagems,  they  pre- 
pared a  mmstwork  upon  wheels,  and  endeavored  to  bring  it  close  to  tli<> 
edge  of  the  river,  which  was  within,  perhaps,  ten  feet  of  them.  When 
they  had  got  it  pretty  near,  one  wheel  sunk  in  the  ground,  and  a  Frond : 
soldier,  endeavoring  to  Uft  it  out  with  his  shoulder,  was  shot  down ;  ti 
second  was  also  killed  in  the  same  attempt,  and  it  was  abandoned. 
They  also  built  a  raft  in  the  creek  above  them,  and  placed  on  it  an  i:ii- 
mense  pile  of  combustibles,  and,  setting  them  on  fire,  floated  it  down 


*  Magnalia,  li   529. 


M0XV8. 


IBooi  m. 


lowgrda  tbem.  But  when  within  a  few  rods  of  th«  •loop*,  the  wind  drove 
it  on  ihore,  and  thus  thev  were  delivered  fivm  the  moet  daogeroiw  arti- 
flee  of  the  wHole.  For  it  waa  nid  that,  bad  it  come  down  a^dnat  theai, 
thev  could  imx  have  Mved  theimelvea  from  the  fiinr  of  iui  flamea. 

Mtdaluummio  lived  aeveral  yean  ifter  thia,  ana  ia  auppoaed  to  have 
died  about  16D6. 

A  dauahter  of  hia  married  the  Baron  Dt  CatUint,  by  whom  be  had 
aeveral  children.*      , 

Some  have  endeavored  to  ground  an  argument  upon  the  aimilarity  of 
the  name  of  thia  chief  to  that  of  Madoek  the  Welahman,  that  the  eaatem 
Indians  were  descended  from  n  Welsh  colony,  who,  in  1170^  left  that 
country,  and  were  never  beard  of  after.  The  tUrry  of  aome  white  In- 
dians speaking  Welsh,  on  the  Missouri  River,  baa  gained  supporters  in 
former  and  latter  pertods.f 

Moxut,  or,  as  he  whs  sometimes  called,  AtamarM,  was  also  a  noted 
Penobscot  chief^  and  one  of  MadokawaniwM  principal  captaina.  We 
can  add  little  concerning  him,  lo  what  has  already  been  laid  above. 
After  that  great  sachem  waa  dead,  and  the  war  between  the  French  and 
English  nations  ceased,  the  eastern  chiefs  were  ready  to  aubmit  to  terms. 

Moxut  seems  the  successor  of  Madokmoando,  and  when  delegates  were 
sent  into  the  eastern  country  to  make  peace  with  the  Indiana,  in  1699,  bin 
name  stood  fint  among  the  aianers  of  the  treaty .|  He  concluded  another 
treaty  with  Gov.  Dudley,  in  1709.  The  next  year,  in  company  with  Wa- 
nungonet,  Ataeombuit,  and  n  number  of  French,  he  inveated  Captata 

*  A  good  deal  bu  been  said  and  wriiieii  about  Mom.  Casteint,  but  generally  without 
conveying  much  informalion.  We  will  give  here  the  original  authority  whence  accounts 
have  chiefly  originated  :— 

"  Le  Baron  de  SauU  Catteint,  nntilhomaie  d'Oleron  es  Beam,  •'«•!  reada  li  re 
conaiandable  pami  lea  Abenaki*  depuis  vingt  et  taut  d'anneM,  vivaaa  k  la  Huivage. 

2u'ili  le  regardent  aii|)ourd  'hui  comme  leur  Dieu  tutelaire.  II  Moit  auUefoii  officier  de 
!arignan  en  Canada,  mail  M»  que  ce  regiment  Tut  casi^,  il  te  jella  chez  cet  lauvag^es 
dont  il  avoit  aprii  la  laague.  II  ae  maria  it  leur  maniere,  preArant  let  for^tt  de  I'Acadic 
atac  monia  Piren^  dont  son  pals  est  environne.  II  v^ut  les  premiere*  ann^  avec 
eux  d'une  manient  k  s'en  faira  estimer  au-deli  de  tout  ce  qu'on  peut  dire.  lis  le  firttni 
grand  chef,  «iui  est  comme  le  souverain  de  la  nation,  et  peu-4-peu  il  a  travaill^  k  se  faire 
une  fortune  dont  tout  autre  que  lui  sauroit  profiter,  en  relirant  de  ce  pals>IA  plus  de  deux 
ou  trois  cent*  mille  ^lu  qu'il  a  dans  ses  eoflres  en  belle  moiuioie  d'or.  Cependant  il  n« 
s'en  sert  qu'  k  aeheter  des  m^handises  pour  faire  des  presens  k  ses  confreres  les  sau- 
vages,  qui  hii  font.ensuile,  au  retour  de  leurs  chasses,  des  presens  de  castors  d'une  triple 
vauur.  Les  goavemeurs  K^ereaox  de  Canada  le  mfoagent,  et  eeuz  de  la  Nouvellc 
Angleterre  le  eraignenl.  II  a  plusieura  filles  et  toutes  mari^  tti$  avantageuseinout 
avec  de*  Francois,  aiant  doiine  une  riche  dot  k  chacune.  H  n'  a  jamais  ehang^  d« 
femme,!!  pour  aprendra  aux  sauvages  que  Dieu  n'aime  point  les  hoaimes  inconstans. 
On  dit  qu'il  tiehe  de  convertir  ces  paovres  peuples,  mais  que  ses  paroles  ne  prodnisant 
aucon  fruit,  il  est  done  inutile  que  les  J^uites  leur  pr6chenl  les  v^ntei  du  christianiime  ■ 
cependani  ces  peres  ne  se  rebutent  pas,  ils  estiment  que  le  baptSme  confM  k  un  enfant 
mourant,  vaut  dix  fois  la  peine  et  le  chagrin  d'lial)iter  avec  ces  peuples."  Mtmoirea  de 
VAtturiquepar  Lahontan,  ii.  29  and  30. 

A  son  or  Ceutem*  was  a  sachem,  and  held  in  great  esteem  bv  his  tribe,  and,  like  hi.s 
father,  was  a  discreet  and  upright  man.  The  English  treated  him  vary  reprehensibjy, 
and  once  took  him  prisoner  and  sent  him  to  Boston,  but  he  was  soon  released.  HL> 
father  had  then  retired  to  his  estate  in  Franre. 

t  See  Janson's  Slrangtr  in  America,  ^tlO.  ed.  4lo.  London,  1807:  Umwrial  Btcuca- 
tint,  vol.  xciii.  SI ;  Dr.  Sou*H-v''s  Prtface  to  his  Madoek;  Bouquat's  Exped.  against 
Oltio  Indian*,  69.  ed.  4to.  Loudon,  17b6  ;  Ker's  Traveli  in  Amtriea,  16%-.173 ;  Burk, 
Hist.  Virginia,  ii.  M.  We  may  elsewhere  devote  a  chapter  to  an  examination  of  these 
account*. 
t  Magnalia,  ii.  MS. 


Mmkkt 
Maanh, 
the  wai 
timaiy  I 
taken  a' 
diMrny« 
inftired 
MMnu 
town,  u 


II W*  do  not  apprthead  that  tbii  amoonU  to  a  dimal  (ai  Mr.  /bttst  nadi  it,  Noty,  990,)  that 
b*  had  but  0D«  wifc.  Hi*  not  cAaiyny  JUt  wif«  ni(bl  be  true  alio  in  tli*  ploral,  if  ht  had  bad 
aeraral,  as  sena  antboi*  state. 


IBooi  lit 

wind  drove 

8«roiM  arti- 

•inat  thflDi, 

urn. 

ed  to  have 

oin  be  had 

imilaritjr  of 
dieeaatern 

JO,  left  that 
wfahe  In. 

pporten  in 

■o  a  noted 
taina.  We 
•aid  above, 
^rench  and 
it  to  terms, 
igatea  were 
in  J699,hii« 
ed  another 
with  JTa- 
Ml  Captafai 

rally  without 
met  accounts 

fraadaii  re 
I  In  Muvag*. 
it  offlcier  de 
ct*  tauvaces 
•  del'ArMlio 
uin^  avec 
II*  le  fintnt 
ill^  i  «e  faire 
plui  de  deux 
lendant  il  n« 
^«  lei  sau- 
d'une  triple 
la  Nouvellc 
ageuseinoiii 
lehanff^  do 
inconitans. 
iprodiiisant 
nitianimic ' 
a  un  enfani 
fetHoirta  dr 

od,  like  Ills 
rabenaibjv, 
Med.     His 

'lal  Maga. 
i-  agavnxt 
72;^rlc,     « 
HI  of  these 


t 

9S0,)  that 
It  had  had 


Oilar.  Vin.] 


Muao^-avaoN. 


l« 


Mmtk  in  the  fort  at  Oiko.  After  uaing  every  ertaavor  lo  take  It  I17 
a— nh,  they  had  reoourae  10  the  fbilowing  auaiagmii.  They  beaaa  at 
the  wiart  edfe  to  undermtate  it  by  diningi  but  wan  preveniad  ^the 
timely  avrival  of  an  armed  veaael  un£r  Oapiain  SraMaeA    They  had 


taken  a  veaaal  and  a  great  quantity  of  plunder.    About  900  caaoea' 
doBiroyad,  and  the  veani  retaken.    From  which  eirevmataftce  it  may  be 
inftrred  that  their  namber  waa  graaL 

JUaMM  waa  at  Caaoo  in  1713,  to  treat  with  the  Eagllah,  and  at  Geone- 
town,  upon  Arawaike  laland,  hi  171T.  There  were  aeven  other  ehMb 
who  attended  akm  at  the  time  and  piaee  Imr  mentioned. 

JM^gf  waa  a  chief  among  tlie  Androaooggina,  and  very  oonapieooua  hi 
the  eaatem  war  of  1676-7,  into  which  he  aeema  to  have  been  brought  by 
the  aame  eauae  aa  JIfaAfcmawdb,  afaready  atated.  He  had  been  very 
fHeodly  to  the  Engiirii,  and  had  lived  aomu  tiane  wkh  them. 

On  the  19th  Oct.  1676^  he  made  an  anauk  upon  Bhwk  PnHnt,  How  in 
Scarborough,  with  about  100  vrarriora.  All  the  inhabitanii  being  gath- 
ered into  one  fortified  place  upon  that  point,  a  fbw  handa  might 
have  defended  it  acainat  ail  the  Indians  on  that  aMe  of  the  eountty.* 
While  the  eaptun  or  the  garrison  waa  gone  out  to  hold  a  talk  with  JH^», 
the  people  Am  ftom  the  garrison,  and  took  all  their  eflTeeai  along  iHtti 
them.  A  ftsw  of  his  own  aenrama,  however,  remained,  who  fell  into  the 
handa  of  the  chief,  who  treated  them  kindly. 

When  #Vanew  Cord  waa  a  priaoner  among  hip  men,  he  told  him  "Mof 
ht  kadJ^mHi  «hI  Ikt  warn  to  hmm  Aastoa,"  and  laughed  much  about  Uie 
Englitift,  s#fing  he  would  have  all  their  veasels,  flahtng  iaianda,  and  whole 


country,  aiM  bragged  much  about  hia  neat  numbers.  He  waa  killed  at 
Bhtok  Point,  the  same  place  where,  tne  vear  beflwe,  he  had  had  auch 
good  aucoeaa,  on  16  May.  He  had  beaieged  the  garriaon  three  daya, 
killed  three  men,  and  taken  one  captive.  The  oelebiMed  S^mon,  vrho  had 
done  ao  much  miachief  in  many  placea,  waa  with  him  here.  lieutenant 
Timab^  Who  commanded  the  garrison,  "made  a  auceaasftil  shot  upon  an 
Inatan,  that  was  ohaanred  to  m  very  busy  and  bold  tai  the  aaaanU,  who  at 
that  time  was  deemed  to  be  Sgmimt  the  arch  viBatai  and  incendiary  of  aU 
the  eastward  Indians,  but  proved  to  be  one  abnoat  aa  good  aa  himself, 
who  waa  called  Afiiw.''f 

Sj/nunf  just  named,  waa  a  tioubleaome  ftlkiw,  who  eodtinued  to  create 
considerable  alarm  to  the  inhabitants  upon  the  Merrimack  River,  hi  the 
vioinitjr  of  Newbury  and  Ameabury,  about  which  part  aeems  to  have 
been  his  retridence,  aa  late  aa  the  month  of  July,  1677.  On  the  9th  of 
July,  six  Indiana  were  seen  to  so  into  the  buahes  not  ftr  fltwi  the  garri- 
son at  Ameabury ;  two  daya  bdbre,  several  men  had  been  killed  in  the 
neighborhood,  and  one  wonaan  wounded,  whose  name  waa  QatRily. 
iSyinon  waa  tiie  alleged  leader  of  the  par^  which  committed  the  depre- 
dation. Mra.  Oaisiiy  was  sure  that  it  waa  he  who  "knocked  her  on  the 
head,"  and  she  knew  many  of  the  namea  of  the  rest  with  him,  ahd  named 
AnAtWy  CFm^Ww  and  Jotaaih.  She  begged  of  i%mon  not  to  Mil  her.  He 
replied,  «ir)ly,gaodi0i/%  <tm«af,(fo  you  Atni  Mot/ wiB  MB  ytmr  She 
said  she  waa  amid  he  would,  beieauae  he  killed  all  English.  AysMn  then 
aaidf  **  I  will  give  qiMurter  to  never  an  English  dog  of  tou  aU,''^and  then 
gave  her  a  blow  on  oae  head,  ^ieh  did  not  hamen  to  hurt  httr  much ;  at 
which,  being  a  woman  of  gireat  courage,  ahe  uirew  a  stone  at  him;  he 
then  turned  upon  her,  and  ''struck  her  two  mora  bktws,"  at  which  ahe 
feU,  and  he  left  her  for  dead.  Before  he  gave  her  the  last  btowa,  she 
called  to  the  garriaon  for  help.  He  tdd  her  she  need  not  do  that,  fbr, 
said  he,  "  I  wdl  have  that  too,  by  and  by."    Sgrnm  waa  well  known  to 


•  Hubbard,  Ind.  Wan,  u.  46. 


t  ffirtsry  iVfie  Ettgkmi 


106 


KANKAMAOUS. 


(Book  Ilk 


CBAr. 


'  of  the  inhabitanis,  and  especially  to  Mrs.  (^M'tniy,  as  he  had  ibr- 
rhr  liml  with  her  fitther,  Wmam  Ounod.*  In  April,  1677,  S^wtm 
and  hie  companion*  burnt  the  houae  of  tSAixtrd  WafmmiA  at  Sttu^jeon 
Creeii,  and  plundered  the  houae  of  one  CraukUt  but  did  not  kiU  him,  be- 
cause he  had  ahnv;  kindness  to  &finon'«  granomother.f 

Sfmon  waa  one  of  the  Christian  Indians,  as  were  jSnditiw,  Jttffirtji,  PeUr^ 
and  several  othent  of  the  same  company,  a  eircumatance  which,  with 
many,  much  agsrrYated  their  offences.  The  imiptton  just  mentioned  is 
thus'related  by  Mr.  HuitbardfX  **  Simon  ai>4  Mdmt,  the  two  brethren  m. 
iEiq(ut3:,  with  a  few  more,  adventured  to  cruie  over  Pucataqua  River  on 
Portsmouth  wde,  when  they  burnt  one  house  within  four  or  five  milea-of 
<:he  tov.  q,  and  took  a  maid  and  a  young  woman  captive ;  one  of  them 
having  a  young  child  in  her  arms,  with  which  not  willing  to  be  troubled, 
they  gave  leave  to  her  that  held  it,  to  leave  it  with  an  old  woman^  whom 
the  Indian  iSjyMoii  qMored,  because  he  said  she  had  been  kind  to  his  grand- 
mother;  yet  one  of  the  two  captives  escaped  from  their  hands  two  days 
Kiter,  as  md  the  other,  April  93,  who  cave  notice  of  the  Indians,  (being 
u«t  so  narvowly  lodced  to  as  they  usea  to  do  others.)" 

It  was  on  3  May,  1676,  that  ^mon^  Andrew  and  Petor  fell  upon  the 
house  of  TkumoM  Kmial^  of  Braird,  killed  him,  and  carried  off  his  wife 
and  five  children  into  the  wiklerness.  Having  on  the  whole  concluded 
to  make  peace  with  the  English  while  they  coukl^  did,  before  the  end  of 
six  weeks,  restore  the  captives.  Instead  of  improving  the  opportunity  of 
securing  tfieir  fiiendshif^the  Endish  seized  Sj/nun  and  Ananw,  and  con- 
fined them  in  the  jail  at  Dover.  This  treatment  they  considered,  as  very 
naturally  they  should,  only  a  precursor  of  something  of  a  diflferent  char- 
acter; and  dierefore  fbund  means  to  break  jail,  and  make  good  their 
escape.  They  joined  their  eastern  friends,  and  hence  followed  many 
other  cruelties,  some  of  which  we  have  already  related.  About  the  first 
depredaticn  which  followed  their  flight  from  Dover,  was  committed  at 
Greenland.  One  Mm  JTematon  was  killed,  and  his  house  burned.  A 
writer  of  that  day,  after  observing  that  the  perpetrators  of  the  outrage 
were  i^ymon,  Anartw  and  PtUr^  observes  that  they  wer*  the  "three  we 
had  in  prison,,  and  should  have  killed,"  and  closes  with  this  exclamation, 
"The  good  Lord  pardon  us."§  Thus  some  considered  they  had  need  of 
jmrdon  for  not  dealing  widi  more  rigor  towards  the  Indians ! 

We  are  now  to  commence  upon  tne  recital  of  one  of  the  most  horrid 
massacres  any  wheie  recorded— the  sacking  of  Dover  by  the  famous 
chiefii  KankamaguM  and  Mauandouti,  and  the  barbarous  murder  of  Miy. 
WtUrm  and  many  of  his  people. 

Ktukamagua.,  commonly  in  the  histories  called  Hogkins,  Htuekinff  or 
Hakiiu,  was  a  Pennakook  sachem,  and  an  artfbl,  persevering,  ftithful 
man,  as  long  as  he  could  depend  upon  the  English  for  protection.  But 
when  Governor  Crai^dd,  oi'Nevr  Hampshire,  used  his  endeavors  to  bring 
down  the  Mohawks  to  destroy  the  eastern  Indians,  in  1034,  who  were 
constantly  stirred  up  by  the  French  to  commit  depredations  upon  the 
English,  Kimkamagm,  knowing  the  Mohawks  made  no  distinction  Where 
tbe^  came,  fled  to  the  eastward,  and  joined  the  Androeooggins.  He  had 
a  rort  upon  that  river,  where  his  family  and  that  of  another  sachem, 
called  froromboi,  or  fForomho,  lived.  But  before  he  fled  his  country,  he 
addressed  several  letters  to  the  sovermr,  which  discover  his  fi<teKty  as 
well  as  bis  fears;  and  fivm  which  there  is  no  doubt  Init  he  would  always 

J'ladly  have  lived  in  his  own  country,  and  on  the  most  intimate  and 
riendly  terms  with  the  English,  to  whom  he  had  become  attached,  and 


*  MS.  Documents. 

t  Hitt.  Hf.  England,  631. 


t  Belknap's  N.  Hcmmshirt^ 
$  Ibid.  3.  1«8. 


.■     f 


be  had  Ibr- 

u  8tui^«on 
aUhiin,  b«-> 

whieb,  with 
lentionedis 

brethren  io 
River  on. 
vemilerof 
le  of  them 
troubled, 
naiit  whom 

b»|rPTd- 
•  two  days 
ians,  (being 

upon  the 
offhia  wife 
concluded 
the  end  of 
ortunitjr  of 
Of  and  con- 
ad,  as  very 
irent  char- 
good  their 
wed  manv 
ut  the  fint 
nmitted  at 
umed.    A 
le  outnute 
"three  we 
clamation, 
dneed  of 

ost  horrid 
e  famous 

r  of  M^.n 

itmUtv,  or 
?*fiuthful 
on.    But 
I  to  bring 
'ho  were 
iipon  the 
>n  Where 
He  had 
sachem, 
•ntry,  he 
deNtyaa 
I  always       t 
ate  and 
>ed,  and 

Atrtv 


CBAf.  vm.] 


KANKAMAOVS 


bad  adopted  much  of  their  manner,  and  could  read  and  write,  but  for 
the  reasona  just  stated.  The  following  letter  fully  explains  the  situation 
of  his  mind  and  his  feelings,  at  the  time  he  expected  the  Mohawks  would 
ravage  his  countly: — 

<*  JIfef  IStt,  1065.  Honor  governor  my  friend.  You  mji  friend  I  deairt 
gtm  unrtMp  and  your  power,  beemue  I  hope  you  eon  do  fom  great  mattera 
tU»  one.  famooor  and  naked,  and  have  no  men  at  trm  plaee  hecaiu$e  I 
afraid  aUwayt  Miahoga  he  wOl  kiU  me  erery  da;if  and  night,  ffyour  wonhip 
ukenjdeate  vraw  help  me  you  no  kt  Mohoga  hUmeatnm  pkue  at  Mtdam' 
ake  Jnver  emtaPanukkog  and  .VbfuJbfcor,  /  wHi  avbmu  your  wonhip  atuf 
wur  power.  And  now  Iwantpouder  and  aueh  almniahon,  ehatt  and  guna, 
oeemiM  Ihanefbrtk  at  my  horn,  and  IpbuU  iheareJ* 

The  above  letter  is  signed  by  himself  and  14  of  his  principal  men. 
Whether  he  were  among  the  Pennakooks  seized  by  Major  fFoUron  about 
ten  years  before,  is  not  certain,  or,  if  he  were.,  it  is  not  probable  any  re- 
sentment ronained  in  his  breast  against  him  on  that  account,  as  the  Pen- 
nakooks were  all  permitted  to  return  home ;  but  it  is  certain  thai  he  was 
the  director  and  leader  in  the  dreadful  calamity  which  fell  upon  WaUron 
not  long  afterward,  and  which  is  as  miich  chargeable  upon  the  maltreat- 
ment they  received  from  the  English,  at  least,  as  upon  any  agency  of  the 
French.  It  may  be  true  that  many  belonging  to  the  eaatwara,  who  were 
seized  with  the  Pennakooks,  and  sold  or  left  in  foreign  countries,  had 
found  their  way  back  among  their  friends  again,  and  were  glad  of  the 
first  opportunity  of  revenging  themselves  upon  tne  author  of  their  unjust 
expatriation. 

Major  Wddron  lived  at  Dqyer,*  New  Hampshire,  in  a  strong  oarrison- 
house,  at  which  place  were  dso  four  others.  KamkoMo^fua  haa  artfhUy 
contrived  a  stratagem  to  effect  the  surprise  of  the  place,  and  had  otheis 
beside  the  Pennakooks  firom  different  places  ready  in  great  numbers,  tO' 
prosecute  the  undertaking.  The  plan  was  this.  Two  squaws  were  sent 
to  each  garrison-house  to  get  liberty  to  stay  all  ni^'ht,  ond  when  all  should 
be  asleep,  they  were  to  open  the  gates  to  the  warriors.  Maaandowtt, 
who  wsB  next  to  Kankamagua,  went  to  Major  WaldnnCe,  and  informed 
him  that  the  Indians  woura  come  the  next  day  and  trade  with  him. 
While  at  supper  with  the  mqjor,  Maaandowet  sud  to  him,  with  an  dir  of 
fiuniliarity,  **  Brother  Waldron,  what  would  you  do  if  the  strange  Indians 
should  come  ?"  To  which  he  vauntiosly  replied,  "  that  he  could  aesem- 
ble  an  hundred  men  by  lifting  up  his  finger."  In  this  security  the  rates 
were  opened  at  midnighl,  and  the  work  of  death  raged  in  all  its  fury. 
One  surrison  only  escaped,  who  would  not  admit  the  squaws.  They 
rushed  into  WeidroiCa  house  in  great  numbers,  and  while  some  guard- 
ed the  door,  others  commenced  the  slaughter  of  all  who  resisted. 
WaUbnn  Mras  now  80  years  of  age,  yet,  seizing  his  sword,  defended  iiim- 
self  with  great  resolution,  and  at  first  drove  the  Indians  before  hirn  tVom 
room  to  room,  umil  one  getting  bebiaid  him,  knocked  him  down  with  his 
hatchet.  They  now  seized  upon,  and  dragged  him  into  the  great  room, 
and  placed  him  in  an  armed  chair  upon  a  table.  While  they  were  thus 
dealing  with  the  master  of  the  house,  they  obliged  the  family  to  provide 
th?m  a  supper,  which  when  they  hod  eaten,  they  took  off  his  clothes,  and 
|imc.(>eded  to  torture  him  in  the  most  dreadful  manner.  Some  gashed 
liis  hreast  with  knives,  saying,  "/  croga  mit  my  account ;"  others  cut  off 
joiius  of  his  fingers,  and  said  to  him,  "  Nino  wiU  your^  weigh  a  pound  ?" 

After  cutting  off  his  nose  and  ears,  and  forcmg  them  into  his  mouth, 
he  became  faint  from  loss  of  blood ;  and  some  holding  his  own  sword  on 
end  upon  the  floor,  let  him  fall  upon  it,  and  thus,  ended  his  misery. 

*  Then  called  by  i(«  Indian  name,  Quocktcho. 


106 


HOPEHOOD. 


[Book  III. 


Chap. 


The  lodwoB  bad  been  greBtly  abused  and  wronged  in  their  trading 
with  the  whiles,  and  it  is  a  tradition  to  this  day  all  over  that  part  of  the 
country,  that  Major  WaUbnm  took  great  advantage  of  ihem  in  trade,  and 
did  not  cross  out  their  accounts  when  ihey  had  paid  liim ;  and  that,  in 
buying  beaver,  his  fiat  was  accounted  to  weigh  a  pound.  Althou|^  he 
may  have  taken  no  more  advantage  of  the  Indians  than  the  miyontv  of 
Indian  traders,  yet,  at  this  distant  day,  extenuation  will  not  be  looked  for 
in  impartial  accounts  of  the  transactions  of  our  ancestors  witli  the 
Indians. 

Several  were  killed  at  each  of  the  garrison-houses  that  fell  into  their 
hands,  they  kept  the  place  until  the  next  morning,  when,  after  collect- 
ing all  the  plunder  they  could  carry,  took  up  their  march,  with  29  cap- 
tives, into  the  wilderness  towards  Canada;  where  the  chief  of  them  were 
traught  by  the  French,  and  in  time  got  home  to  their  country  again. 
Twenty-three  were  killed  before  they  left  the  place.  This  affair  took 
place  on  the  night  of  the  37th  of  June,  1689.  Several  fSriendly  Indians 
raformed  the  English  at  Chelmsford  of  the  certainty  of  an  attack  upon 
Dover,  and  they  caused  a  letter  to  be  despatched  in  season  to  have  noti- 
fied the  people,  but  on  account  of  some  delay  at  Newbury  ferry,  the 
benefit  ofthat  information  was  lost. 

Four  years  after,  Col.  Church  took  Worombo's  fort,  in  which  were  Kan- 
kamagua^a  wife  and  children.  This  fort  was  upon  the  Androscoggin, 
about  35  or  90  miles  from  its  mouth.  In  another  place,  we  have  given  a 
history  of  CkurcKa  expeditk>n  to  this  fort.  The  prisoners  taken  here  in- 
formed Ckurth  that  there  had  been  lately  a  great  council  held  there  by 
the  Indians,  in  which  "  many  were  for  peace  and  many  against  it ;"  but 
they  finally  agreed  to  go  vrith  300  warriors  to  Wells  with  a  flag  of  truce, 
and  to  offer  the  English  peace,  which  if  not  accepted,  they  would  then 
ftU  upon  them.  "If  they  could  not  take  Wells,  then  they  resolved  to 
attack  Piscataqua.  The  which,  says  Church,  when  we  were  well  in- 
formed of,  we  left  two  old  squaws  that  were  not  able  to  march,  gaue  them 
victuals  enough  for  one  week  of  their  own  com,  boiled,  and  a  little  of 
our  pruisions,  and  buried  their  dead,  and  left  them  clothes  enough  to 
keep  them  warme,  and  left  the  wigwams  for  them  to  lye  in :  gaue  them 
onlflrs  to  tell  their  friends  how  kind  we  were  to  them,  biding  them  doe 
the  like  to  ours.  Also  if  they  were  for  peace  to  come  to  goodman  Sttudts, 
att  Barwick,  within  14  days,  who  would  attend  to  discourse  them ;  then 
\ve  came  away  with  our  own  five  captiues,  [English  that  they  had' deliver- 
ed J  and  nine  of  theirs."* 

In  the  same  letter  we  are  informed  that  amon^  these  prisoners  V7ere 
Kankamofru^a  wifo ::::  d  four  children.  His  brother-m-law  was  taken,  but  he 
"  ran  away  from  them."  Among  the  slain  was  Kankamagua*a  own  sister. 
A  girl  was  brought  away  whose  father  and  mother  had  been  slain  before 
lier  eyes.  Two  of  the  children  of  Woromho  were  also  among  the  pris- 
oners, all  of  whom  were  carried  to  Plimouth.  This  expedition  upon  the 
Androscoggin  wos  on  Sunday,  14  Sept.  1690. 

A  few  days  after  this,  Chvarch  landed  at  Casco,  where  the  Indians  fell 
upon  him  by  surprise,  and  were  not  beaten  ofif  for  some  time,  and  then 
only  by  havA  fighting.  This  was  on  the  31  September.  Church  had 
seven  men  killed  and  34  wounded,  two  of  whom  died  in  a  day  or  two  after. 
The  Indians  who  made  this  attack  were  probably  led  by  Kavkmrw^ju  and 
^oromio. 

Hopehnod  was  a  chief  nearly  as  celebrated,  and  as  much  detested  in  his 
time,  as  the  chiefs  of  which  we  have  just  spoken.  He  was  chief  of  the 
tribe  of  the  Kennebecks  generally  known  as  the  Nerigwoks.    He  was 

*  Manuscript  teller  writteu  at  (h«  lime  by  Chwvh,  and  sent  to  Gov.  Hmeklt^  of 
Plimouth. 


[Book  III, 

(heir  trading 
It  part  of  the 
in  trade,  and 

and  that,  in 
Althou^  he 
>  m^joritv  of 
►e  lookecl  for 
»«  witli  the 

ell  into  their 
lifter  collect- 
nth  29  cap. 
»f  them  were 
>untnr  again. 
B  affair  took 
ndly  Indians 
attack  apon 
5  have  noti- 
7  ferry,  the 

J  were  Ejan- 
idroscoggin, 
ave  given  a 
en  here  in- 
Id  there  by 
inst  it ;"  but 
ag  of  truce, 
would  then 
•■esolved  to 
■e  well  in- 
,  gaue  them 
d  a  little  of 
enough  to 
gaue  them 
:  them  doe 
lan  Smaffa, 
hem;  then 
ad'deliver- 

mera  were 
ken,  but  be 
own  sister, 
ain  before 
f  the  pris- 
I  upon  the 

idians  fell 
and  then 
ittrcA  had 
two  after. 
wg-M  and 

ted  in  his 

8f  of  the 

He  was 

^iMcklty  of 


cbap.  vni] 


HOPEHOOD. 


the  son  of  Robinhood,  a  sachem  of  whom  we  have  spoken  in  a  former 
chapter.  According  tt  one  writer,  Hopehood  was  also  known  by  the  name 
Wokmea.*  The  career  of  his  wariike  exploits  was  long  and  bloody. 
Our  first  notice  of  him  is  ir  PhUifs  war,  at  the  attack  of  a  house  at  Ne- 
wichewannok,  since  Berwick,  in  Mauie.  Fifteen  persons,  all  women  and 
children,  were  in  the  house,  ant!  Huj/thood,  with  one  only  beside  bimaeHI 
Andrew  of  Saco,  whom  we  have  before  mentioned  as  an  accomplice  with 
Stftnoti,  thought  to  surprise  them,  and,  but  for  the  timely  discovery  of  their 
approach  by  a  young  woman  within,  would  have  effected  their  purpoee. 
She  fastened  and  held  the  door,  while  all  the  others  escaped  unobserved. 
Hopdiood  and  his  compcuiion  hewed  down  the  door,  and  knockeu  the 
girl  on  the  head,  and,  otherwise  wounding  her,  left  her  for  dead.  They 
took  two  children,  which  a  fence  had  kept  irom  escaping.  One  they 
killed,  the  other  they  carried  off  alive.  Tne  young  woman  recovered, 
and  was  entirely  well  afterwards. 

On  the  18th  of  March,  1690,  happened  a  horrid  massacre  at  Salmon 
Falls.  Hopehood  had  joined  22  Frenchmen,  under  Hertd,  with  25  of  his 
warriors.  They  attacked  the  place,  as  soon  as  it  was  day,  in  three  places. 
The  people  defended  themselves  as  well  as  they  were  able,  in  their  con- 
stenuition,  until  about  30  of  their  best  men  were  slain,  when  thev  gave 
themselves  up  to  the  mercy  of  the  besiegers ;  64  men  were  carried  away 
captive,  and  much  plunder.  They  burned  all  the  houses,  and  the  bams 
with  the  cattle  in  them.  The  number  of  buildings  thus  destroyed  ia  un> 
known,  but  was  pe'haps  about  30,  and  perhaps  200  head  of  cattle. 

In  the  same  year,  Hopehood  appears  again  upon  our  records.  In  May 
of  that  year,  at  the  head  of  a  party,  he  fell  upon  Fox  Point,  in  New 
Hampshire,  killed  about  fourteen  persons,  and  carried  away  six,  after 
burning  several  houses.  This  was  as  easily  done,  says  Mather,f  '*  as  to 
have  spoiled  an  ordinary  hen  roost.**  Two  companies  of  English  soon 
collected  and  pursued  them ;  came  up  with  them,  killed  soma,  and  recov- 
ered considerable  plunder.  In  this  action  Hopehood  was  wounded,  and 
lost  his  gun.{ 

Many  were  the  horrid  acts  of  barbarity  inflicted  on  the  prisoners  taken 
at  this  time.  Not  long  after  this,  Hopehood  went  to  the  westward,  "with 
a  design,  says  Mather,  to  bewitch  another  crew  at  Aquadocta  into  his 
assistance."  The  Indians  of  Canada  and  the  Five  Nations  were  then  at 
war,  and  he  being  in  their  country,  was  met  by  some  of  the  Canada  In- 
dians, who,  taking  him  to  be  of  tlie  Iroquois  nation,  slew  him  and  many 
of  his  companions.  He  had  been  once  a  captive  to  the  English,  and 
served  a  time  in  Boston  as  a  slave.  There  appears  to  have  been  another 
Nerigwok  chiiedT  of  the  same  name,  who  treated  with  Gov.  IhuUey  at 
Casco,  in  1703.t 

We  have,  in  narrating  the  events  in  the  life  of  Midokawando,  noticed 
the  voyage  of  Mty.  Wnudron  to  the  eastern  coast  of  Maine,  which  was  at 
the  close  of  PhUip^s  war.  How  much  treachery  was  manifested  at  that 
time  by  the  Indians,  which  caused  the  English  to  massacre  many  of  them, 
we  shall  not  take  upon  us  to  declare ;  yet  this  we  cannot  but  bear  in 
mind,  that  we  have  only  the  account  of  those  who  performed  the  tragedy, 
and  not  that  of  those  on  whom  it  fell. 

Capt.  Chark»  FVost,  of  Kittery,  was  with  Waldron  upon  that  expedition, 
and,  next  to  him,  a  principal  actor  in  it ;  and,  like  him,  was  killed  by  the 

•  Harrit,  in  his  Voyages,  ii.  308,  who  says  he  was  a  Huron  ;  but  as  he  cites  no  au- 
thorities, we  know  not  how  he  came  b^  his  i'.iformation. 

t  Magnalia  Christ,  Americana,  b.  vii.  art.  ix. 

t  "  &  heathen  Indian  would  rather  part  with  his  head  than  with  his  gun."  Loihtl, 
ii.  814. 

10 


J!0 


BOMAZEEN. 


fVooK  L' 


CSAP. 


Ir.diana  ullcnvards.*  31r.  Hubbard  gives  thia  account  of  )\vi  Ukiug  a 
noted  warrior  lu  follows : — ^''Capt  Protl  seized  an  Indian  called  JMenm- 
neiMj^,  a  notorious  rogue,  that  had  been  in  arms  at  Connecticut  last  June, 
at  the  fallM,  and  Bi\w  that  brave  and  resolute  Caut  TWner,  when  he  vnM 
tilain  about  (ireen  River ;  and  helped  to  kill  Tnonuu  Bradui  at  Caaeo, 
August  la»t,  [1676.]  And  with  the  help  of  Lieut  JVkMer,  aecordinc  to 
the  majoi's  order,  carried  him  aboard"  their  veaael.  *<By  this  time,"  the 
same  author  continues,  "some  of  the  soldiers  were  lot  ashore,  and  in- 
stantly, according  to  their  major's  command,  pursued  the  enemy  towards 
the' .  canoeH.  In  the  chase,  several  of  tho  enemy  were  rieitt,  whose  bodiea 
these  [soldieni]  found  at  their  return,  to  the  number  of  seven ;  amongst 
whom  was  Mattahando,  the  sagamore,  with  an  old  powow,  to  whom  me 
Devil  had  revealed,  as  sometimes  he  did  to  Saul,  that  on  the  same  day  he 
should  be  with  him ;  for  ho  had  a  little  before  told  the  Indians,  that  with- 
in two  days  the  English  would  come  and  kill  them  all,  which  was  at  the 
very  same  time  verified  upon  himself."  Here  we  must  acknowledge, 
uotwithstanding  our  great  respect  for  this  author,  that  his  commentary 
iipon  that  passage  was  rather  gratuitous.  He  might  hav  ■■:  considered  that 
SaxUs  among  the  English  would  not  be  wanting,  of  whom  parallels  might 
bo  made.  Indeed,  the  historian  of  Kankamcgui  might  say  the  Deoil  was 
less  (ieceitru!  in  the  case  of  this  powow  than  he  was  afterwards  in  the 
case  of  Major  fVcidron. 

The  Euglish  took  much  plunder  from  the  Indians  at  this  time,  among 
which  were  about  a  1000  lbs.  of  dried  beef,  and  various  other  commodi- 
ties. Megunnewcy,  after  having  fallen  into  their  hands  as  we  have  stated, 
was  shot  without  ceremony. 


upon  •' 

of  true 
sent  pil 
prison.] 
bury, 
less. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

BoMAZEEN — Treachery  qf  the  whites  towards  him — h  imprisoned,  'it  Bottm 
— Saves  the  l\fe  of  a  female  captive — Captures  SmtQ — Is  killed — Arri?- 
HAwiKWABEMT — Hxs  Capture  and  death — Eoeremct — iSeued  at  Pem- 
maquid'— Barbarously  murdered — Treachry  o/"  OktM — Its  reauital — 
Capt.  Tom — Surprises  Hampton — Do^v — fRa  fori  captured  oy  CoL 
Church — Events  qf  Churches  expedi*.i .  -•,.  ipt.  bihmo — Treats  with  (be 
English  at  Casco — IJRs  speech — Wa'a  ■.■  mow — Capt.  Samcel — H%3 
fgM  at  Damaris  Cove — Hkuan —  One  ^  f/"*  name  barbarously  destroyed 
by  the  whites-  Mooci — Westbrook  bums  JS'erigwok — Some  account  of  the 

:^    Jesuit  Rasle — Movtton^s  expedition  to  JVengwok — Death  of  Mogg — 

'.  Death  of  Father  Rasle — JVotice  of  Movllon — Charlevoix^s  account  of  this 
qffair — Rasle  goes  out  to  meet  the  English,  who  shoot  him  down — Hefc^ 
near  the  cross  which  he  had  raised — iSeven  Indians  shot  down  by  his  side — 

',  The  Eriglish  bum  tiie  church  and  break  its  crucyix — Shockingly  mangle 
the  body  of  Rasle — Paugos — Bounty  offered  for  Indian  scalps— Captain 
John  LoveweU^s  first  expedition — His  second  hunt  for  Indians — FeiUs  in 
with  PADons — Fights  aim,  and  is  slain — Particulars  of  the  qffair— Inci- 
dents. 

We  will  continue  here  our  catalogue  of  eminent  chiefs  of  the  east, 
which,  though  a  remote  section,  has  no  less  claim  than  any  other ;  and 
the  first  of  Utem  which  we  shall  introduce  was  called 


At  hii  native  place,  4  July,  1697.    M8.  Ittttr  of  John  Farmtr,  Etq. 


itisi  ukiug  a 
called  J%iM. 
■cut  laat  June, 
when  he  wm 
to  at  Caaeo, 

Mcordiog  to 

■hore,  and  in- 
lemy  towaida 
whowj  bodies 
*•«;  amongat 
to  whom  On 
same  day  he 
na,  that  witb- 
ch  was  at  the 
icknowledge, 
commentaiy 
osidered  that 
uvllels  might 
he  Demlwn 
vnrds  in  the 

time,  among 
er  commodi- 
I  have  atateiJ. 


Cbap.  IX.1 


ARRUHAW1K\VAB?,MT. 


Ill 


ttcrf— Arrit- 
ed  at  Petti- 
t  requital— 
red  ly  CoL 
tats  with  the 

ly  df  stray f4 
-ount  of  the 
of  Mogg — 
ount  of  this 
n~HefaL% 
y  his  aide— 
gly  mangle 
r — Captain 
-FaUs  in 
rair—Jnci- 


f  the  east, 
ther;  and 


•»• 


Bomauen^  ^rho  was  a  sachem  of  a  tribe  of  the  Canibas,  or  Kenneberkj, 
whose  residence  was  at  an  ancient  seat  of  ragnmores,  upon  a  river  bear- 
ing  their  name,at  a  place  called  Norridgetootk.*  Whether  Bomautn  were 
the  leader  in  the  attack  upon  Oyster  Kiver  in  New  Hampshire,  Groton  in 
MaaeachuactiB,  and  many  other  places,  about  the  year  IGM,  we  cannot 
determine,  but  HidMruon  says  he  was  "a  principal  actor  in  tlie  carnage 
upon  the  English,"  after  the  treaty  which  he  h8<i  .r.Moe  with  Governor 
Phipa,  in  16G^  In  1G94,  he  cnme  to  the  fort  at  Pemmaquid  with  a  flag 
of  truce,  and  was  treacherously  seizetl  t>y  those  who  commanded,  and 
sent  prisoner  to  Boston,  where  he  remained  some  months,  in  a  loathsome 

E risen.  In  1706,  new  barbarities  were  committed.  Chelmsford,  Sud- 
ury,  Groton,  Exeter,  Dover,  and  many  other  places,  suflTered  more  or 
less.  Many  captives  were  taken  to  Canada,  and  many  killed  upon  thr 
way.  A  poor  woman,  one  Rebecca  Taylor,  who  had  arrived  at  the  River 
St.  Lawrence,  was  about  to  be  hanged  by  her  master,  an  <*  overgrown  In- 
dian," named  Sampson.  The  limb  of  the  troc  on  which  he  was  executing 
his  purpose  gave  way,  and,  while  he  was  making  n  second  attempt,  Boma- 
zeen  happen«i  to  be  passing,  and  rescued  her. 

We  near  of  him  just  af\er  the  death  of  vtrruhawikwabeml,  in  October, 
1710,  when  he  fell  upon  Saco  with  60  or  70  men,  and  killed  several  peo- 
ple, and  carried  away  some  captives.  Ho  is  mentioned  as  a  "  notorious 
fellow,"  and  yet  but  few  of  his  arts  are  upon  record.  Some  tiii".e  after 
the  peace  of  1701,  it  seemed  to  bo  confirmed  by  the  a[ipenrance  ofBomor 
zeen,  and  another  principal  chief,  who  said  the  French  friars  were  ur^ng 
them  to  break  their  union  with  the  English,  '*  but  thai  they  had  made  no 
impression  on  them,  for  they  were  as  firm  as  the  mountains,  and  should  con- 
tinuer  so  as  long  as  the  sun  and  moon  endured."  On  peace  being  mado 
known  to  the  Indians,  as  having  taken  place  between  the  Fic^neli  and 
English  nations,  they  came  into  Casco  with  a  flag  of  truce,  and  suon  after 
concluded  a  treaty  at  Portsmouth,  N.  H.,  dated  11  July,  1713.  Bomizeen^s 
name  and  mark  are  to  this  treaty. 

When  Capt.  Moullon  was  sent  up  to  Nerigwok,  in  1724,  tlicy  foil  in 
with  Bomazeen  about  Taconnet,  where  they  shot  him  as  he  was  escaping 
through  the  river.  Near  the  town  of  Nerigwok,  his  wife  and  daughter 
were,  in  a  barbarous  manner,  fired  upon,  the  daughter  killed,  and  the 
mother  taken. 

We  purposely  omit  Dr.  C.  Mather's  account  of  Z?omazeen'»  conversation 
with  a  minister  of  Boston,  while  a  prisoner  there,  which  amounts  to  little 
else  than  his  recounting  some  of  the  extravagant  notions  which  the  French 
of  Canada  had  made  many  Indians  believe,  to  their  great  detriment,  as  he 
said ;  as  that  Jesus  Christ  was  a  French  man,  and  the  Virgin  Mary  a 
French  woman ;  that  the  French  gave  thetn  poison  to  drink,  to  inflame 
them  against  the  English,  which  mado  them  run  mad.  And  wo  hear  of 
others,  who  told  the  Indians  that  the  English  put  Jesua  Christ  to  death  in 
London. 

Arrvlutwikwahcmt,  just  mentioned,  was  a  sflchem  of  the  same  tribe,  and 
was  said  to  be  of  Norriclgewock  also.  We  can  find  but  very  few  partic- 
ulors  of  him,  but,  from  the  fate  he  met  with,  it  is  presumed  he  had  been 
very  instrumental  in  continuing  or  bringing  about  the  ehstern  war  of  1710. 
In  that  year,  Col.  WaUon  made  an  expedition  to  the  eastern  coast  of  Maine 
with  170  men.  As  they  were  encamped  upon  an  island,  the  smoke  of 
their  fires  decoyed  some  of  the  Indianu  into  their  handr<,  among  whom 
was  JhruhatoikwahenU.     PenhaUoto  says,  he  was  "  an  active,  bold  fellow,. 

*  Nerigiook  is  believed  to  be  the  most  proper  way  of  spelling  the  name  of  tins  plnce^ 
a<  a^rcein^  best  with  its  orthoepy  ;  at  least,  with  that  heard  at  and  in  the  vicinity  of 
it,  at  this  day,  as  prnnoiinred  by  tiic  oldest  inhabitants.  It  is  a  delightful  place,  and  will 
be  found  elsewhere  described. 


113 


EGERKMET. 


Book  III. 


Chap*  I 


and  one  of  an  undaunted  spirit ;  lor  when  thev  usked  him  several  ques- 
tions, he  made  them  no  reply,  and  when  they  threatened  him  with  deaths 
Ac  laughed  at  it  vriUi  contempt !  At  whicli  they  delivered  him  up  iinto  our 
IHendly  Indians,  who  soon  l>ecainc  his  exeoutionor^  But  when  the 
squaw  8aw  the  destiny  of  her  huMband,  she  tiecame  more  flexihle,  and 
freely  discovered  where  each  |iarty  of  them  [the  Indiana]  encamped.*' 
The  savage  perpetrators  of  this  act  cnllt^d  themselves  Christian  warriors ! 
and  it  must  be  acknowledged  that  civilizntion  gains  nothing  in  contrasting 
the  conduct  of  the  whites,  under  fi'dton,  and  that  o(  Bomasutn  towards  a 
captive,  just  related.  k 

Egeremet  was  of  Machias,  and,  although  sometimes  called  Moxut,  was, 
we  milieve,  a  distinct  sachem.  This  chief,  with  five  others  of  like  quality, 
were  seized  by  the  English  when  they  came  into  Pemmaquid  Fort  to 
treat  with  them.  Egeremet  and  another  were  killed.  This  was  16  Febru- 
ary, 1696.*  Their  seizure  could  not  have  been  outdone,  by  the  ^atest 
barbarians,  for  faithlessness ;  and  we  hIi^H  learn  that  its  author  paid  for  it 
in  due  time  with  his  life.  We  are  not  disposed  to  add  to  transactions  which 
are  in  themselves  sufficiently  horrible,  but  we  will  venture  to  give  the  ac- 
count as  we  find  it  in  Dr.  C  Mather's  dccennium  Itutuoaum : — f 

"  Let  us,  before  the  year  be  quite  gone,  see  some  vengeance  taken  upon 
the  heads  in  tlu  house  of  the  wicked.  Know  then,  reader,  that  Capt.  March 
petitioning  to  bo  diir.tiiissud  from  bin  cuiiiniand  of  the  fort  at  Pemmaquid, 
one  Chub  succeeded  him.  This  Chnb  found  an  opportunity,  in  a  pretty 
chubhed  manner,  to  kill  the  famous  Edsetremet  and  Ahenquidf  a  couple  of 
principal  pn^amores,  with  one  or  two  other  Indians,  on  a  Lord's  day. 
Some  that  well  enough  liked  the  thhig  which  was  now  done,  did  not  alto- 
gether like  the  manner  of  doing  it,  because  there  was  a  pretence  of  treaty 
BctM  i)cn  Chub  and  the  sagamores,  whereof  he  took  his  advantage  to  lay 
violent  hands  on  them." 

Thus  tho  manner  is  ftsen  in  which  this  horrid  and  cold-blooded  act  is 
relat;»<l ! !  Few  are  th.e  instances  that  we  u  .  ijt  with  in  history,  where  Ai- 
diantreacheryyaR  it  is  termed,  can  ^o  before  this.  The  reverend  author 
adds, "  If  there  were  any  unfair  deahug  (which  I  know  not]  in  this  action 
of  C/uti,  there  will  be  another  Februnnf  not  far  off,  wherem  the  avewers 
of  blood  will  take  theu*  satisfaction."  ^y  this  innuendo,  what  befell  Capt. 
Chvbb  afterwards  is  undei-siood,  and  of  which  wo  shall  presently  give  an 
account. 

The  point  of  land  called  Trott's  JVeck,  in  Woolwich,  in  the  state  of 
Maine,  was  sold,  in  1685,  by  Egeremet  und  several  other  "achems.  In  1683, 
he,  with  12  othci  chiefs,  treated  with  Sir  William  Phijj^,  at  Pemmaquid, 
and  a  treaty  was  signed  by  them.t 

Before  this,  in  1691,  "New  England  being  quite  out  of  breath," says 
Dr.  C.  Mather,  a  treaty,  or  truce,  was  entered  into  between  the  eastern  sa- 
chems and  ^lessrs.  Hutchinson  and  7'omisend,  of  Boston,  and  others  of 
the  eastrrn  coast,  at  Sagadahock.  Here  ten  captives  were  given  up  by 
them,  and  tlie  English  gave  up  eight  captive  Indians.  One  was  a  woman 
by  f  hr  name  of  Hull,  who  had  been  of  great  service  to  them,  havine  writ- 
te  '  '^rters  on  .t^r^ous  occasions,  such  us  their  af&irs  required,  and  with 
w'r.tm.  thoy  n'!»i\^?ed  much  to  part.  Another  was  Afa^ianiel  While,  who 
had  brer:  Luuud  ii>i4  tortured  in  a  wretched  manner.  His  ears  were  cut 
oir,  naj,  instead  of  i-od,  he  was  forced  to  eat  them,  after  which,  but  for 
this  timely  tr.-ity,  ^\\c  sentence  of  burning  would  have  been  executed 
upon  him.  Th''  twi^'k'  stipulated  that  no  hint  should  be  done  the  English 
until  May,  161>2,  and  that,  on  the  first  of  that  mouth,  they  would  deliver^ 


*  Manuscript  o  '  Rnv.  John  Pike. 
•f  !t  may  he  sccii  ii  llir  Magnolia. 


t  Magnalia,  b.  vii. 


ItoOK  III. 


Crap*  DC.] 


EGEREHET. 


113 


■t  Wells,  all  Enffiish  captives  in  their  hands,and,in  the  mean  time,  would 
inform  of  any  plots  that  they  might  know  ot  the  French  against  the  Eng- 
lish. Egtremet  being  the  chief  sachem,  and  most  forward  in  this  busi- 
ness, Dr.  Mather  utters  his  contempt  for  him  by  saying,  "To  this  instru- 
ment were  set  the  pttm  of  I^mmet,  and  five  more  of  their  sagamores 
and  noblemen."* 

This  treaty  may  be  seen  at  length  in  the  Massachusetts  Collections,  but 
is  dated  one  year  earlier  than  it  is  in  the  Magnaiia.  The  fact  that  it  was 
made  upon  the  water,  as  Dr.  C.Mather  says, and  as  we  have  quoted  in  the 
life  of  Madokawandof  uppcnrs  from  the  last  paragraph  of  that  instrument, 
which  is  in  these  words : — 

"  Signed  and  sealed  interchflbip^ably,  upon  the  water,  in  canoes,  at  Sack- 
atehock,  toA«n  the  teind  blew" 

It  was  headed,  "  At  a  treaty  of  peace  with  the  eastward  Indian  enemy 
sagamores."  The  other  Ave  spi:hems,  beside  Ef^eremet,  were  Toquelmut, 
fVatumbomt,  fVatombamd,  Walumbe,  [fForombot,]  and  John  Hawkiru,  [or 
Kankanuipta.]  The  places  for  which  they  stipulated  are,  according  to  tne 
treaty,  "■  Pennecook,  Winnepisseockeege,  Oasepe,  Pigwocket,  Amoscon- 
gen,  Pechepscut,  Kennebeck  River,  and  all  other  places  adjacent,  within 
uie  territory  and  dominions  of  the  above-named  sagamores." 

The  witnesses  were,  Dewando,  [the  same  called  Adiwando  by  Ptnhal- 
low,  probably,]  JVerf  Higon,  John  Mden,  jr.  and  JSTtUhaniel  Jilden. 

The  next  year,  Egtremet  was  with  Madokawando,  Moxm  and  a  body  of 
French  under  Labrocre,  and  made  the  notable  attack  upon  the  garrison  at 
Wells,  which  will  be  found  written  elsewhere. 

We  will  now  inform  the  reader  of  the  wretched  fate  of  Capt.  Paeco 
Chub.  It  was  not  long  after  he  committed  the  bloody  deed  of  killing  the 
Indian  sagamores,  before  he  and  the  fort  were  taken  by  the  French  and 
Indians.  He  was  exchanged,  and  returned  to  Boston,  where  he  suffered 
much  disgrace  for  his  treachery  with  the  Indians.!  He  live«l  at  Andover, 
in  Massachusetts,  where  the  Indians  made  an  attack  in  February,  ^.696, 
in  which  he  was  killed.  It  was  not  thousht  that  they  expected  to  find 
him  there ;  but  when  they  found  they  had  killed  him,  it  gave  them  ns  nnuch 
joy,  says  AufcAtnton,  **  as  the  destruction  of  a  whole  tovm,  Ijecause  they 
had  taken  their  beloved  vengeance  of  him  for  his  perfidy  and  barbarity 
to  theu:  countrymen."  They  shot  him  through  several  times  after  he  was 
dead. 

In  his  characteristic  style,  Mr.  Oldmixon  speaks  of  thia  event.|  He 
says,  "Nor  must  we  forget  Chub,  the  false  wretch  who  surrendered 
Pemmaquid  Fort.  The  governor  kept  him  under  examination  some  time 
at  Boston,  and  then  dismissed  him.  As  he  was  going  to  his  house,  at  An- 
dover, the  Indians  surprised  h;m  and  his  wife,  and  massacred  them ;  a  just 

*  Magnaiia  Christ.  Americana,  book  vii.  art.  viii. 

t  Harris't  Voya^s,  ii.  506,  (ed.  1764.)  say*  Chuh  was  arrested  by  Col.  Oedney,  who 
was  sent  east  with  three  ships  of  war,  on  hearinf^r  of  the  surrender  of  the  fort,  aiid  that 
DO  French  or  Indians  could  be  found  ;  that  after  be  sireagthened  the  garrison,  he  re- 
turned  home. 

"  Col.  Oedney  ha(^  been  by  land  with  fiOO  innn,  to  secure  the  eastern  frontiers.  Find- 
jag  the  enemy  ^ne,  he  strengthened  the  garrisons,  which  were  not  taken.  He  also  ar- 
rested Patco  Chubb,  (at  surrendering  Pemaquid  Fort,  while  under  his  command  in  July, 
and  had  him  brought  lo  Boston.  Here  Capt.  Chubb  was  confined,  till  it  was  decided  that 
he  should  lose  his  commission,  aud  not  be  eligible  for  any  other.  This  unfortunate  man, 
with  his  wife  Hannah,  and  three  others,  were  killed  by  the  Indians  at  Andover,  Feb.  2S, 
1698."     Rev.  Mr.  FeU'i  AmtaU  of  Salem. 

A  naval  force  was  sent  at  the  same  time ;  hence,  the  accounts  are  not  altogether  irrec- 
oncilable. Three  men-of-war  were  sent  out  in  pursuit  of  the  French,  "  but  meetior 
*with  contrary  winds,  they  could  nevcrget  sight  of  them,"      Neal,  Hist.  N.  Eng.  ii.  S6l. 

X  British  Empire  in  America,  i.  77,  TB. 

10  • 


114 


CAPTAIN  TOM— DONEY. 


(no<iK  in. 


CBir.  IX 


reward  of  hia  treason."    The  autlior,  wo  think,  should  hav^  added,  ac- 
cording to  tlie  jiiriHprudeiicu  of  BavagcK. 

The  most  favorable  account  given  of  the  conduct  of  Ckub,  and  indeed 
the  only  one,  follows:  "An  Indian  sagninure's  son  appeared  with  a  flag  of 
truce,  and  Oapt.  Chub  went  out  to  tbciii  without  arina,  man  for  man.  An 
Indian  asked  for  rum  and  tobacco :  the  captain  said,  '  Ab ;  it  ia  aabbalh 
dmf,^  They  said,  '  We  wiU  have  rum,  or  tre  wili  have  rum  and  you  too.' 
Two  Indians  laid  hold  on  the  captain.  Then  he  called  to  his  men,  to  fall 
on,  for  Qod's  sake.  Then  he  made  signs  to  his  men,  to  come  from  the 
fort.  One  of  the  English  had  a  hatchet  under  his  coat,  took  it  out  and 
killed  an  Indian;  and  then  ours  killed  two  more  Indiana,  and  took  an- 
other alive,  and  wounded  another,  suppose(>  mortally.  Then  many  of  the 
enemy  came  near  to  the  English,  who  retreated  all  safe  to  the  fort.'** 

There  was  another  sagamore  of  the  same  name,  noticed  in  the  follow- 
ing wars  with  the  eastern  Indians,  who  was  friendly  to  the  whites ;  it  was 
probably  he  who  sometimes  bore  the  name  of  Moxua. 

In  the  Indian  war  of  1703,  there  was  a  great  Indian  captain  who  re- 
sided somewhere  to  the  east  of  Pascataqua  River,  who  made  his  name 
dreaded  among  the  settlements  in  that  region,  by  some  bloody  expeditionn 
which  he  conducted.    He  was  called  by  the  English 

Captain  7\)m.  On  17  Aug.  of  this  year,  this  daring  war  captain,  with 
about  30  others,  surprised  a  part  of  Hampton,  killed  five  persons,  where- 
of one  was  a  widow  Husaey,  "who  was  a  remarkable  speaking  Quaker, 
and  much  lamented  by  her  sect."  After  sacking  two  houses  near  th(>  gar- 
rison, tliey  drew  ofT-f 

Many  Indians  bore  the  name  of  Tom.  Indian  Hill,  in  Newbury,  was 
owned  by  Oreat  Tom.  He  is  supposed  to  have  been  the  last  Indian  pro- 
prietor of  lands  in  that  town.  In  written  instruments,  be  styles  himself, 
**lGrettt  Tom  kuiian.''l 

We  come,  in  the  next  place,  to  an  interesting  portion  of  our  eastern 
history.  It  has  been  generally  supposed  that  the  name  Dony,  or  Doney, 
was  the  name  of  an  Indian  chief,  hut  it  is  now  quite  certain  that  he  was 
a  Frenchman,  who  took  up  his  residence  among  the  Indians,  as  Baron  de 
St  Caiteina  did.  There  appears  in  our  historV,  in  1645,  a  "  Monsieur 
Dony,"  who  had  some  diflicultv  with  Lord  de  la  Tour,  about  their  eastern 
f-cMesaions,  and  he  was,  doubtless,  the  same  of  whom  we  have  an  account 
a;>ei*wards,  in  the  war  of  1690,  with  the  eastern  Indians.  At  this  time, 
there  were  two  of  the  name  in  Maine,  father  and  son.  The  son,  perhaps, 
like  Catteina  the  younger,  was  half  Indian,  but  of  this  we  are  not  sure  ; 
nevertheless,  to  preserve  our  narrative  of  the  events  of  Col.  ChwcVa  ex- 
pedition of  1690,  we  shall  notice  them  among  others. 

Gtwrch  landed  at  Maquait,  12  September,  before  day,  aad,  after  a  wet, 
&tiffuing  march  into  the  woods  of  about  two  days,  on  the  south-west  side 
of  Uie  Androscoggin,  came  into  the  neighborhood  of  a  fort  Tbejr  came 
upon  an  Indian  and  his  wife  who  were  leading  two  captives ;  and  imme- 
diately pursuing  and  firing  upon  them,  killed  the  Indian  woman,  who 
proved  to  be  the  wife  of  Young  Doney.§  We  can  only  hope  it  was  not 
their  design  thus  to  have  killed  an  innocent  woman.  Which  party  it  wbh 
that  fired  upon  them  (for  they  divided  themselves  into  three)  is  tmknown, 
and  we  in  charity  must  suppose  that,  at  considerable  distance,  and  in  much 
confiision,  it  was  difficult  to  know  an  Indian  man  ticom  a  woman.  « 

*  Manuscript  letter  in  library  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  written  In  the  following  month.  A*  it  was 
written  at  a  great  distance  from  the  place,  and  from  a  report  of  the  day,  little  reliance 
can  be  placed  upon  it.  It  may  have  been  Chub't  report  of  the  case. 
t  PenkaUow,  Ind.  Wars.  8  ;  Farmer' i  Belknap,  i.  167.  , 

i  Maniucript  Hist.  Newbury,  by  J.  Coffin.  n^- 

4  And  the  lame  called  in  tlie  Magnalia  Robin  Doney.  "'^  ■< 


*' 


innm  W. 
added,  ac- 


Chap.  IX.] 


DONEV. 


115 


In  who  re- 
his  name 
xpeditioriH 

•tain,  witli 
1^,  Tvfaere- 
g  Quaker, 
ir  thfc  gar- 
bury,  was 
idian  pro- 
B  hiniseU; 

•r  eastern 
or  Doney, 
Eit  he  was 
Baron  de 
Monsieur 
ir  eastern 
J  account 
this  time, 
perhaps, 
lot  sure ; 
trcA'»  ex- 

Br  a  wet, 
vest  side 
ey  camo 
i  imme- 
>n,  who 
was  not 
y  it  waH 
known, 
nmuch 


K*  it  was 
reliance 


Ah  Church  expected,  ZMney  ran  into  one  gate  of  the  fort  and  out  at  the 
other,  civiuff  the  alarm  so  effectually,  that  nearly  all  within  it  escaped. 
They  tounaand  took  priaonfli-s  "  but  two  men  and  a  lad  of  about  18,  with 
some  women  and  children.  Five  ran  into  the  river,  three  or  four  of  which 
were  killed.  The  lad  of  18  made  his  escape  up  the  river."  The  whole 
number  killed  in  this  action  was  "  six  or  seven."  The  English  had  but 
one  wounded.  They  took  here,  at  this  time,*  a  considerable  quantity  of 
corn,  guns  and  ammunition,  and  liberated  Mrs.  Huckings,  widow  of  Lieut. 
Mobert  Hitckinga,  taken  at  Oyster  River,  Mrs.  Bamar£,  wife  of  Beiyamin 
Barnard,  of  Salmon  Falls,  ianne  Htard,  of  Cochero,  a  young  woman, 
daughter  of  one  ffiUia,  of  Oyster  River,  and  a  boy  belonnng  to  Exeter. 
These  captives,  says  Chwch,  "were  in  a  miserable  conaition."  They 
learned  by  them  that  most  of  their  men  were  gone  to  Winter  Harbor  to 
get  provisions  for  the  Bay  of  Fundy  Indians.     This  informatkm  was 

fiven  by  a  prisoner  token  m  the  fort,  who  also  said  that  the  Bay  of  Fundy 
adians  were  to  join  them  against  the  English,  in  the  spring.  "  The  aol- 
diers,  being  very  rude,  would  hardly  spare  the  Indian's  life,  while  in  exam- 
ination ;  intendmg,  when  he  had  done,  that  he  should  be  executed.  But 
Capt  Hucking'a  wife,  and  another  woman,  down  on  their  knees  and 
begged  for  him,  saying,  that  he  had  been  a  means  of  saving  th*-ir  lives 
and  a  great  many  more ;  and  had  helped  several  to  opportunities  to  run 
away  and  make  their  escape ;  and  that  never,  since  he  came  amongst 
them,  had  fought  against  the  English,  but  being  related  to  HakWt^  wUe, 
kept  at  the  fort  with  them,  having  been  there  two  years ;  but  his  living 
was  to  the  westward  of  Boston.  So  upon  their  request,  his  life  was 
spared." 

Two  old  squaws  were  left  in  the  fort,  provided  witli  provisions,  and  in- 
structed to  tell  those  who  returned  who  they  were,  and  what  they  were 
4etcrinined  to  do.  They  then  put  four  or  Jwe  to  death,  and  decamped. 
Those,  we  must  suppose,  were  chiefly  women  and  children !  "  Knocked 
on  tht  head  far  an  example."  We  know  not  that  any  excuse  can  be  ^t> 
for  this  criminal  act ;  and  it  is  degrading  to  consider  that  the  civilized  must 
be  supposed  to  imagine  that  they  can  prevent  barbarities  by  being  wretch- 
edly barbarous  themselves. 

Old  Doney  was  next  to  be  hunted.  As  they  were  embarking  at  Ma- 
quait,  Mr.  Anihony  Bracket  came  to  the  shore  and  called  to  them  to  take 
him  on  board,  which  they  did.  He  learning  that  on  English  army  was 
thereabout,  made  his  escape  from  the  Indians,  with  whom  he  had  been 
some  time  a  prisoner.  The  fleet  now  proceeded  to  Winter  Harbor,  from 
whence  they  despatched  a  detachment  of  60  men  to  Saco  Falls.  When 
they  came  near,  they  discovered  Doney^a  company  on  the  opposite  side  of 
the  river,  who  chiefly  made  then*  escape.  A  cauoe,  with  throe  Indians,  was 
observed  coming  over  the  river;  they  did  not  see  the  English,  and  were 
fired  upon, and  "all  three  perished."  This  gave  the  first  alarm  to Bomy^a 
company.  Thcv  did  not,  however,  leave  their  ground  without  returning 
the  nre  of  the  English,  by  which  Lieut.  HunnetoeU  was  shot  through  the 
thigh.}:  When  the  parties  fired  upon  each  other,  Old  Donaj,  with  an  Eng- 
lish captive,  was  higher  up  the  river,  who,  hearing  the  firing,  came  down 
to  see  what  it  meant ;  and  thus  he  discovered  the  English  time  enough  to 
escape.  Doney  fled  firom  the  canoe,  leaving  his  captive,  who  came  to 
the  English.  His  name  was  Thomas  Baker,  who  had  lived  before  at 
Scarborough. 
There  were  many  other  movements  of  the  English  after  this,  in  wliicli 

*  Says  my  record,  which  is  a  maniiscfipt  letter  from  Church,  written  at  that  time. 

\  The  same  called  Kankatnagtu. 

i  Official  letter  io  MS.  from  the  expedition. 


/ 


116 


CAPTAIN  SIMMO. 


(Book  UI. 


Cukt  IX. 


they  got  rouoh  pliindar,  and  which  tended  to  eauao  an  uneamneaa  among 
them,  and  their  final  determinatioo  to  return  home.  Chwck  urged  a  longer 
oontinuance,  but  waa  uut-voted  in  a  council  of  offlcera,  and  thua  ended 
the  expedition.  Many  in  the  country  reproached  Ckurek  with  coward- 
ice, and  almost  every  thing  Init  what  we  anould  have  looked  for.  if  {Wt- 
ting  to  death  captives  hud  been  the  charge,  many  might  have  accorded 
Amtn  !    Rut  we  do  not  find  that  ursed  acainet  him. 

Two  years  after  thin,  in  1(J90,  ibi6tn  2)on<y  became  reconciled  to  the 
English,  and  signed  a  treaty  with  them  at  Pemmaquid.  But  within  a 
year  after,  he  ^>came  suspected,  whether  with  or  without  reason,  we 
know  not,  and  coming  to  the  fort  at  Saco,  probably  to  aettle  the  difficulty, 
waa  aeized  by  the  English.  What  his  fate  was  is  rather  uncertain,  but 
the  days  of  lorgivenesa  unci  mercy  were  not  yet. 

Amonj;  the  chiefs  which  we  shall  next  proceed  to  notice,  there  were 
several  of  nearly  equal  notoriety. 

Captain  iSImiiiio'«  name  should,  perhaps,  stand  most  conspicuous.  W» 
shall,  therefore,  go  on  to  narrate  the  events  in  bis  life,  after  a  few  prelim- 
inary observations. 

Whenever  war  commenced  between  the  English  and  French  in  Eu- 
rope, their  colonies  in  America  had  to  fear  the  worst.  This  was  the 
aspect  which  affairs  wore  in  1703.  With  the  first  news,  therefore,  of 
its  flame,  the  New  Englanders'  thoughts  were  turned  towards  the  In- 
diana Gov.  Dudley  immediately  despatched  messengers  to  most  of  the 
eastern  tribes,  inviting  them  to  meet  him  in  council  upon  the  peninsula  in 
Falmouth,  on  the  20  June.  His  object  was  ao  to  attach  them  to  the  Eng- 
lish, that,  in  the  event  of  hostilities  between  the  rival  powers  on  this  side 
of  the  Atlantic,  they  would  not  take  arms  against  them.  Agreeably  to  the 
wishes  of  the  English,  a  vast  multitude  assembled  at  the  time  appointed : 
the  chieft  Mkoando  and  Hegan  for  the  Pennakooks,  ^attanummon  ibr 
the  Pequakets,  Meaambomttt  and  fVexw  for  the  Androscoggina,  MoxuB 
and  Hopthood  (perhaps  son  of  him  killed  by  the  Mohawks)  for  the  Ne- 
rigwoka,  Bomaxem  and  Capt.  Samud  for  the  Kennebecks,  and  Wamm- 
fnad  and  WanadugutJbutnt  for  the  Penobscots.  After  a  short  speech  to 
Uiem,  in  which  the  governor  exi>rc8aed  brotherly  affection,  end  a  desire  to 
settle  every  difficulty  **  which  had  happened  since  the  last  treaty,"  Capt. 
Simmo  replied  as  fbllowa: — 

**  Wt  monk  you,  good  brother,  far  coming  ao  far  to  talk  with  us.  M  is  a 
great  favor.  The  cloude  fly  and  darken — hvi  toe  stitl  sing  with  love  Me 
umg»  of  peace.    Believe  my  tiwrd!*.— So  far  as  thx  siiif  is  above 

THE  earth  are  OUR  TBOCOHTS  FROM  WAR,  OR  THE  LEAST  RUPTDRE  BE' 
TWXElf  OS."* 

The  governor  waa  then  presented  with  a  belt  of  wampum,  which  waa 
to  confirm  the  truth  of  what  had  been  sud.  At  a  previous  treaty,  two 
heaps  of  small  stones  had  been  thrown  together,  near  by,  and  called  the 
T\oo-hrothen.\  These  were  considered  by  the  parties  in  the  light  of 
seals  to  their  treaties.  They  now  repaired  to  these  heaps  of  stones,  and 
each  increased  their  magnitude,  by  the  addition  of  others.  Thus  waS' 
happily  terminated  this  famous  treaty.  Some  parade  and  rejoicing  now 
commenced,  and  a  circumstance  transpired  which  threw  the  English  into 
great  fear,  and,  perhaps,  greater  suspicion.  A  grand  salute  was  to  be 
fired  upon  each  side,  at  parting,  and  the  English,  advisedly,  and  very  wa- 
rily, it  must  be  confessed,  but  in  appearance  complimentary,  expressed 
their  desire  that  the  Indians  would  fire  first.  The  Indians  received  the 
compliment,  and  discharged  their  guns ;  to  their  great  surprise,  the  Eng- 

*Thii  is  Mr.  Wtlliamton'M  version  of  the  speech,  Hist.  Maine,  'A.  X. 
f  The  Indiiuis  and  Eofrlish. 


friars 


fBooK  m, 

wnoBf 

daloomr 

iiu  ended 

coward- 

IfjJUt- 

•ceorded 


ClAP.  IX.] 


CAPTAIN  gAMIEL—HeUAN. 


117 


liih  found  they  had  been  loaded  with  bullet*.  They  now  conaidered  their 
treachery  certain,  and  nuu^eiJed  at  their  Mcaiw.  Kowever,  it  ran  only 
lie  presumed,  that,  according  to  the  maxim  of  tlw  ^vliitee,  the  Indiana  had 
come  prepared  to  treat  or  fight,  aa  the  caf>e  might  require ;  for  no  doubt 
tlit'ir  guna  were  charged  when  they  came  to  the  treaty,  otherwiae  why  did 
they  not  tire  upon  the  English  when  they  Miluted  them? 

What  became  of  Capt.  Simmo  we  have  aa  yet  no  account  Several,  of 
the  other  chieft  who  atii  rided  thin  council  were,  perhapa,  equally  con- 
spicuous. 

fVattanummon  being  absent  when  the  council  tint  met  on  the  30  June, 
no  busineae  was  entered  upon  for  several  days.  However,  the  English 
afterwards  said  it  was  confirmed  that  it  was  not  on  that  account  that  they 
delayed  thu  conference,  but  that  they  expected  daily  a  reinforcement  of 
'MO  French  and  Indialu^  an<i  then  they  were  to  seize  upon  the  English, 
and  ravaoe  the  country.  Whether  this  were  niei^ly  a  rumor,  or  the  real 
state  of  Uie  case,  we  have  no  means  of  knowing.  H^attonummon  was 
supposed  to  have  been  once  a  Pennakook,  as  an  eminence  still  bears  his 
name  about  a  mile  from  the  state-house  in  N.  Hampahire.* 

Capt.  iSmnuei  waa  an  Indian  of  great  braverv',  and  one  of  the  most  for- 
ward in  endeavoring  to  lull  the  fears  of  the  English  at  the  great  council 
just  mentioned.  What  gave  his  pretensions  the  air  of  sincerity  was  his 
coming  with  Bonuaeen,  and  giving  some  information  about  the  deaignsof 
the  French.    They  said, 

"  AUhowh  aeveral  mitaionariea  have  come  among  tu,  tent  &y  the  FVeneh 
friara  to  Break  the  peace  between  the  English  and  tu,  yet  thetr  uxtrdt  hove 
made  no  impression  ttpon  us.     We  are  as  firm  as  the  MOcifTAiits,  ani> 

WILL  so  CONTINUE,  AS  LOIfO  AS  THE  BVN  AND  MOON  ENDCRES." 

Notwithstanding  these  strong  expressions  of  friendship,  "within  six 
weeks  after,"  says  PenhaUow,  ''the  whole  eastern  country  waa  in  a  con- 
jBagration,  no  house  standing  nor  prison  unattacked.**  The  Indians 
were  no  doubt  induced  to  commit  this  depredation  fit)m  the  influence  of 
ttie  French,  many  of  whom  assisted  them  in  the  work.  And  It  is  not 
probable  that  those  Indians  who  had  just  entered  into  the  treaty  were 
idle  spectators  of  the  scene ;  but  who  of  them,  or  whether  all  were  en- 
gaged in  the  afiair,  we  know  not  A  hundred  and  thirty  peopla  were 
said  to  have  been  killed  and  taken. 

Capt.  Samuel  was  either  alive  30  years  after  these  transactions,  or  an-  ^i 
other  of  the  name  made  himself  conspicuous.  In  June,  17!^,  this  war- 
rior chief,  at  the  head  of  five  others,  boarded  Lieut.  Tilton,  &.%  he  lay 
at  anchor  a  fishing,  near  Damaris  Cove.  They  pinioned  him  i<nd  his 
brother,  and  beat  them  very  sorely ;  but,  at  last,  one  got  clear  and  reioiased 
the  other,  who  then  fell  with  great  fury  upon  the  Inmans,  threw  one  ov<ir- 
board,  and  mortally  wounded  two  more.f  Whether  Capt  <Samue{  wert 
among  those  killed  is  not  mentioned. 

There  was  a  Captain  Sam  in  the  wars  of  1745.  In  the  vicinity  of  Bt. 
CSeorge's,  Lieut  Proctor^  at  the  head  of  19  militia,  had  a  skirmish  with  the 
Indians,  5  Sept  in  which  two  of  their  leaders  were  killed,  viz.  Colonel 
Morris  and  Capt  Sam,  and  one  Colonel  Job  was  taken  captive  ;  the  latter 
being  sent  to  Boston,  he  died  in  prison.  To  quiet  the  resentment  of  his 
rekttives,  the  government  made  his  widow  a  valuable  present  after  the 
peace.l 

We  should  not,  perhaps,  omit  to  speak  separately  of  another  chief, 
who  was  present  at  the  famous  trea^  mentioned  above :  we  refer  to 

Hegan,    His  name  is  also  spelt  Hegon  aud  Heigon.    There  were  seve- 


I.' 


"  MS.  communication  of  J.  Farmer,  Esq. 
i  Ptnhallmo'i  Ind.  Wars,  86. 


t  WiUiamton,  Hut.  Me.  ii.  241. 


V 


^t  ii^. 


^ 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


1^ 


■a  128 

|S0    ^^ 

Itt  Itt 

m 
u 


1.1 


1*0 


12.0 


11.25 


U   11.6 


6" 


V 


<^ 


4!^   <«U   '^K\ 


Sdraioes 
CarporatiQn 


as  WIST  MAIN  STRUT 

WIISTIR,N.Y.  USM 

(7)6)t7a-4S03 


Itt 


MOOaw—RASLE. 


[BookUL 


Cbap 


nl  of  tfae  name.  One,  calkd  Motff^eigim,  mm  of  tFalkr,  wu  •  aachem 
at  Saeo,  in  1064.  Tfaia  chief,  in  that  ^ear,  aold  to  tTm.  Pkiilipt,  "a  tnust 
of  land,  being  bounded  with  Saco  River  on  the  N.  E.  aide,  and  Kenne- 
bunk  River  on  the  8.  W.  aide."  To  extend  frooi  the  aea  up  Saco  River 
to  tihlnMO  Falla,  and  up  the  Kennebunk  to  a  point  eppoaite  the  fot->ner. 
No  amount  is  mentioueid  for  which  the  hod  waa  aold,  but  merely  "a  cer- 
tain sum  in  goods."*  One  Smimmm  Hegon  attended  the  treaty  of  Pem- 
maauid,  in  IfflS ;  John,  that  at  Caaco,  in  1737 ;  N'td  was  a  Penoakook  '^ 
fFaUer,  brother  of  Mogg  ,*t  which,  or  whether  either  of  these  were  the  one 
so  barbarously  destroys  at  Casco,  as  appears  in  the  following  account, 
we  are  not  informed.  The  Ate  of  this  t^(o»  is  remembered  amonc  the 
inhabitants  of  some  parte  of  Maine  to  this  day.  He  was  tied  upon  a  horse 
with  spurs  on  nia  heeb,  in  such  a  m8i.ner  that  the  spurs  continually  goad- 
ed the  animaL  When  the  horse  was  set  at  liberty,  he  ran  furiously 
through  an  orchard,  and  tlie  craggy  limb*  of  the  trees  tore  bim  to  pieceti. 
Matker,  in  hb  Dbcenii idh  LucTuosiui4MplnB  to  confirm  something  of  the 
kind,  which  took  place  at  Casco,  ha  16M,wbere  the  Indians,  having  taken 
some  horses,  made  a  bridle  of  the  mane  and  tail  of  one,  on  which  **a  sou 
of  the  famous  Hegon  was  ambitious  to  mount."  "  But  beiug  a  pitiful 
horseman,  he  ordered  them,  for  fear  of  his  falling,  to  tie  his  legs  fast  un- 
der the  horse's  belly.  No  sooner  was  this  beggar  ad  en  horaeback,  and 
the  spark,  in  his  own  opinion,  thoroughly  equipped,  but  the  nettleaome  honr. 
furiously  and  presently  ran  with  him  out  of  sighu  Neither  horae  nor  man 
was  ever  seen  any  mure.  The  astonished  tawnies  howled  after  one  of 
flieir  nobility,  disappearing  bvsucb  an  unexpected  accident  A  few  da^s 
afler,  they  found  one  of  hia  Ug$,  (and  that  was  all,)  which  they  buried  m 
Capt  BraeMa  celhu*,  with  abui»danee  of  lauientauon." 

Heie  we  eannot  but  too  plainly  diacover  the  same  spirit  in  the  narra- 
tor, which  must  have  actuated  the  authors  of  the  deed.  He  who  laughs 
at  crime  ia  a  participator  in  iu 

From  theae,  we  pan  to  aflhirs  of  far  greater  notoriety  in  our  eaateru 
history ;  and  shall  cloae  this  chapter  with  two  of  the  most  memorable 
events  in  its  Indian  warftre.  ., 

Mt^,  the  chief  sachem  of  Norridgewok  in  17S24,  may  vciy  approprH 
ately  sMnd  at  the  head  of  the  history  of  the  first  event  How  long  he  bad 
been  sachem  at  that  period,  we  have  not  discovered,  but  he  is  mentioned 
by  the  EngKah  historiana,  as  the  old  chief  of  Norrid^wok  at  that  time. 
Notwithatimding  Mogg  was  the  chief  Indian  of  the  village  of  Nerigwok^ 
or,  as  Father  CkarkSoix  writes  it,  Narantsoak,  there  was  a  French  priest 
settled  here,  to  whom  the  Indians  w<  vc  all  devotedoess ;  and  it  is  behoved 
that  they  undertook  no  enterprise  without  his  knowledge  and  consent 
The  name  of  this  man,  according  to  our  Enj^ish  authors,  was  RaUi,  but 
aooording  to  his  own  historian,  ClutrUvoix,  it  was  RatU.^  The  depreda- 
tkins  of  tne  Ab^naquis,  as  these  Indians  were  called  by  those  who  lived 
amonir  them,  were,  therefore,  directly  charged  by  the  English  upon  Fa- 
ther RaaU ;  hence  their  first  step  was  to  offer  a  reward  for  his  head.|^ 
The  object  of  the  expedition  of  Col.  IVealbrook,  in  1732,  waa  ostensibly  to 
seize  up^n  him,  but  he  found  the  village  deserted,  and  nothing  was  effected 


tMH;nalia,ii.646. 


*  MS.  amoof  the  filei  in  our  itate-lKHise. 

t  MS.  letter  of  John  Farmrr,  Esq.  ^  oiBgnaiim,  ii.  amo,      * 

>Hi!it.  Oea.  de  la  Nouv.  Ft.  ii.  380,  d  ratn.  ' 

"  Apri»  phmtwri  tentofinef,  d'abard  pour  engager  ees  iotmaget  par  let  ojfret  et  U*. 
proiau$ei  let  nbu  Mni»anteM  h  U  Uvrer  aux  Ati^ioU,  <m  du  meint  It  le  rennmr  it  Qm- 
pte,  et  i  prenStre  en  *a  plate  tm  de  leurt  mimstret ;  mMrtte  pour  It  ttirpendre  H  pMt 
Peidiner,  let  Anglou  ritolm  de  t'en  dtfinrt,  auoiqi^U  leur  en  d6t  eoAter,  mirenc  $a  Utt 
A  prix,  tt  promirent  miUe  livre*  tterling  h  eeltdf  ftri  la  limr  porteroit."  ChaHeocix,  at 
Mipra. 


■W- 


.if 


■  A.' 


Cnir.  DL] 


MOaQ--iU8LE. 


110 


bjr  the  expedition  but  the  burning  of  the  place.  Father  Ra$U  was  the 
MM  that  left  it,  which  he  did  at  the  same  time  it  waa  entered  by  the  i 
my ;  having  firat  aecured  the  aacred  vasea  of  hia  temple  and  the  c 
mentB  of  ita  altar.  The  Engiiab  made  aearch  for  the  fiigitivea,  but  without 
aueceaa,  although,  at  one  time,  they  were  within  about  eight  feet  oMie 
very  tree  that  aerecned  the  object  for  which  they  aougbt.  Thua  the  FvoMh 
conridered  that  it  waa  by  a  reiiMrfcable  interooaition  of  ProTidenoe,  or,aa 
CKorleveir  expreaaes  it,  par  une  wudn  tneinMe,  that  Father  Rode  did  not 
All  into  their  banda. 

Determined  on  destroying  this  assemblage  of  Indiana^  which  was  the 
head  quarters  of  the  whole  eaatera  countr}r,  at  this  time,  the  Encliah,  two 
years  after,  1734,  sent  out  a  force,  conaiating  of  906  men  and  three  Mo> 
hawk  Indiana,  under  Captaina  MnJton,  Harmon  and  Btntne,  to  humble 
them.  They  came  upon  the  village,  tlie  23  August,  while  there  was  not 
a  man  in  arma  to  oppoae  them.  They  had  left  40  of  their  men  at  Teco- 
net  Falla,  which  is  now  within  the  town  of  Winslow,  upon  the  Kenne* 
beck,  and  about  two  miles  below  Waterville  college,  upon  tht;  opposite 
aide  of  the  river.  The  English  had  divided  themselves  mto  three  squad- 
rons :  80,  under  Harmony  proceeded  by  a  circuitous  route,  thinking  to  sur> 
prise  some  in  their  corn-fields,  while  Moulton,  with  80  more,  proceeded 
directly  for  the  village,  which,  being  Hurrouiided  by  trees,  could  not  be 
seen  until  they  were  close  upon  iu  All  were  iu  their  wigwams,  and  the 
English  advanced  slowly  and  iu  perfect  silence.  When  pretty  near,  an 
Indian  came  out  of  hid  wigwam,  and,  accidently  discovering  the  English^ 
ran  in  and  seized  his  gun,  and  giving  the  war-whoop,  in  a  few  minutea 
the  warriors  were  all  in  arms,  and  advancing  to  meet  them.  Moulton  or- 
ered  his  men  not  to  fire  until  the  Indians  liod  made  the  first  dist^harge. 
This  order  was  obeyed,  and,  as  he  exp»ct>;;<J,  they  overshot  the  EiiglMli» 
who  then  fired  upon  them,  in  their  turn,  and  did  2reat  execution.  Wheo 
the  Indians  had  given  another  volley,  they  fled  with  grvat  precipitation  to 
the  river,  whither  the  chief  of  their  women  and  children  had  also  fled 
during  the  fig^t  Some  of  the  English  pursued  and  killed  many  of  them 
in  the  river,  and  others  fell  to  pillaging  and  burning  the  village.  Mi^ 
disdained  to  fly  with  the  rest,  but  kept  possession  of  a  wigwam,  from 
which  he  fired  upon  the  pillagers.  In  one  of  his  discharges  he  killed  a 
Mohawk,  whose  brother  observing  it,  rushed  upon  Mogg  and  killed  him ; 
and  thus  ended  the  strife.  There  wore  about  60  warriors  in  the  place, 
•bout  one  half  of  whom  were  killed. 

The  famous  Roik  shut  himself  up  in  his  house,  from  which  he  fired 
upon  the  EngPish  ;  and,  having  wounded  one,  Lieut.  Jaque$,*  of  Newbu- 
ry,t  burst  open  the  door  and  shot  him  through  the  head ;  although  Moid- 
ton  had  given  orders  that  none  should  kill  hitn.  Ho  had  an  English  boy 
with  him,  about  14  years  old,  who  had  been  taken  some  time  before  from 
the  fhmtiers^  and  whom  the  English  reported  Rode  was  altout  to  kill 
Great  brutality  and  ferocity  are  cnargeable  to  the  English  in  this  affair, 
according  to  their  own  account;  such  as  killing  women  and  children, 
and  scalping  and  mangling  the  body  of  Father  Iuule.X 

*  Who  I  conclude  wac  a  volunteer,  as  I  do  not  find  his  name  upon  the  return  made 
by  AfoWton,  which  ii  upon  6le  in  the  nrret,  west  wing  or  our  slale-house. 

'  \  Mnnufcript  History  of  Newbury,  oy  Jothua  Coffin,  8.  H.  S.  which,  should  tli«  worM 
iniT  Iks ao  fortttnale  aa  to  fee  in  print,  we  will  ensure  them  not  only  great  graiificatioD, 
Ixit  ?  Ciind  of  amusemeal. 

t  \«  we  have  confined  ounelvet  chiefly  to  the  English  accounts  in  the  relation  of  Ihii 
affair,  it  will,  perhapa,  be  vratiiyiBr  to  many  to  hear  something  upon  the  other  side. 
This  we  cannol  do  netter  laiui  by  offeriag  the  following  extract  from  Charlevoix.  He 
•ays, — "  R  n'y  awA  alvn  que  emquamtt  guerriert  dam  It  hourg.  Us  prirent  let  armei, 
tt  eoururtnt  hmmtlmmrtrntttt,  mm  pa*  pour  iifendrt  la  place  eontre  un  eiuemi,  qui  itcit 
^a  dettoHi,  utaii  pawrfwotftiHr  la  Juitt  det /emmet,  dtt  veillardi  et  det  enfant,  et  lev 


• 


fAvam. 


[Book  III. 


TiMf«  WM  hen  a  handfloine  church,  wHh  a  bell,  on  which  the  Eiuiish 
eommitted  a  doable  Musrilege,  fint  robbing  it,  then  aettinf  it  on  nre ; 
herein  aurpaaaingthe  af^  of  the  flnt  EngHah  cireamnaTigMor,  in  hia  dep- 
radatioaa  upon  the  Spaniarda  in  South  America;  for  he  only  toolcawav 
thefold  and  silver  veamla  of  a  church,  and  ita  crucifix,  becauae  it  was  or 
oMaav  gold,  net  about  with  diamonds,  and  that,  too,  upon  the  advice  of  his 
ehi^ilain.  "Thia  might  pasa,"  says  a  reverend  author,  *'for  aea  divinity, 
but  justice  is  quite  another  thing."  Perhaps  it  will  be  aa  well  not  to  in- 
quire here  what  kindof  flftptnify  would  authorize  the  acta  recorded  intheae 
ware,  or  indeed  any  wars. 

Harmam  was  the  genera!  in  the  expedition,  and,  for  a  Ume.  had  *\m 
honor  of  it ;  but  MniUm^  according  to  Gov.  JVutemiuoii,  achieved  the 
victory,  and  it  was  afterward  acknowledged  by  the  country.  He  was  a 
prisoner,  when  a  small  boy,  among  the  eastern  Indians,  being  among  those 
taken  at  the  destruction  of  York,  in  1669.  He  died  about  17S9.  The 
townabip  of  Moultonhorough,  in  New  Hampshire,  was  named  iW>m  bim. 


and  many  of  his  posterity  reside  there  at  the  preaent  day. 

Under  the  head  Paugua,  we  shall  proceed  to  narrate  our  last  ovent  in 
the  present  chapter,  than  which,  may  be,  few,  if  any,  are  oftener  mentioned 
in  New  England  story. 

Pot^fia,  slain  in  toe  memorable  battle  with  the  English  under  Captain 
Loveww,  in  1735,  was  chief  of  the  Pequawfcets.  Fryeburg,  in  Maine, 
now  includes  the  principal  place  of  their  former  residence,  and  the  place 
where  the  battle  was  fought.  It  was  near  a  connderable  body  of  water, 
called  iSaeo  Pond^  which  is  the  source  of  the  river  <if  the  same  name. 
The  cruel  and  barbarous  murdprs  almost  daOy  committed  by  the  Indiana 
upon  the  deftnceless  frontier  inhabitants,  cauaed  the  general  court  of 
Maanehusetts  to  offer  a  bounty  of  £100  for  imj  Indian's  scalp.  Among 
the  various-excursions  performed  by  Lovewdi,  previous  to  that  in  whicn 
he  was  killed,  the  most  important  was  that  to  the  head  of  Salmon-fell 
River,  new  Wakefield,  in  New  Hampahire.  With  40  men,  he  came  upon 
a  small  company  of  ten  Indians,  who  were  asleep  by  their  fires,  and,  hy 
stationing  his  men  advantageously,  killed  all  of  them.  This  bloody  deed 
was  performed  near  the  shore  of  a  pond,  which  has  ever  since  borne  the 
iMme  of  LovewiJPa  Pond,  After  taking  off  their  scalps,  theae  40  war- 
riors marched  to  Boston  in  great  triumph,  with  the  ten  scalps  extended 
upoM  hoops,  displayed  in  a  formal  manner,  and  for  which  they  received 
£1000.  This  exploit  was  the  more  lauded,  as  it  waa  supposed  diat  these 
ten  Indiana  were  upon  an  expedition  Rftainst  the  Englisn  upon  the  fron- 
tiers; having  new  guns,  much  ammunition,  and  spare  blankets  and  nioc- 

dtmner  It  Urns  de  gagntr  It  cdti  <It  la  rioitrt,  qui  n'iMt  pa*  eneon  occupi  par  Ua  An- 
MJM*.  Lt  P.  Raslr  axierti  par  Its  clamturt  et  U  tuimdU  du  iangtr,  oU  tt  trouraittU  H» 
pitflmt*,  alia  *ani  craintt  ««  pristwttr  aux  atsaUlant,  datu  Fttptranct  d'altirer  sur 
An  ttid  (Mite  Uur  attention,  tt  par-lh  de  proeurtr  In  *<dMt  de  ton  troimeau  au  peril  de  ta 
etc.    8<m  tMperanet  ne  Jut  pat  vaine,  h  peiitt  eut-it  paru,  aue  let  AngloU  jtUtrent  tm 


mmna  et  eharitable  'aaeteur,  etuUmant  ta  vie  potif  ii»  otutiUeii,  apri*  trente-tept  an* 
d^tmalmbk  apottobU."-'"  Qiioiqu'on  t&t  tirt  lurtmxpbudt  dettx  milit  eoupi  dt  fu- 
aU»,  U  fti/tn  em  out  trenU  dt  tuit,  et  quatorzr  dt  bUt*e* :"—"  il*  liipargnerent  pa* 
PegU»t,  mtd*  it*  tnf  inirent  U/tHf  <lft'apri»  avoir  indigntmtnl  pn^mti  It*  vote*  *aerit,tt 
U  earpt  aiorMe  dt  Jfawn-CBRitT.  lU,  [let  AngiSi*,]  rttirtrtnt  tmuite  onee  une  pri- 
eMUMM,"—"  oopitHl  w/rappi*  d'une  terrewr  pamque.  Les  tauvagt*  rtiUrtrent  an*' 
*t-tdt  doM  lt»*  vUlagtt;  tt  urnr  nrtmitr  toin,  tamti*  que  let  femme*  chtrthotenl  de* 
herte*  a  detjMmU* proprt*  (kguervrU*  bte*i4*,/Mtdi  rdturtr  *ur  It  eerpi  dt tur  8.  mi*- 
limmabt.  JRt  te  troueertitt  perei  de  mUk,  coup*,  la  ehevtiurt  enleait,  U  cMbie  briti  it 
etrnf*  de  hifklfMf  fa  imicA«  tt  U*  ytux  renali*  de  bout,  U*  o*  de*tawibei/raea**i*,  tt  (oW 
It*  wtetmm  milai*  dt  ettU  manitrt*  differttdts."    Hi*t.  Gen.  li.  382-4. 


OiM. 


aodwti 
aathall 

It 


ment 


■.■"W" 


[Book  Hf. 

theEnsiish 
_  h  on  fire; 
V  in  hit  dep. 
y  took  »wav 
••0  it  was  of 
idvice  of  his 
■f«  divinity, 
)ll  oot  to  in- 
dedintfaeie 

ne.  bad  the 
cbieved  tlie 

He  was  a 
moDgthooe 
1739.    The 

fix>in  liliQ, 

at  event  in 
mentioned 

er  Captain 
in  Maine, 
1  the  place 
'  of  water, 
we  name, 
he  Indians 
I  court  of 
P'  Among 
in  which 
«iIinon-fiiU 
^ame  upon 
'B,  and,  hy 
oody  deed 
borne  the 
B  40  war- 
extended 
'  received 
that  these 
the  fron- 
uid  nioc- 

"'•iea  An- 

attirer  sur 
"n/  de  ta 
'Utrent  wi 
^*»  (time 
f»oietU,  tl 
'*•    Ainti 
•*ept  ant 
P*  defu- 
'rent  'pa» 
tacr^s,  el 
untpri.       \ 

^^fU  CUM' 

otnudet 
'  ^-  mi*' 
'  ttrit^i 
,ttum 


Oiur.  DC.] 


PiUQUS. 


cafMMM,  to  afeeouunodate  captives.  Tbis^  however,  was  nwre  conjeetoN^ 
and  whether  they  had  killed  friends  or  emiDiss  was  not  quite  so  certah 
as  that  they  had  killed  Mimu. 

It  is  naid  that  Paugu$  was  well  known  to  many  of  the  English,  sad 
personally  to  many  of  LovtwdPi  men ;  and  that  his  name  was  a  terror  to 
the  frontiers.  In  a  song,  composed  after  the  Pequawket  fight,  be  is  thus 
mentioned,  as  appearing  in  that  battle : — 

"  Twa*  Pomrw  M  the  Pequ^Ll  tribe ; 
At  runs  the  Tax,  would  PtaiMUS  run  } 
Ai  howk  the  wild  wolf,  would  ht  howl ; 
A  hufo  bearikiB  had  Fm^^  on." 

There  was  another  chief,  who  was  second  to  Ptmgm  in  this  fight,  by 
the  name  of  Wakuxt.     What  became  of  him  does  cot  •??««. 

Capt.  LoMwdl  marched  upon  thi»  expedition  oipinat  Am^fw,  with  46 
men,  from  Dunstable,  about  the  middle  of  April,  1735.  Their  setting  out 
w  thus  poetically  set  forth  in  nnetre : — 

"  What  tinw  the  noble  LovntM  came, 
'With  fifty  men  from  Dunstable, 
The  cruel  Pcqu'k't  tribe  lo  tame, 
With  arms  and  blood-shed  terrible." 

They  arrived  near  the  place  where  they  expected  to  find  Indians,  on 
the  7  May ;  and,  early  the  next  morning,  while  at  prayers,  heard  a  gun, 
which  they  rightly  suspected  to  ne  fired  by  some  of  Paugua^a  men,  and 
immediately  prepared  for  an  encounter.  Divesting  themselves  of  their 
packs,  they  marched  forward  to  discover  the  enemy.  But  not  knowing  in 
what  direction  to  proceed,  they  marched  in  an  opposite  direction  from  tho 
Indians.  This  gave  Patigua  great  ad vantase ;  who,  following  their  tracks^ 
soon  fell  in  with  their  packs,  firom  wliirh  he  learned  their  strength.  Be- 
ing encouraged  by  his  superior  numbers,  Paugus  courted  the  conflict,  and 
Eursued  the  Engush  with  udor.  His  number  of  men  was  said  to  have 
een  80,  while  that  of  the  EngltBb  consisted  of  no  more  than  34,  having 
left  ten  in  a  fort  at  Ossipee ;  and  one,  an  Indian,  had  before  returned 
home,  on  account  of  sickness.  The  fort  at  Ossipee  was  for  a  retreat  m 
case  of  emergency,  and  to  serve  as  a  deposit  of  part  of  their  provisions^ 
of  which  they  disencumbered  tlicmselves  before  leaving  it 

After  marching  a  considerable  distance  from  the  place  of  their  encamp- 
ment, on  the  morning  of  tlie  8  May,  Ensign  Wynum  discovered  an 
Indian,  who  was  out  hunting,  having  in  one  hand  some  fowls  he  had  just 
killed,  and  in  the  other,  two  guns.  There  can  be  nc  probability  that  he 
thought  of  meeting  an  enemy,  but  no  sooner  was  he  discovered  by  the 
English,  than  several  guns  were  fired  at  him,  but  missed  him.  Seeing 
that  bure  death  was  his  lot,  this  valiant  Indian  resolwd  to  defend  himself 
to  his  last  bfeath :  and  the  action  was  as  speedy  as  the  thought:  his  gun 
was  levelled  at  the  English,  and  iMWwtU  was  mortally  wounded  by  the 
fire.  Ensign  WymaUt  taking  deliberate  aim,  killed  the  poor  biinter ;  which 
aetion  our  poet  desorlbea  in  glowing  terms : — 

'<  BtA  VTymm,  wlw  is  Wobarn  lived, 
A  marksman  be  of  courage  true, 
Shot  the  first  Indian  whom  they  saw ; 
Sheer  through  his  heart  the  bullet  flew. 

The  aavnge  had  been  teekinr  nne } 
Two  gMM,  and  eke  a  kaife,  m  Mtni, 
And  two  Mnck  ducks  were  in  his  hand ; 


11 


He  shrieked,  and  fell  to  rise  i 


^^ 


PAU0U8. 


ptooK  in 


Ciur. 


He  was  scalped  by  the  chaplain  and  another ;  and  then  they  marehed 
again  bv  the  way  they  came,  ror  their  paclv<  This  was  expected  by  the 
wary  Paugua,  and  he  lay  in  ambush  to  cut  ti  9m  off.  When  they  had  got 
eompletely  within  the  ambush, 

"  Asoa,  Ibera  oifhly*  Indiam  roM, 
Who'd  bid  ibemtelvM  in  ambush  dr«ad } 
Their  koivea  Ihey  thook,  their  guM  they  aimed, 
The  (kmoua  Paugu*  at  iheir  bead." 

When  the  Indians  rose  from  their  coverts,  they  nearly  encircled  the 
Knglish,  but  seemed  loath  to  begin  the  fight ;  and  were,  no  doubt,  in  hopes 
thai  the  English,  seeins  their  numbers,  would  yield  without  a  battle ;  end, 
therefore,  made  towards  them  with  their  guns  presented,  and  threw  away 
their  first  fire.  This  only  encouraged  the  English,  and  they  rushed 
toward  the  Indians,  fired  as  they  prened  on,  and,  killfaiff  many,  drore  the 
Indians  for  several  rods.  But  they  soon  rallied  and  nred  vigorously  in 
tlioir  turn,  and  obliged  the  English  to  retreat,  leaving  nine  dead  and  three 
wounded,  where  the  battle  began.  Lavewdlj  thoupi  moruilly  wounded 
bufore,  had  led  his  men  until  this  time,  but  feU  before  the  retreat 

*'  Jdm  LovnotU,  captain  of  (he  band, 
Hia  sword  he  wav'd,  Ihal  elittcr'd  bright, 
For  the  last  time  Iw  clicer^  his  men. 
And  led  them  onward  to  the  fight. 

'  Fight  on,  fight  on,'  brave  Lovtwell  said ; 

'  Fim  on,  wmite  Heaven  shall  give  you  breath !'  ')>i 

An  Indian  ball  then  pierc'd  him  throurii,  -.^^ 

And  Lcnemdi  elos'd  his  eyes  in  death/'  ,f-^ 

Being^  near  the  shore  of  Saco  Pond,  the  English  made  good  their  re- 
treat to  it,  which  prevented  their  beins  surrounded ;  and  b  at  for  this  mo- 
tion, none  could  possibly  have  escaped.  The  bank  of  the  pond  afitrded 
n  kind  of  breastwork,t  behind  which  the  English  maintained  the  fight 
until  night.  The  Indians  drew  off  about  dark,  and  diey  saw  no  more  of 
them.  Nine  only  of  the  English  es<»ped  unhurt,  thoush  several  that  were 
wounded  lived  to  return  home.  Paugua  was  killed  py  one  John  Cham- 
heHautf  and  is  thus  mentioned  by  the  poet : — 

"Bai  (Chamberlain,  of  Dun^Mt, 
One  whom  a  savage  ne'er  shall  slay. 
Met  PoMgHt  by  tm  water-side. 
And  shot  him  dead  upon  that  diay." 

A  son  of  PaitfM,  after  peace  was  restored,  came  to  Dunstable  to 
revenge  his  fotliei^  death  by  killins  CAom&erlam,*  but  not  going^  directly 
to  him,  his  design  was  mistrusted  by  some  one,  and  communicated  to 
him,  and  he  kept  himself  upon  guard,  and  had  a  hole  cut  through  the  door 
of  his  house,  from  which  eany  one  morning  he  discovered  an  Indian 
behind  a  pile  of  wood,  with  his  gun  pointeil  towards  the  door,  to  shoot 
him,  he  supposed,  as  he  came  out ;  but  making  use  of  his  advantage, 
Ch/mheHain  fired  upon  and  killed  this  son  of  Pangua. 

*  Mr.  WUliMiuon,  Hist.  Maine,  ii.  1S7,  says  "  about  f»3."  This  number  he  gels,  I 
luppokO,  from  an  average  or  three  authors,  thus : — Penhallow,  TO,— Hutehinttm  and 
aifmmi.  80,-«nd  Bttknap,  41 ;  hence,  70-}-80-f4l-7^s£3-f-:  But  he  has  missed  one  of 
hia  autimiities,  for  70-^-8l)-|-8(H-41~4aB68— j  i.  e.  about  68  would  be  the  accurate 
averan. 

t^dhafldw'«IndiaaWan,llS.  ^ 


Ho 
gradu^ 


■'S*. 


Pfeosm 

they  imrehed 
pected  bytfa* 
I  they  had  got 


CMAr.  IX.] 


PAU0U8. 


BDcircled  the 
Nibt,  in  hopes 
» battle ;  end, 
threw  away 
they  nuhed 
i^tdrorethe 
nsorooflly  in 
■d  and  three 
ly  wounded 
reat 


'^H 


pd  their  re- 
br  this  mo- 
nd  afilrded 
d  the  fight 
no  more  of 
il  that  were 


instable  to 
ig  directly 
nicated  to 
[fa  the  door 
u>  Indian 
\  to  shoot 
idvantage, 


^Ih»  sell,  1 
AtiuoN  aad 
•Mdouor 
B  accurate 


Tbe  En^Wi  chaplain,  Jonatium  iVyc,  wm  mortal^  woundad 
tha  battle. 

.  <   "  A  man  wu  ha  of  couMiy  ftim, 

Politb'd  and  brave,  well  learnt  and  kind. 
Old  Harvard's  kamed  halls  be  lell, 
Far  in  dn  wiMt  a  grave  to  And." 


Ho  was  of  Andover,  m  Mi 
graduated  at  Harvard  college. 


ihusetta,  and  bad,  but  a  short  tinw  beibte^ 


I- 


-A' 


"  Liaotenanl  FarwtU  look  kit  band, 
His  arm  wtMuid  hi«  neck  he  Ihrew, 
And  said,  '  Brave  chaplain,  I  could  wish 
That  Heaven  had  made  me  die  inr  yen.' 

Tbe  chaplain  on  kind  FanBtWt  breast. 
Bloody,  and  languishing,  he  fell ; 
Nor  after  thai,  said  mora  but  Ihis, 
'  I  ktve  thee,  ko^aier  }  fare  thee  well !' " 


The  folIowiBg  lines  apply  well  here,  although  they  are  not  in  die  or- 
der of  the  poet : — 

"  Then  did  the  crimson  streams,  thai  (Uyu'it, 
Seem  like  iho  waieni  or  the  brook, 
Thai  brighUy  shine,  thai  loudly  daab, 
Far  down  the  clifls  of  Agiocbock."* 

If  miracles  had  not  then  ceased  in  the  land,  we  should  bo  induced  to 
pass  to  their  credit  the  extraordinary  escape  of  several  of  tht?  wounded 
Englbhmen.  Sohmon  Ketfut,  having  received  three  wounds,  said  he  wouM 
hide  himself,  and  die  in  a  secret  place,  where  tbe  Indians  could  not  find 
him  to  get  his  scalp.    As  he  crawled  upon  tbe  shore  of  the  pond,  at  some 

*  Tbe  Indian  name  of  Ihe  While  Mounlaini,  or,  as  the  people  of  New  Hampshire 
would  say.  White  Hills.  The  natives  believed  the  summits  or  those  mounlaina  to  be 
inhabited  by  inviaible  beings,  but  whether  rood  or  evil  wo  are  not  icforaed.  Nor  is  it  of 
much  importance,  since  tlwy  reverenced  Ibe  one  as  much  as  the  other. 

It  is  always  faigUv  gratifying  to  Ihe  curious  toobaerve  how  people  primitively  viewed 
otgecis  whicn  have  become  familiar  lo  them.  We  will  here  preseat  Ine  reader  with  Mr. 
Jtutb/n'*  description  of  Ihe  While  Mountains,  not  for  ils  Aminicy,  but  for  iis  curioea 
extravagance.  "  Four  score  miles,  (upon  a  direct  line,)  lo  the  N.  W.  of  Scarfaorow,  a 
ridge  m  mountains  run  N.  W,  and  N.  E.  an  hundred  leagues,  known  by  Ibe  name  of 
the  White  Mountains,  upon  which  lieth  snow  all  tbe  year,  aiid  i*  a  landmark  twcaty 
miles  off  at  sea.  Il  is  a  rising  ground  from  Ihe  sea  shore  lo  these  hiHs.  aad  they  are  in* 
accessiMe  but  by  the  gullies  which  Ihe  dissolved  snow  hath  made.  In  llieee  gujfies  grow 
•aven  bushes,  whie'j  Ming  taken  hold  of,  ara  a  gnod  help  to  liie  eliaibii^  (fiacoverer. 
Upon  Ihe  top  of  die  highest  of  these  mountains,  i.i  a  largo  level,  orplaa^of  aday*a 
journey  over,  whereon  nothing  grows  but  moss.  At  the  farther  «td  of  lUa  plain  it  an> 
oilier  bill  called  the  Sugar-Mtf,  lo  outward  appearance  a  rude  heap  of  massie  slonct 
piled  one  upon  another,  and  you  may,  as  you  aiicenil,  step  from  one  stone  lo  another,  as 
if  you  were  vning  up  a  pair  of  stairs,  but  winding  still  shout  Ihe  hill,  till  you  come  lolhe 
top,  which  wul  require  half  a  day's  time,  and  yet  it  \a  not  above  a  mile,  where  Ikere  is 
also  a  level  of  about  an  acre  of  ground,  with  a  pond  of  clear  water  in  Ike  midst  .if  it, 
which  you  mav  hear  run  down,  but  how  il  asocnns  is  a  mystery.    From  this  rock'  itill 

Sou  may  see  the  whole  country  round  about ;  it  is  far  above  iSc  lower  cfouds,  and  trona 
snce  we  beheld  a  vapor,  (like  a  grent  pillar,)  ilrnwn  up  by  the  Kun*bcams  out  of  amat 
lake,  or  pond,  into  the  air,  where  it  was  formed  into  a  rloun.  Tlie  country  beyond  UMtte 
bills,  northward,  is  daunting  Irrrihio,  l)eing  full  of  rorky  hills,  as  thick  as  mole^hills  in  a 
meadow,  and  cloalhed  wtih  infinite  thick  woods."  Nne  KngUmd^*  RaritiM,S,4.  Sad 
recolleclions  are  associated  with  the  nnme  of  these  mountains.  The  destruction  oflivet, 
occasioned  by  an  avalnnchc  at  the  relcbreted  Notch,  in  iSSfi,  will  not  soon  be  forgotten. 
Mr.  Moort,  oV  Concord,  has  published  an  inteiesiing  account  of  it  in  Ihe  CJoL  N.  H 
Hitl.  Soc.  vol.  iti. 


m  PAVOOB. '  [Book  a£' 

diMuce  (Kmi  Ae  i^hmm  of  actioa,  he  (bund  •canoe,  into  vvliieh  he  raBad 
himMif^  and  was  drifted  away  by  the  wind.  To  bis  great  astoniahiMHl^ 
be  was  cast  ashore  at  no  great  cfistance  fixyn  the  fort  at  Oisipee,  to  wbieb 
he  crawled,  and  there  met  several  of  his  companions ;  and  gaining  sfvmglht 
returned  home  with  them. 

Those  who  escaped  did  noc  leave  the  battle  ground  until  near  midnight. 
When  they  arrivea  at  the  fort,  they  expected  to  have  found  refireshment, 
and  these  thqr  had  left  as  a  reserve;  but  a  follow  whoaananeia  not  men- 
tioned, who  deserted  the  rest  when  the  battle  began,  ao  frightened  ihnw, 
that  they  fled  in  great  eonfosion  and  dismay  to  their  homes. 

The  place  whvre  this  fight  took  place  was  50  mUea  fit>m  anyidiitein- 
haMtants ;  and  that  any  should  have  survived  the  fiunine  which  now  atarad 
the'n  in  the  fkce,  is  almost  as  miraculous  as  that  they  should  have  eaeaped 
death  at  the  hands  of  the  courageoua  warriors  of  PmHguo ;  yet  14  Kved 
to  return  to  their  friends. 

Fifty  men,  from  New  Hampahire,  afterwards  marched  to  the  acene  of 
aotion,  where  they  fmmd  and  buried  the  dead.  They  found  but  three  In- 
dians, one  of  whom  waa  Poufitf.  The  rest  were  snnpoaed  to  have  been 
taken  away  when  they  retreated  Stom  the  battle.*  We  will 
dose  the  acoonnt : — 

"  Ah !  many  •  wife  •ball  rend  her  hair. 
And  meiiy  a  ebild  ery, '  Woe  it  om/ 
When  meuanger*  me  newt  ihall  bear, 
Of  LoeewtW*  dear>boaght  rielory. 

With  fi>oUt«p(  slow  shall  travellers  go, 
Where  LovnttWt  pond  shines  eiaar  aad  biighl, 
And  BMfh  ih«  plase  where  Ihoae  are  laid, 
WholeU  ia  LoettoeWi  bloody  fighL 

Old  men  shall  shake  (heir  heads,  and  say. 
Sad  was  (he  boor  and  (enftle, 
When  LooewM,  brave,  'gainst  Pm^^u  wen(. 
Wide  My  men  from  Dunstable." 


Obav. 


let  the  poet 


After  LoveudPt  fight,  the  Andr  osr 
t»  the  head  of  Connectunit  Rive^. 


jn  and  Pequawket  Indiana  retirad 
. ,  remained  here  bat  two  jreai*  in 
peace,  at  which  time  the  Andrm.'»nii.s  removed  to  Ganada,  where  tbej 
««re  afterwards  known  as  the  8t  nvicia  tribe.  The  others  reriiained  on 
the  Cotinecticut.  Their  chie^  PkOvz,  fought  with  the  Amsricons  in  the 
mvolutionaiy  war.f 

*  For  dM  piineipal  lae(s  ia  this  areomrt,  we  are  indebted  (o  flyMw— 'i  narrative  of  (ha 
ArhtfYiublisbed  (he  same  year  in  which  i(  happened,  and  lately r)pabiishi:ii  in  Fknmer  ami 
JKsere's  His(orical  CoHeetions,  vol.  i.    The  poeUy  is  firom  vol.  iiL  of  (he  i ^ 

t  R^g«ra>9  Rmninis.  Fr.  War.  160. 


-0' 


(Bmk  n. 

heralbd 


Obaf.  X.]  8T.  FRANCIS  DESTROYSD. 


CHAPTER  X. 
Hiil&nf  nf  Ac  JVbHAcm  tmd  EatUm  tkl0  tontbmei. 

At  the  clow  of  the  last  ohapter,  mentioD  ww  made  of  the  8t  Fnaeii 
Indiana,  and  aa  they  were  a  tiart  oT  them  th«  raauMnt  of  the  one*  ra- 
apoetahle  Androscoggina,*  their  hiatoiy  will  here  be  reaumed.  We  have 
already  related  some  of  their  hardaliipa  and  Miflbringii,  both  in  PkS^t 
war  and  the  French  v/ars  aAerwarda,  when  they  had  to  contend  with  the 
old  experienced  ehiet',  Col.  CkwA ;  and  alao  their  aevere  dinaler  in  op- 
posing LavemtU. 

After  their  arrinJ  upon  the  Lake  Sk  Fr^ocia,  from  which  their  vinage 
took  ita  name,  they  were  under  the  influence  and  guic*uice  of  the  Frenop. 
Their  village,  in  1755.,  consisted  of  about  40  wigwams  ksd  a  church,  and 
a  friar  rested  among  them.  What  time  the  Androacoggins  jotued  the 
St  Francis  tribe  has  not  been  discovered,  but  whenever  war  existed  be- 
tween France  and  England,  they  generaltjr  had  aome  participation  in  it, 
which  ended  ic  their  almost  total  destruction  in  1750. 

Before  the  capture  of  Queliee,  in  1759,  and  while  the  Engliah  army 
under  Gen.  Amkerri  lay  at  Crown  Point,  an  expedition  against  St.  Fran- 
cis was  ordered  by  him ;  being  so  **  exssuemted,**  says  Col.  Roger*,  ''at  the 
treatment  Capt.  Kenmify  had  received  from  those  Indiana,  to  whom  be 
bad  been  sent  with  a  flag  of  trace,  and  proposals  of  peace,  who  had  been 
by  them  made  prisoner  with  his  party,  that  he  determined  to  bestow  upon 
them  a  signal  cliastisefflent.'*  Tnia  does  not  appear,  boweven  to  be  all 
that  was  charged  ngainst  them,  for  Maj.  Rogen  continuea,  "Thoy  had, 
within  my  own  knowledge,  during  (he  six  years  past,  killed  and  carried 
away  more  than  600  persons."  Accordingly  Maj.  Rogers  was  despatched 
upon  this  enterprise  with  143  effective  men,  including  officers,  ana  a  firw 
Indians  <^  the  Pe(|uauket  tribe,  under  PAtKp,  their  chief.  It  was  a  inoat 
perikMiB  undertaking ;  near  300  miles  of  wild  country  to  be  passed,  late  In 
October,  1750.  W  hen  they  came  in  eight  of  the  town,  towards  eveniiig,  on 
the  5  October^  the  inhabitants  were  dancing  aliout  in  great  glee,  celebra- 
ting a  wedding.  Haff  a  i  hour  before  sunrise  the  next  morning,  the  Eng- 
lisli  foil  suddenhrup<!ta|U-em,  in  three  divisions,  and  completely  surprised 
diem;  killing  900  In$ana^and  capturing  a  few  women  and  cbildren. 
With  aueh  necrecy  and  ..promptitude  did  the  English  act  on  this  occasiob, 
says  our  author,  "that'qbe  enemy  had  no  tinM  to  recover  themselves,  or 
take  arms  in  .their  own  defonce,  until  they  were  mostly  destroyed." 
Some  fow  ran  down  to  the  river  to  escape  bv  swimming  or  in  their  canoea, 
but  were  uursued  and  destroyed.  Their  villase,  except  three  bouseay  was 
burnt,  and  niiny  pcTsoos  in  it  By  seven  o'eloek  the  butchery  was  end- 
ed, and  a  retreat  waa  immediatelv  commeiicpd.  Two  Indian  boys  were 
brought  awray  prisouci's,  one  of  whom  was  named  SthaHa.  The  English 
eominander  sayi^  **  We  found  600  scalps  hangteg  upon  polea  over  the 
doors  of  their  wigwama." 

Although  t^jti  Eiaglish  had  made  such  havoe  atnonc  die  Indiana^  yet  a 
wret«:lied  cahunity  awaited  them  in  tbefar  hdmewartrmareh.  They  had 
but  one  of  their  number  killed,  who  was  an  Itidiatt,  mid  six  wounded, 
luring  the  massacre,  but  on  dieir  return  manv  were  lost  in  the  wildemen, 
atarvMand  frozen  to  death.  Hie  sfsenea  of  individual  suffering,  could 
diey  be  known,  wouM  exceed  those  which  followed  Loveueita  fighi, 

*  "  At  Sl  Prufsit,  rrom  tome  of  ZmtMiarmmkiae,  or  ftopU  frem  ffu  mouth  tif 
tut  river,  I  Ivaned,  tnat  iImv  call  it,  or  n&nt  iU  haakt,  AmttmmraiUiMoke,  or  ktnn 
^tht  rwcr  atoMMttvr  *»  ^rii  mttl."    KtMUiP*  Tiaveb,  ui.  V. ' 


^  PHILIP  OP  1^0^ET^»«OLD«  KXPEDTTION  (Boot  lil. 

Havinc  miMBlcen  tha  Upper  Tor  the  Lower  Cooe,  mne  set  off  by  poisi 
or  eonipiH,  and  were  never  bewd  of  after,  and  the  enemy  fbUowM  at 


OftAt. 


■  wciv  irovcr  uvani  w  ■■»»■#  iwi   mw  vuviut    ivuutvvu  «na 

cut  off  'otheia.    But  PkU^,  at  the  bead  of  hk  eompany,  made  good  bb 
retreat  without  kminc  a  man  in  the  way. 

Beaidea  tUa  expedition,  in  Whieb  PkU^  waa  one  of  "Rogen'  rangera," 
be  waa  at  the  capture  of  Louiaburgh,  under  Gen.  ^mkmly  and  waa  tliv 
Ifinit  man  tinat  todi  pMaeiaion  of  the  fdrtrev.* 

In  the  winter  of  1787,  ^1^  ^^  Eullrii  and  French  annica  bail  gone 
into  winter  quart«i%  Col.  Am^iv  waa  left  in  eonunand  of  Fort  Edward, 
akid  had  aevoal  aeir ere  batini  with  the  French  and  Indiana  in  aeoiiting 
expedhkina.  In  one  of  tbe*e,  he  fell  in  with  ft  auperior  fbree  to  bia  own, 
near  Tieonderoca,  arid  Umi  Many  of  bia  men,  in  killed  and  priaoneia. 
Thia  waa  on  91  Januarv.  The  chief  PMy  waa  in  that  aAir,  and  acted 
ia  aernalBL  Coqcemu^  thife  dileC  h  la  flmber  aaid  that  be  waa  but 
**  half  Indian,'*  ud  that,  in  the  ravdlntlM,  1m  Joined  the  Americana,  aaying 
**  be  waa  a  whig  Indian.* 

Mention  baa  oeen  mftde  of  an  Indiu  ef  the  name  of  SdaHa  or  SBiaUt, 
There  were  aeveral  of  ibe  name,  ftiid  doublleife  it  waa  peenKar  to  the 
Abenaquiea;  and  hence  tbftt  Smlli$,  cftMUMd  at  St.  Francia,  waa  dfi- 
aeended  firom  an  Abenaquia  finiily,  who  nad  aettled  there.  It  ia  poni- 
ble  alao,  that  be  may  be  the  aame  who  afterwaida  raaided,  near  the  head 
waten  of  the  Kennebeek,  with  ft  brotbeir  hftnsMi  Mimii$,  who  ia  bmucht 
to  our  nodce  in  the  accoiinCit  of  Gen.  JbmUTa  expedition  tbroiigh  that 
revion  in  the  fidi  of  1775 ;  but  thift  in  eOAjmnaxt,  Hdwever,  what  ia  known 
oftheae  two  brothera  folloi^ 

Oen.  JtnoU  having,  on  bia  ftlMval  lb  the  Keboebeck  River,  ordered  a 
amall  biuid  to  proeeetThi  adviitaeiB  of  the  army,  to  dlaoover  and  mark  out 
ft  route  Ibr  it,  gave  Mrict  drcMrft  thtt  AhtMtt  iboDld  be  captured  or  killed. 
Thia  order  had  been  given,  becauie  t^e  gttocfftl  had  been  infi>nn«d  that 
he  bad  been  fixed  there  hj  the  tSi^liiih  of  CiiBftda,  aa  a  apv,  to  give  hi- 
Ibrmation  if  an  enemy  ahoUld  aMraUb  lb  that  directioii.  But  thn,  aft  it 
proved,  waa  fidae  inf^nnfttiAil/ftMl  JVUMiCt  Wfta  the  fiiend  ol  the  Ameri- 
cana, aa  alao  waa  bia  brother  SUoib,  who  KVed  lAoM  aeVen  mileft  higher 
up  the  river,  above  him. 

The  reaidence  of  JVhfant*  Wfta  k  IbiMabme  pUca,  tmoB  the  bank  of  the 
river ;  bii  cabin,  aituatad  in  die  cekitore  oTft  gMM,  ttie  border  of  ti^foh 
waa  beyond  muiket  ahot  flom  IL  Wfta  a  diieoVMf  Wliieh  addtd  to  the 
auapiciona  of  the  party,  who,  havib'g  alrritM  ki  the  bel|hborbood,  4  Octo- 
ber, aurrouqded  it  at  every  tiOilA,  and  ittta  ttl  Uikte  ll  with  gteat  eaMr- 
neaa ;  expeetliifc  widioiit  ddUbt,lo  hiVe  tidCMi  ftfia-j^iriaaMr.  In  thb  dicy 
were  diaappoiirted,  fbr  it  apifiMcid  khtt  the  pkce  had  bete  dMerted  a 
week.  Near  by,  at  the  ehore  of  the  ri¥«r,  a  mte,  drft#n  opon  birch  bark, 
waa  Ibimd  in  the  tap  oft  Mike,  iptymaexuittdt  OftliiMbtinJi  tfie  ooonm  df 
the  rivera  towarda  Cankda,  and  fiiiea  dedMilig  puitk  u^HnmiDg  Abni 
one  to  another,  lliia  gieawf  AMjMied  thten,  Mt  dl<4^  jtM^ted  morli  hy 
it.  Nothing  waa  aeeb  of  a#  IndSfttti  durihgllie  «M«Mbb  «jf  the  expM^- 
ing  party,  who,  after  aboQt »  dai^ln  VHiieh  dkby'MfferM'fevei^  Ail%Uiit 
deatn,  rejoined  the  anny. 

When  the  army  bftd  liMiilBd  (vMOh  ftft  V^^*  ctf*  CbiMa,lttldkVaH 
(Ml  the  4  November, «  we  <br  tUft  Irit  tUhe^  Wtti  IHr.  'Beiai,  ^iHiA  \hr 
pleaauieof  aeeingthe  woc^ytfT MtfH»Ue  bdlftn,  MUnb^  aM  «!» 
bother,  &Mu,  with  aoibe WiUniirMriittkiF  MtmbirnHit  to  dS^ 
ofthe  eompaniea  of  aoie^  and  ihook  tMm  by  the  hfttad,  tti  AOMifaile  MM 
kaan  formerly  aequidnlMl  ^A  th«ih.    He  ^ActiliUM  hlMMlf  %  tdtU^ 


lo 


*  Jlaftrv' RemiaiMcaew,  Aa  .    ^_ 

t  Sm  Ibal  of  Jodm  /«*«  J^h^it  b  k,  M ' 
^  M9,  aad  Col.  Mum  HkL  JUe.  im 


»% 


'*«.  iteealM'«yk^'Tttlte. 


■(Book  m. 
by  poim 

VWMlMd 

good  bk 

niBgen,'* 
'  was  tbv 

I  bail  gone 
BdwutI, 

■COIldDg 

bii  owto, 
ipraonen. 
nd  acted 
M  but 
,my\ng 


aUkt.  X:.       NATANU.-aABA'ni. 


INDIANS. 


iwn, dm  h> bad  kc^telM* lo ihe« all Iha ttoia  <fc<f  waw  makiaf  Ihak 
uMcovaty  bayond  bia  raaUeoeaL  and  wnD  tbay  ratwBadi  nit  did  But  dMV 
to  make  blaiaelf  kaawn  ht  fcar  Iktf  wauM  kill  biii»— «  wiaa  ttm- 
hitioii. 


JVMaMf  and  aaadlMi  with  17  anan  tm  tonr  tfftai  joiMd  tba  am^  as 
ilie  Sirer  Cbandien,  add  aiareiMd  with  k  lo  Canada.  Whan  tha  anaik 
OD  Quabee  waa  nuida,  81  Dae.  177B^  Mtnda  waa  woundad  bv  a  ttM 
tbroufb  tha  wriat,  and  M  inn  the  buidB  of  the  Britiah  |eaerai,  Ovfalm, 
who  immediateljr  aet  him  at  Hbertjr.  Theae  werd  the  M  IndiaBa  em- 
plored  io  the  revolutionaiy  eonieat  by  the  Amerieaaa.* 

Judn  JVenryt  doea  not,  though  ndnate  hi  bia  hiMoiy  of  that  ezpedMoB, 
peitieolariy  atate  that  Smtik  had  any  ■hare  hi  piiodngtbe  amy. 

We  cannot  {MBB  over  thli  prodigiouB  UBdartakfaig  wHhout  lemieathig 
the  rehder  to  notiee  bow  ttaay  men  of  note  and  eminence  aormed  ita 
ruina— Gen.  DmM  Mtrgm  of  Virginiajjbea  a  _eaptahi— Oen.  Hmrg 


Dearhcm  of  MaaaaehiMeitL  Of  IHe  rMk— 7lMa%  iNi|«iaia  of  MaaHchu' 
aetta,  a  nuyor— Jldwrn  J.  Miigh  ftthar  of  the  htM  poatmaater  naeral,  of 
the  Mune  rank— Saantel  Sj^nitr,  D.  D.  of  Newbury  pott,  a  chaplain  .^larwi 
JBurr  of  N.  Jeraey,  and  Gen.  Smtdid  ArmU  Of  Connecticut.  Nameroua 
olbeia  deaenre  equal  notiee ;  but  it  ia  not  our  province  to  enumerate  them 
here.  And  firom  thia  digreaaiuu  we  return  to  notiee  another  chief  nearly 
similar  in  nanw  to  the  last 

At  the  treaty  of  Georgetown,  on  Arrowsik  lafaud,  held  by  the  eaatem 
tribes  with  the  Engliah,  9  Aug.  1717,  SMuSb,  aa  bis  iwme  waa  then 
written,  appeared  ibr  the  Androaeoagina.  Abo  at  the  treaty  of  C3aaco, 
dated  95  July,  1737,  we  And  among  the  aigneia  SahtitulU  of  Arreaagonta- 
cook.t  What  part  tSUec  t  acted  in  the  truediea  flrom  1798  to  179S,  doeii 
not  appear.  In  the  valtmUe  Histort  or  Maiiis§  we  find  the  following 
paseane  concerning  iSbUafwf,  aa  he  ia  there  called.  "  In  1790,  a  chaplain 
was  iSlowed  at  Fort  Geoige,  and  it  waa  in  thia  place,  where  SaUoful, 
the  Anaaacunticook  sagamore,  requested  government  to  keep  aonie 
auppliea :  for,  said  he,  in  'eoU  mnlert  and  deq»  anowf.  My  AidMMt,  wwaMe 
to  M  fo  FM  Rkhwumd,  tomduiua  $n^vr!  " 

We  now  pass  to  our  own  timea  to  notiee  some  modem  Indiane  in  the 
atate  of  Maine.  In  1816^  the  Penofaacot  n4be  at  Old  Tewn,|  having  lost 
its  sachem,  entered  upon  the  election  of  anotiier.  It  waa  aome  months 
before  they  could  agree  upon  a  sncceaaor,  akhongh  it  is  their  cuatom  to 
elect  a  near  relation  of  the  deceaaed.  At  length  party  spirit  having  run 
unreaaonably  high,  their  prieat,  who  fai  a  Rewnan 'Catholic,  intwrered,  and 
they  forsook  the  rival  candidates,  and  elected  JMn  .Attteon.  This  man,  it 
is  said,  waa  a  deacendant  of  Baron  de  SaiM  'Quflnw.  The  induction  into 
office  took  place  19  Sept.  1816.  At  the  same  time  JMn  Mplime  was 
constituted  his  lieutenant,  and  Oapt  JVemeif  and  another  were  conflrmed 
as  chief  captaina. 

Aapeeimeuof  modem  oratory  among  these  Indians  ia  given  by  Mr. 
WiLLiAMaOR,  who  heard  it,  in  his  Histokt  or  Main*.    It  was  made  in 

•  Jadgv  IfMry,  75. 

t  Hawy  WM  a  privala,  and  but  16,  who  raa  awajr  fnm  hii  father,  and  JoiueH  tk« 
■my  damlMtiaely  jba  diea  ia  ISlOjwed  tt :  Morpm  dM  in  180S,  m\.  bA ;  thar- 
torn  in  1829,  «l.  78;  Mtir$  in  IftS;  ^pyfi^rtn  |819,  vt.  TSiAiiuU  in  1801,  at 
Loadmi,  Mt.  4Sj  Burr  u  hviag  in  N.  Y.  city,  bat  it  MoDr  (10  Wc.  189S)  in  (W>Mc 
hnlth. 

t  Col.  N.  H.  ITMt  8m.  u.  ttt.  S60. 

JmaiamMon,  ii.  109. 
In  ISlt^bis  tribe  coatiatad  of  but  57  familiea,  and  S4|  persons.    In  ISSO  il««rt!  wcrn 
iouls.   Their  iacraaw,  nvi  Dr.  Mom,  Appendh  to'Vitm'*)*  R'rf^n^t,  4S,  is  aiding 
to  an  obKgatiaa  of  ike  diitfa  laipoied  upon  their  young  Mtia.fo  INMrrv  iMrly. 


AtTTBONt— mPTum. 


ptoo*  m. 


•  oouil,  bjr  Mm  A)plww,  in  extraualkNi  oTtlM  murder  of  oim  Kmgttf  by 
PmI  Simif,  TIm  oan  wm  nearly  m  MIowa :  In  the  evening  of  9B  JiUM^ 
1818,  Ihii  Indies  wee  intaskaied,  and  el  die  taven  of  aaid  A^  at 
Bangor,  (wiiether  he  hed  procured  liquor  there  with  wbieh  to  intoiieate 
taimeeif,  we  ere  not  iuAmied,)  aad  boiag  noiw  end  turbulent.  Knigkl  en- 
deavored to  expel  him  ftom  bie  bouae.  Haviog  thniet  him  out  of 
door,  he  endeavored  to  drive  him  awav,  end  io  the  attempt  wee  atabbed, 
and  imroediaialy  died.  On  hie  emet  Am^  acknowledged  hie  guilty  but 
Held  he  wee  in  Uqiior,  and  that  Kmight  abueed  him,  or  he  hed  not  done  it 
Being  brought  to  trial  in  June  tlie  next  yeer  at  Caatiiie,  by  edvice  of 
eounael,  he  pleaded  iie<  guUiy ;  and  after  a  day  apent  in  hie  tnaL  a  verdict 
wae  rendered,  aeeordiog  to  Ube  defence  aet  up^  mamtlmigkUr.  Atmip  hed 
a  wife  and  leveaal  eblhhen ;  four  of  whom,  with  their  mother,  were  prea- 
ent,  ee  were  ntany  other  Indiena  from  St  Johna  and  Peeaaniaquoddy, 
beeidee  a  great  crowd  of  whitee. 

After  aeotenoe  wee  deeleivd,  Simm  waa  «dwd  by  the  court  if  he  hed 
any  thing  to  aay  for  bimaelf}  to  whieh  he  replied,  ''John  Nbptdnk  mU 
niakfor  mm."  Ncrroiia  roee  up,  and  having  adveneed  towarda  tfie  judgea 
dolibeiBtaly  Mid,  in  Englieh, 


OatP'  %■ 


YimlamtytfiiirptefpU  do  mji  AuNaw  gnaddtti  wnmg.  Tkof  ahm 
•  very  mmdi-yta  thev  murder  Hum ;  Mm  Iktji  mdk  nght  ^—luhodji 
'hu  Mem.    JIM  maiui  my  h$art  kurn.    Well,  ttm  aiy  Indiatu  toy,  tee 

Ab,  /  WPe* 


them  f 

UruAtei 

viU  go  kill  your  very  bad  mid  wiefud  men.    /^,  /  Mfem  never  do  Oied 

Udng,  we  cm  kniktn.    Some  (uae  ago  a  tvy  had  mmh*  tdtout  Botton,  ihU 

an  ndima  dead.    Your  people  eaid,  marefy  he  ekoald  die,  btil  «(  WM  nol  M. 

In  the  groid  prioon  houH  ke  eaU  and  Uoee  to  iMe  dM,    Certainly  he  never 

dieejSrkmmlniMan.    My  hrolhere  aay  let  that  bloody  wtan  go  Jree'-PefA 

Buaup  foe.    &  i*e  leM.    nope  JUt$  the  hearte  qf  nt  oU— Peace  w  good. 

Theoe,  my  hdUme,  love  U  wefl.    7%ey  mmle  under  iU  ekadt.    The  uUfc 

Nieti  and  red  men  mnit  be  edwayefiiende.    The  Qreai  Spirit  it  ourfaUur.n- 

iapeakuhatlJieL" 

**  iSurap  waa  aentenced  to  another  year^  impriaonment,  and  required  to 
find  auretiee  for  keeping  tlie  peace  two  yearai  in  the  penal  sum  of  500 
dollara ;  when  John  JV^hme,  Squire  Jo  Merry  ^f^ptune,  of  hie  own  tribe, 
Capt.  Selmond,  dtom  PaaHmaquoddy,  and  Capt.iB  Tomer,  from  the  River 
St  Johna,  became  hie  auretiee  in, (be  cognizance.'^ 

Capt  IVoncw,  the  firat  captain  of  the  tribe,  has  been  ineotioned,  and 
who,  aceordinf  to  the  hiitnnan  of  Maine,  ia  a  man  of  good  underxt^ing. 
If  the  information  he  haa  giv^n  coneeruiiig  the  eeatem  Indiana  be  correct, — 
and  we  eee  no  caiiae  to  doubt  it^^it  ie  ofinueh  value,  and  no  leaa  intereat 
Heaaaured  Mr.  IPtUiaawoii,  '*that  all  the  tribee  between  the  Saoo  and 
the  St  Johna,  both  incluaive,  ere  brothers ;  that  the  eldeat  lived  on  the 
Saco ;  that  each  tribe  ia  younger  aa  we  pan  eaatward,  like  the  eous  of  the 
aame  fother,  thouah  the  one  at  Pawamaquoddyl  ia  the  youngeat  of  aU, 
proceeding  iVom  tnoee  upon  the  River  St  Johns  and  Penobocot.$  *M- 
taoyr,'  he  affinna,  '/  eouM  underhand  all  theee  brothere  very  well  when 
Ikeyepeak;  but  taken  fke  Miekmais  'jr  the  Atgonquine,  er  Catnma  Indiana 
iidk,  I  cannot  tell  all  ^ahatthayaau.*** 

Before  dianiisiing  the  intereaong  Tarratinee,  h  may  be  proper  to  preaent 
a  qiecimen  of  iheir  binguage. 

*  "  He  alluded  to  one  LtPtrmort,  who  bad  received  leiileiiM  ofdeaUi  for  killing  ta  ^ 
ladian,  which  wu  eomimiled  in  hard  labor  for  life  in  the  ttaie'i  prison."    IViUiaaiMMi. 

t  Ibid. 

i  The  lodiaaaaaid,  Feicmhm  afiiwi  tteg.  Paarodan  meant  polloek;  oi|Uon,  eateh  '«at 
grtet  iMmy ;  eag,  lomi  or  jafacc.  ^  Penop%  neks,  keag,  a  plot*  of. 


imf, 


On*  p.  X.) 


ROWIA 


Mwa^,    ■pum%wf-ato| 

O^ftdUr,     whaU^hm       nffrnktrntrnt,  *im*dttlk{/mmf, 

ofWidi^nwlH    t*!Mk-la)i-wM^40UiMlv    fpaln^-lMH'•lo, 

ktiHeitm      tmriktrnktUmrtk,  Uu**  wftrnktrnttm, 

rm-lw^li,    neo^iab,    na  mmm-y  hma  t»mfo*mifm,    um^^om, 
gim  M  <^«»»  «*»Tr 

gM«*-«ool,    ar^od,    miM  mi  ■\H>m,    aao^Mh,  wiaimimt^—  mk  wict, 

Vbab-Ui-^ree-haiiaab,    aui  e  w  eo«wle\>nt, 

uh-lidi>k-w»-u>|(AliHiui-«h»4e*-diMk,    a-iiae-lM', 

atf  wrMV  do*n,  Uii  m  mI 

•-que-ah-l«li-ke-ine-Mh^eo>iue,    n'fidi*iM,    iiu..m-m«\    nea-oah, 

iMo>,  «w>-fot,    woMSw'iiM,    kadi-ddMld^Kiek,  ^o-iMh,    kMkMh\ 

/mm     «WilUv'>  httmm  Omkktgitm  U  Omm, 

■oa^eh«^    doM-abie,    m9Ukm\    iMshlMi^    qowV^M.* 
A*p»»er  aUo,  gtoiy         /hrtttr,       mmtm. 

In  Bpeaking  of  the  New  Hamptbira  aaehema,  k  waa  not  kMended  that  ao 
eonapkaoua  a  eUef  aa  Romb  shoaM  have  been  aileBtij  paawd  over,  and 
therefore  we  will  ^e  him  a  place  here.  TMa  ebief  baa  of  htejeaia  be- 
come noted,  ftom  the  dreumatanee  of  hia  name^  beinf  fi>und  to  the  cel- 
ebrated IfKeefwr^  deed  of  1099.  That  deed,  H  may  be  proper  to  remark, 
purported  to  have  been  given  by  Pattytewaiaay,  JEiauHMrii^  IfeAonotMia- 
wit  and  Bowla.  The  tract  of  country  conveyed  waa  iueliiiled  between 
the  Paaeataqua  and  Menrimack  Rivera^  and  bounded  Inbuid  bv  aHneftom 
«  Pawtudcet"  Falla  in  the  boter,  and  Newiebawannek  in  the  ftmier.  h  ia 
pretty  certabi,  now,  that  theae  aaefat  ma  gave  no  auch  deed  at  the  time 
•peciiSed. 

Jtowl*  WW  aaehem  of  the  Newicbawannoka,  and  Ma  dwriting  place 
was  upon  the  north  aide  of  the  Paacataqua,  not  fiur  finem  Quampeann 
Falla,  in  Berwick,  then  Kittery.  <*  In  1643,  he  conveyed  the  landa  of  bis 
vicinity  to  Amipwvw  Chndboum ;  and  otbera  afterwndsb  to  Sptnear;  the 
ftrmer  being  the  eanieat  Indian  deed  found  upon  oar  recnrda  It  is  cer- 
tain that  all  the  Indiana  upon  the  river  to  ita  moutb,  were  his  sulijecta, 
though  he  was  under  PaaBaeonaway.'*t  Mr.  Huitari^  says,  "There  waa 
withm  the  compaas  of  the  aeven  yeara  now  current,  [about  1870,] 
a  sasamore  alxMt  Kittarv,  called  Jim*  or  AoBes :  who  lying  very  rick, 
and  nedrid,  (being  an  old  man,)  he  expected  aome  of  the  Bifiglish,  that 
seized  upon  bia  land,  ahould  have  shown  him  that  civility,  aa  to  have 
given  him  a  visit  in  his  aged  infirmities  and  riolnieaB.  It  mattera  not 
much  whether  it  waa  totally  neglected  or  not ;  to  be  aure  at  die  Inst, 
he  sent  for  the  dtitf$  of  the  town  and  desired  a  flivor  of  them,  .viz. 
that  though  he  mif^t,  aa  he  aaid,  challenge  [chiim]  dl  the  plantation  for 
his  own,  where  thev  dwelt,  that  yet  they  wooM  pleaae  to  adl  or  give  him 
a  small  tract  of  lano,  paariUy  an  hundred  or  two  of  acrea,  and  withal)  de- 
mred  it  m^t  be  recorded  in  the  town  book,  aa  a  puUio  act,  that  so  his 
children,  which  he  left  behind,  might  not  be  tumea  out,  fflce  vagabonds, 
aa  destitute  of  an  haMtation  amongst,  or  near  the  Englidi,  adding  tbia  aa 
a  reaaon :  That  he  knew  there  would  shordy  All  out  a  war  between  the 
Indians  and  the  English,  all  over  the  country,  and  that  the  Indiana  at  the 


,i.«13^ 


t  WmUmtom, i.4B0.         %  Ib«ui  Wan, ii. 81. 


un 


BLIND-WILL. 


[Book  ill.. 


first  shovM  prevail,  and  do  much  mischief  to  the  English,  and  kill  many 
of  them:  But  after  the  third  year,  or  after  three  years,  all  the  Indians 
which  sc  did,  should  be  rooted  out,  and  utterly  destroved."  This  ac- 
count, the  same  autlior  says,  '*  is  reported  by  Maj.  WaUnn,  Mr.  Joshua 
Moody,  Capt.  IVotf,  that  live  upon,  or  near  the  place." 

A  chief  named  Blind-uiU  wns  successor  to  ttolU,  and  in  PhSip*s  war 
sen  ed  the  English.  Why  the  word  blind  was  prefixed  to  his  name  is  not 
ini-iitiono«l,  but  probably  he  had  lost  an  eye. 

In  1677,  the  wretched  expedient  was  resorted  to  by  the  whites,  of  em- 
ploying the  Mohawks  against  the  Tarmtines,  and  two  messengers,  Maj. 
Pinehon  and  Richards,  were  despatched  to  their  country.  Tney  were 
kiudly  .-cceived  by  them,  and  promised  their  assistance.  **  Accordingly 
some  parties  of  tliem  came  down  the  country,  about  the  middle  of  March, 
and  the  first  alarm  was  given  at  Amuskeeg  Falls ;  where  the  son  of  ffotio- 
lanset  being  huntings  discovered  15  Indians  on  the  other  side,  who  called 
to  him  in  a  language  which  he  did  not  understand ;  u|)on  which  he  fled, 
and  they  fired  near  30  guns  at  him  without  eflTect.  Presently  after  this 
ihc^  were  discovered  in  the  woods  near  Cochecho.  Maj.  frtddron  sent 
oiit'8  of  his  lAdians,  whereof  BKm^wiU  was  one,  to  make  further  discov- 
ery. They  were  all  surprised  together  by  a  company  of  the  Mohawks ;. 
two  or  thne  escaped,  the  others  were  either  killed  or  taken,  ffill  was 
dragged  away  by  his  hair ;  and  being  wounded,  periEhed  in  the  woods,  on 
a  neck,  of  land,  formed  by  the  confluence  of  Cochecho  and  Ising-glaes 
Uivcrs,  whkh  still  bears  the  name  of  Blind-wilPs  Neck."*  Such  >verc 
(he  exploits  of  the  allies  of  the  English  at  this  time ;  nor  do  we  find  that 
any  ouers  were  performed  of  a  different  character.  Notwithstanding,, 
the  same  miserabw  policy  was  talked  of  again  about  nine  years  after ;  but 
we  do  nut  learn  that  it  was  carried  into  practice. 

It  was,  perhaps,  at  the  time  of  which  we  have  been  speaking,  that  the 
Narrannset  chief  Pcmociu  was  murdered,  as  has  been  raentioned.t 

We  tiad  not  thus  long  delayed  our  notice  of  one  of  the  most  renowned 
chieft,  but  from  the  untoward  circumstance  of  having  mislaid  a  valuable 
communication  concerning  him.|    The  sachem  of  wtiom  we  are  now  to , 
speak  was  known  among  Uie  French  by  the  name  of  JSTescambiouit,  but 
among  the  English  he  was  called 

Assaamiuit,^  and  AMsaeombmL^  This  chief  was  as  faithful  to  the 
FVench  as  one  of  their  own  nation ;  and  our  account  of  him  begins  in  1696^ 
when,  with  IbeniUe  and  the  famous  Montignjff  he  rendered  important, 
service  in  the  reduction  of  the  English  Fort  St.  Johns,  80  November,  of 
that  year.  Being  apprized  of  the  approach  of  the  French  and  Indians,, 
the  English  sent  out  88  men  to  opuose  them,  who,  on  the  28,  were  met 
and  attackcMi  by  a  part  of  IberviUe^s  army,  under  Montigny  and  Mescam- 
btoiiity  and  defeated  with  the  loss  of  55  men.  On  the  night  before  St. 
Johns  capitulated,  IbermUe,  with  JSTescamlnouit  aa  his  second,  at  the  head 
of  30  men,  made  n  sally  to  bum  one  part  of  tho  town,  while  IXMuys  and 
Mont^if,  with  60  others,  were  ordered  to  fire  it  at  another  point.  Both 
imrties  8ucceeded.| 

In  1699,  he  is  noticed  for  some  cnielty,  which,  it  was  said,  he  inflicted 
upon  a  cnild,  named  Thomasin  iRouse.  He  having  ordered  it  to  caii-y 
something  to  the  water  side,  it  crisd  ;  he  took  a  stick  and  struck  her 
down,  and  she  lay  for  dead.  He  then  threw  her  into  the  water,  but  she 
was  saved  by  another  Indian.  She  was  an  English  captive,  and  was  , 
soon  after  restored.  This  account  was  hundc^d  Dr.  Mather,  by  one  who 
had  just  returned  from  Cosco  Bay,  where  ho  had.  been  to  hold  a  treaty 


•  Mkmn,  HUt.  N.  H.  i.  It5. 

t  From  Rev.  Mr.  Ftlt  of  Hamilton.  ^  Penhallow. 


t  See  b.  ii.  p.  C9.  iiole  H. 
if  Charlnaix,  ii.  193. 


Ohap.  X.] 


ASSACAMBUIT. 


181 


(ill  many 

Indians 

This  ac- 

r.  Jothuu 


with  the  Indians.  The  account  closes  in  these  words:  "Thia  Jhmeom- 
bud  hath  killed  and  taken  this  war,  (they  tell  oie,)  150  men,  women  and 
chiltiren.    A  bloody  DeviL*^ 

It  38  said  that  Afoiuw,  War  'gotut,  and  Jlataeombmt,  were  "  three  cf 
the  most  valiant  and  puiaaai  achenm"  of  the  eaBt.f  Their  attack  upon 
the  fort  at  Casco,  in  August,  1703;  has  been  mentioned.!  In  1704,  Dome 
of  the  Abeuaquis,  having  established  themselves  in  Newfoundland,  were 
attacked  by  the  English,  and  some  of  them  killed.  Whereupon  they  ap- 
plied to  Gkiv.  VttudnuS  for  assistance  to  repel  them,  and  he  aemMontigHif 
with  a  few  Canadians,  who  joined  themselves  with  about  50  Abenaquis 
under  JVeaeamilnoiat,  and  attacked  thu  English  with  great  success,  ''^ney 
pillaged  and  burnt  ope  fort,  and  took  aiany  ^  riaoners.^ 

In  1705,  M.  iSu&ercaje,  having  succeeded  M.  Brot  Uon  in  the  govern- 
ment of  Newfoundland,  endeavored  to  make  thorough  work  witli  the  re- 
maining English.  Their  success  was  iieorly  compbte,  and  here  again 
MscambiauU  is  noticed  as  acting  a  conspicuous  part  Subereaae^s  army 
consisted  of  400  men,jj  in  all,  and  they  net  out  from  Placentia  15  January, 
upon  snow-shoes,  with  90  days'  provisionB.  They  su&red  much  from 
tha  rigor  of  the  weather,  and  did  not  Ml  upon  the  English  until  the  26, 
which  was  at  a  place  called  Rebou.  They  next  took  Petit  Havre.  At 
St.  Johns  they  found  some  rasistance,  where  the  English  now  had  two 
forts,  which  were  supplied  with  cannon  and  morta.a,  and,  after  losing  5 
men  in  killed  and  wounded,  were  obliged  to  raise  the  siege,  in  consequence 
of  want  of  powder ;  having  damaged  much  of  what  they  brought  with 
them  in  wading  rivers.  They  next  attacked  Forrillon  and  took  it.f  This 
was  5  March.  Here  was  also  a  fort,  into  which  the  iohabitants  at  first 
retired,  and  endeavored  to  defend  themselves,  but  soon  surrendered  pris- 
oners of  war.** 

Not  long  after  these  services  ^fi$eambioQit  sailed  for  France,  and  in 
1706  visitM  his  miyesqr.  King  Louis  XIV,  at  Versailles.  Here,  among 
other  eminent  personages,  he  became  known  to  the  historian  Chab- 
i.Evoix.ff  The  king  having  presented  him  an  elesantsword,  he  is  report- 
ed to  have  said,  holding  up  his  band,  '*  Thit  hand  hot  slain  one  hunthrtd 
andfortv  qfyowr  nu^ea^a  enemies  tn  JSfew  England ; "  |!  and  that  whereup- 
on, the  king  forthwith  knighted  him,  and  oraered  that  henceforth  a  pen- 
sion of  eight  livres  a  day  he  allowed  him  for  life. 

J^feaeamioUtt  returned  to  America  in  1707,  and  the  next  year  accom- 
panied Rouville  to  attack  Haverhill  in  Massachusetts.  The  French  had 
intended  a  much  more  formidable  conquest,  and  had  engaged  bands  of 
Indians  from  four  nations  to  co-operate  with  them,  and  all  were  to  rendez- 
vous at  Lake  Nikisipique,  as  they  called  Winnipesauke  or  Winnipisiogee. 
But  all  except  the  Algonquins  and  Abenaquis  under  Macambioidl,  hav- 
ing failed  and  deserted  them,  they  were  on  the  point  of  abandoning  their 
enterprise  altogether.  Having  made  known  their  situation  to  Gov.  Tau- 
dreuU,  and  requested  his  orders,  he  directed,  that  though  all  the  Indiiins 
deserted  them,  they  should  not  give  over  the  expedition.  Dea  ChailUms 
having  communicated  this  intelligence  to  the  Indians,  they  entreated  liiin 

*  Ma^alia,  vii.  95.       t  PtnhaUon,  6.       t  Pa'f^  1C4,  lib.  iii.      (  Charlewix,  ii.  294. 

II  This  is  aceorrfing  to  Charlevoix,  hut  Penkallow  says  5(10,  and  Atupach,  (HisL 
NiHv'Viunrtland,  IS3.)  aioiit  MO.    Charlevitix  is  Houbtless  nearost  the  truth. 

V.  f.f  Bourg/utbrvU,  aprit  quoi  Muif  tionv,  qui  avail  ammihcetU  expedition  son/dilt 
Nk'^'vlmbiouit,  Jid  dftathf  wmc  Ussauoagei,  et  une  partie  des  Canudiem,  ptur  alter 
du  r  'if  de  Carbmmiert,  et  de  Boitntr.iste,  avec  ordsr  de  brUler  et  de  detntire  ioute  le  eiti, 
ce  ou'iV  externa  torn  perdre  hn  tetd  Aohuik,  IonI  la  terreur  Hoit  grande  parmi  lei  Attgloit. 
N.  France,  ii.  300. 

**  Atupaeh,  Itl.  tt  Hist.  Gen.  de  la  Nouv.  France,  ii.396. 

\X  Pen)taUom,10.  Thismusthr,  we  think,  a  f^almisrepreiienlalion  of  his  rro/ speech, 
•■  MiiMe(|uent  d«u^  will  lead  one  to  tuppoae.    Perhaps  he  might  have  said  /orly. 


ASSACAHBUrr. 


[Book  HI, 


U»  iNd  them  forward,  and  aaid  they  would  follow  bim  whererer  he  choae 

tOfO. 

From  Nikisipique  they  marched,  at  laat,  with  SOO  men,  fell  upon  Ha- 
vwhill,*  and  Kieked  k.  The  attack  wa*  made,  am  about  an  hour  high, 
99  Ausuat,  1706b  The  eoiHeat  waa  ahwt  aa  the  oppoaition  was  feeUe. 
The  Eiiiclnh  loat  about  100  penona  by  thie  ir  ivpUon,  40  or  50  of  whom 
were  killed  M  Haverhill.  MttambwHt,  in  thia  aflinr,  fought  by  the  side 
of  the  eoromander-iR-chief,  and  perfonned  prodigicB  of  vakir  with  the 
sword  which  he  brought  feom  France. 

Having  burned  the  fort  and  many  of  the  buildingB  in  the  Tillage,!  they 
began  to  retrace  their  rtepe,  with  precipitation.  The  Eni^Ksh,  having 
rallied,  formed  an  ambush  in  the  edge  of  the  woods,  about  u  mile  and  an 
half  from  the  town,  attacked  them  vigorously,  killing  and  wounding 
many  of  them.  In  the  ambush  were  60  or  70  Enriish,  who,  after  hang- 
ing upon  their  flanks  for  near  an  hour,  retreated.  In  Uiis  last  affair  the 
French  suffered  most  In  both  encounters,  18  men  were  wounded,  three 
Indians  and  five  Frenchmen  killed.  In  the  ambush  fell  Hertel  of 
Chambly,  and  Fereken*,  both  officers  of  experience ;  and  the  renowned 
^saeambaH,  as  though,  ebewhere,  like  w}dUBe«,  invulnerable,  was 
wounded  by  a  shot  in  the  foot  This  last  attack  had  the  happy  effect  of 
immediatelyrestoraiff  many  of  the  prisoneis. 

From  1706  to  1727,  we  hear  nothing  of  AaaeaiiAmt.  In  June  of  the 
latter  year,  his  death  is  recorded,  accompanied  with  a  short  account  of 
him,  in  a  newspaper  of  that  time.  Mention  is  made,  among  other  things, 
that,  like  Hercules,  he  had  a  ''fiinHnis  club"  which  he  always  carried 
with  him,  on  which  were  96  notches,  denoting  the  number  of  **  English  " 
he  had  killed  ;  that  he  was  knighted  while  m  France,  the  insignia  of 
which,  on  his  return  home,  he  wore  upon  his  breast  in  lar^  letters.  In 
this  newspaper  communication  be  is  styled  '*Old  EKitmhrnt^  **  formerly 
the  principal  sagamore  of  (the  now  dispersed)  tribe  of  the  Saco  or  Pig- 
waeket  Indians."  He  probably  went  to  reside  among  the  St.  Francis  tribe 
about  1700.  He  was  restless  when  there  was  no  war,  and  our  account 
says,  "  when  there  was  something  of  a  prospect  of  settled  peace,  about  30 
vears  ago,  [1700,]  he  marched  off  the  ground  as  a  disbanded  officer,  left 
nis  brethren  and  travelled  towards  the  Mississippi,  where  he  was  con- 
stantly engaged  in  wars,  and  never  heard  of  till  tne  last  fall  he  returned 
to  those  Jeastern]  parts."  This  was  probably  the  report  among  the 
English  of  New  England :  but  in  truth  he  was  with  the  French  in  Canada, 
as  we  have  seen.  Had  Pkkballow  published  his  iKoiAif  Wars  one 
year  later,  he  would  not,  probably,  have  closed  his  account  as  he  did 
concerning  him.  He  says  that,  at  his  return  from  France,  he  was  so 
exalted  that  he  treated  his  countrymen  in  the  most  haughty  and  arrogant 
manner,  "  murdering  one  and  stabbing  another,  whirli  so  exasperated 
those  of  their  relations,  that  they  soiiffht  revenge,  and  would  have  in- 
stantly executed  it,  but  that  he  fled  his  country,  and  never  returned 
after." 


•  "  Bt  prirent  aIor$  It  pcurti  dr  marcher  cmUre  tm  villafr*  apprlU  Hawrkuii.,  com' 
po$*  dt  vitUeinq  h  trttUe  maitoiu  hien  l/dtit,  avec  m  fort,  o'ljtogeait  k goupemmr.  Ce 
fort  avoit  unt  garriton  dt  trtnte  toldatt,  tt  il  y  en  aroU  «<  moitu  dix  dttni  chaque 
ma»$on." 

t  Charlevoix  Myt, "  Toulet  let  maitoits  te  difendirtnt  aturi  trit-bien,  et  ewetU  It  mtme 
tori.  IPy  «Mt  environ  cent  Amgloit  de  M>  dant  cet  d^iremtt*  ntltufutt ;  plutiturt  atitres, 
mii  otttnairtwt  trop  tard  h  tortir  du  jforl  el  dei  maitoiu,  y  fureat  bf&lei."  None  of  the 
Engliili  account*  mention  this,  and  it  wai  doubtlesi  nupposition,  wiiboM  fiMindalioo  in 


flwt. 


BOOK    IV. 

BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY  OF  THE  SOUTHERN 

INDIANS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Preliminary  obtervatiotu  rtajtedmg  Vve  anmtnf  of  (he  unOhem  IndianM — 
WiNGiNA,  the  fint  Virginia  ekuf  known  lo  the  EngliBh—DettrovB  the 
,  first  colony  tettkd  ih^ — Menatonon — Seiko — EifSENORK — Second 
■^  colony  abandont  the  coutdry — Tobacco  first  carried  to  tSngland  bif  them — 
'-   Curioits  account  of  prejiMices  against  it — Granqanemeo — His  kind- 
'  nesses—HixfamUy — His  death— VoyrnkTW— Boundaries  of  }as country—' 
Surprises  the  Payankatanks — Capt.  Smith  fights  his  people — (htekaruca- 
nough  takes  Sm^h  prisoner — The.  partictdars  of  that  affair — He  marches 
him  about  the  country — Takes  him,  at  length,  to  Powhatan,  who  condemns 
him  to  be  put  to  death — Smith''s  life  saved  at  the  intercession  of  Pocahon- 
tas— Insolence  of  Poxohatan  increased  by  NinjoporCs folly — Smith  brings 
him  to  terms — ^  crown  sent  over  to  him  from  England — Is  crowned  empe- 
ror— Speech — Uses  every  stratagem  to  kill  Smith — Is  baffltd  in  every 
attempt — Smith  visits  him — Speeches — Pocahontas  again  saves  Smith  and 
his  comrades  from  being  murdered  by  her  father — Tomocomo. 

The  difficulty  of  rightly  partitioning  between  tlie  southern  nations  and 
ttie  Iroquois,  or  Five  Nations,  can  easily  be  seen  by  ail  Huch  as  have  but 
rer}'  partially  taken  a  survey  of  them,  and  consinered  their  wandering 
habits.  Therefore,  should  we,  in  this  book,  not  always  assign  a  sachem 
to  his  original  family  or  nation,  we  can  only  plead  in  excuse,  tliat  we  have 
gone  according  to  our  best  information.  But  wc  have  endeavored  to 
1 


9 


WINGINA. 


[Book  IV 


Chap.  I.] 


draw  a  kind  of  natural  boundary  bt-tween  the  aboTe-nientioned  nationa, 
diatinguishiiig  those  [teoplo  beyond  tlin  Cliesapcake  and  some  of  its  tribu- 
taries, as  the  southern  Indians,  an.j  tiiot«^  Itetween  ihat  boundary  and  the 
Hudson  by  tlic  name  Iroquois.  To  their  r^pective  territories  inland,  we 
■hall  not,  nor  is  it  necessary  to,  fix  bounds,  in  our  present  business.  We 
•re  aware  that  some  writers  suppose  that  all  the  Indians,  From  the  Miasis- 
■ippi  to  the  vicinity  of  the  Hudson,  and  even  to  the  Connecticut,  were 
originally  of  the  same  stock.  If  this  were  the  case,  the  period  is  so 
remote  when  they  spread  themselves  over  the  country,  that  these  great 
natural  divisions  had  long  since  caused  quite  a  difference  in  the  innab- 
itants  which  they  separated ;  and  hence  the  propriety  of  noticing  them 
acconling  to  our  plan. 

It  is  said  that  the  territory  from  the  sea-coast  to  the  River  Allef^haoy, 
and  from  the  most  southern  waters  of  James  River  up  to  Patuxent,  in  the 
state  of  Maryland,  was  inhabited  by  three  diflferent  nations,  and  that  the 
language  of  each  difllered  essentially  from  the  others.  The  English  called 
these  nations  by  the  names  Powhattms,  Manahooes,  and  Mondcang ;  these 
were  the  Tuscaroraa.  The  Powhatans  were  the  most  powerf\il,and  con- 
sisted of  several  tribes,  or  communities,  who  {weseflBed  the  country  from 
the  sea-coast  to  the  falls  of  the  rivers.* 

To  ^ive  a  tolerable  catalogue  of  the  names  of  the  various  nations  of 
Virginia,  the  Carolinaa,  and  utence  to  the  Mississippi,  would  fiir  exceed 
our  plan.  We  shall,  therefore,  pass  to  notice  the  chiefe  of  such  of  those 
nations  as  are  distinguished  in  history,  pointing  out,  by  the  way,  their 
localities,  and  whatever  shall  appear  necessary  in  way  of  elucidation,  as 
we  pass,  and  aa  we  have  done  in  the  preceding  books. 

fringma  waa  first  known  to  the  English  voyagen  AmidM  and  Bar- 
low,  who  landed  in  Virginia  in  the  summer  of  1584,  upon  an  island  called, 
by  the  Indiana,  Wokolmi.  They  saw  none  of  the  natives  until  the  third 
day,  when  three  were  observed  in  a  canoe.  One  of  them  got  on  shore, 
and  the  English  went  to  him.  He  showed  no  signs  of  fear,  "  but  spoke 
much  to  them,**  then  went  boldly  on  board  the  vessels.  Afler  they  had 
given  him  a  shirt,  hat,  wine,  and  some  meat,  "  he  went  away,  and  in  half 
an  hour  he  had  loaded  his  canoe  with  fish,"  which  he  immediately  brought, 
and  gave  to  the  Enj^lish. 

^mgtna,  at  this  time,  was  confined  to  his  cabin  from  wounds  he  had 
lately  received  in  battle,  probably  in  his  war  with  Ptomocitm,  a  desperate 
and  bloody  chief. 

Upon  the  death  of  Granganemeo,  in  1585,  ffingifui  changed  his  name 
to  Pemiiaapttn.  He  never  had  much  faith  in  the  good  intentions  of  the 
English,  and  to  him  was  mainly  attributed  the  breaking  up  of  the  first 
colony  which  settled  in  Virginia. 

It  was  upon  the  return  to  Eoglanr!  of  the  Captains  .4mtda«  and  Barlow, 
from  the  country  of  fVingina,  Xum  Queen  Elizabeth,  from  the  wonderful 
accounts  of  that  fruitful  and  delightful  place,  named  it,  out  of  res))ect  to 
herself,  VUgtnia ;  she  being  called  the  virgin  queen,  from  her  living  un- 
married. But,  with  more  honor  to  her,  some  have  said,  "  Because  it  still 
■eemed  to  retain  the  virgin  purity  and  plenty  of  the  first  creation,  and  the 
people  their  primitive  innocency  of  life  and  mannenu^'f  Waller  referred 
to  this  coimtiy  when  he  wrote  this : — 

"  So  iweet  (he  air,  so  moderate  the  clime, 
None  sickly  lives,  or  dies  before  his  time.  ^ 

Heav'n  sure  has  kept  this  spot  of  earth  uneursl,  , 

To  show  how  all  things  weie  created  first." 


*  From  a  communication  of  Secretary  TTiompfon  to  Mr.  Jtfferton,  and  appended  to 
Ike  Notes  on  Virginia,  ed.  of  1801.  .  fSlilh,  II. 

1 


Chap.  I.] 


WIN0INA.-.MCNATONON. 


icans;  these 


Sir  Bkhard  OrttmnL,  8timula(ed  by  the  love  of  cain,  next  intruded  him- 
self upon  the  shorea  of  fVingina.  It  was  ho  who  committed  the  firat 
outrage  upon  the  nativeH,  which  otrcaaioned  the  breaking  up  of  the  colony 
which  he  left  behind  him.  He  nudo  but  one  short  excursion  into  the 
country,  during  which,  by  fooliobly  exposing  his  commodities,  some  na- 
tive took  from  him  a  silver  cup,  to  reven^t  the  loss  of  which,  a  town  waa 
burned.  He  left  109  men,  who  seated  themselves  upon  the  island  of 
Roanoke.  Ralph  Lane,  a  military  character  of  note,  was  governor,  and 
Capt.  Philip  Amidaa  lieut  governor  of  this  colony.  They  made  various 
excursions  about  the  country,  in  hopes  of  discovering  mines  of  precious 
metals ;  in  which  they  were  a  long  time  duped  by  the  Indians,  for  their 
ill  conduct  towards  them,  in  compelling  them  to  pilot  them  about.     Win- 

fina  bore,  as  well  as  he  could,  the  provocations  of  the  intruders,  until  the 
eath  of  the  old  chief  Entenort,  his  father.  Under  pretence  of  honoring 
his  funeral,  he  assembled  1800  of  his  people,  with  the  intention,  as  the 
English  say,  of  destroying  them.  They,  therefore,  upon  the  information 
of  Skiho,  son  of  the  chief  Mtnatonon,*  fell  ufion  tlicm,  and,  after  killing 
five  or  six,  the  rest  made  their  escape  into  the  woods.  This  was  done 
upon  the  island  where  Wingina  lived,  and  the  English  first  seized  u|H>n 
the  boats  of  his  visitants,  to  prevent  their  escape  from  the  island,  with  the 
intention,  no  doubt,  of  murdering  them  all.  Not  long  after,  "  Wir^vM 
was  entrapped  by  the  English,  and  slain,  with  eight  of  liis  chief  men." 

Menatonon  was  king  of  the  Chawouocks,  and  Okisko  of  the  Weopo- 
meokes,  "a  powerful  nation,  |x>sses8ing  all  that  country  from  Albemarle 
Sound  and  Chowan  River,  quite  to  the  Chesapeakes  and  our  bay."t  At 
this  time,  Jl/etia/^  non  was  lame,  and  is  mentioned  as  the  muin  sensible  and 
understanding  Indian  with  whom  the  English  were  at  first  acquainted. 
It  waa  he  that  made  Lane  and  his  followers  believe  in  the  existence  of  the 
mine  already  mentioned.  "So  eager  were  they,"  says  Mr.  SUth,  "and 
resolutely  bent  upon  this  golden  discovery,  that  they  could  not  be  per- 
suaded to  return,  as  long  as  they  had  one  pint  of  com  a  man  left,  and  two 
mastiir  dogs,  which,  being  boiled  with  sassafras  leaves,  might  afford  them 
some  sustenance  in  their  way  back."  After  great  sufferings,  they  arrived 
upon  the  coast  again. 

The  reason  why  Menatonon  deceived  the  English,  was  because  they 
made  him  a  prisoner  for  the  purpose  of  assisting  them  in  making  discov- 
eries. After  he  was  set  at  liberty,  he  was  very  kind  to  them.  Two  years 
after,  when  Governor  fUnte  was  in  the  country,  they  mention  his  wife 
and  child  aa  belonging  to  Croatan,  but  nothing  oi  him. 

White  and  his  company  landed  at  Roanoake,  22  July,  1587,  and  sent  90 
men  to  Croatan,  on  Point  Lookout,  with  a  friendly  native  called  Manteo. 
to  see  if  any  intelligence  could  lie  had  of  a  former  colony  of  50  men  left 
there  by  Sir  Richard  GreenvU.  They  learned,  from  some  natives  whom 
they  met,  that  the  people  of  Oassamon|)eak,  on  what  is  now  Alligator 
River,  had  attacked  them,  killed  one,  and  driven  the  others  away,  but 
whither  they  had  gone  none  could  tell.  One  of  their  present  company, 
a  principal  man  of  their  government,  had  also  been  killed  by  the  same 
Indians.  This  tribe  and  several  others  had  agi-eed  to  come  to  Roanoake, 
and  submit  themselves  to  the  English ;  but  not  corning  according  to  ap- 
pointment, gave  the  English  an  oppoitunity  to  take  revenge  for  ibrmer 
injuries.  Therefore,  Capt.  Stafford  and  24  men,  with  Manteo  as  a  guide, 
set  out  upon  that  business.  6n  coming  to  their  village,  "where  seeing 
them  sie  by  the  fire,  we  assaulted  them.  Tiie  miserable  soiiles  amazed, 
ftcd  into  the  reede,  where  one  was  shot  through,  and  wo  thought  to  have 

*  Smith  calls  him  the  "  lame  king  or  Moratoc." 

t  Stith's  Virg^iiiia,  14     **         '"  bay"  is  meant  James  River  Bay, 


4» 


WINQIMA^ENSENORR. 


[Book  IV, 


ban  mUy  ravenged,  but  we  were  deceived,  for  tbejr  were  ow  fi7i«ndi  < 
fiwn  Oottoui  to  gather  their  com  !**  '*Beiiif  tbuL  dierppotnicJ  of  ov 
iNmwafH  we  gathered  the  firuit  we  found  ripe,  left  the  reat  uoapoiledtaad 
t^  JVeUdleiiNm,  hia  wife  with  her  cbiU,  and  the  reat  with  oa  to  Ba»- 
iMi4t.''*   But  to  return  to  If^jMM. 

While  the  Engfiah  were  upon  the  errand  we  havf*  been  apeaklif  o( 
ti'mgina  pretended  to  be  their  friend,  but  deceived  them  on  every  op|wr> 
tunity,  1^  giving  qotioe  to  hia  countrymen  of  their  course  and  purmMe, 
and  urging  them  Ui  cut  them  oK  He  thought,  H  one  time,  thai  no  Eng- 
lidi  were  deatroyed,  and  thereuiNMi  acofled  and  mocked  at  aueh  •  CHd  aa 
Iheira,  who  would  aufl^  it  Tliia  eauaed  liia  son  Emmort  to  >iii  their 
floemiee,  but  on  their  return  he  waa  their  friend  again.  He.  jnd  many  of 
hiapeopjc,  now  believed,  aay  the  voyacers,  that  <*  we  could  do  them  more 
hurt  bemg  dead,  than  lining  and  that,  being  an  hundred  mylea  from  them, 
Aot,  and  auuck  tiiem  aick  to  death,  and  that  when  we  die  it  ia  but  for  a 
time,  then  we  return  ■gwo"  Many  of  the  chiefr  now  came  and  submit- 
ted themaelvea  to  the  ^glidb,  and,  among  others,  Emtnore  perauad^  hia 
ikther  to  become  their  ffiend^  who,  when  they  were  hi  great  straits  for 
provisions,  came  and  plantdd  their  fields,  and  mode  wears  in  the  streama 
to  catch  dab,  which  were  of  laAito  benefit  to  them.  Thia  was  in  the 
spring  of  1586,  and,  aays  Jmi|f*«e  not  havhig  one  com  till  the  next 
harveat  to  auslain  ua.**  Wlialiadded  greatly  to  their  diatreaaea,  waa  the 
death  of  their  excellent  friend  ^Mcnore,  who  died  SOib  of  April  follow- 
ing. The  Indiana  began  anew  their  conapiraciea,  and  the  cotony  availed 
themaelvea  of  the  first  opportuni^  of  returning  to  England,  woioh  was 
in  the  fleet  of  GKr  Amwia  Drttke^  which  touched  ;liM»  in  ita  way  from  an 
expaditiMi  againat  the  Span^vda  in  the  West  IiidiM.t 
^  Thp  conduct  of  Lane  and  k>is  company  in  thia.^ritleas  attempt  to  eatab- 
li4l  themaelvea  in  Virginia,  vas,  in  the  higheat  degree,  reureliensible. 
They  put  to  death  some  of  the  nativea  on  the  moat  ftivoloua  charges,  and 
no  wonder  they  wer»-driveo  out  of  the  country,  aa  they  ought  to  have 
been.t  While  they  were  there,  they  became  acquainted  with  the  uae  of 
te&oeeo,  and,  taking  it  to  England,  its  iutroduction  into  geneval  ^lae  aoon 
rendered  it  a  great  article  of  commerce.  And  here  it  willnot  be  improper 
to  notice  how  mai:y  difierent  iiersons  have  had  the  credit,  or«^parhppB, 
I  fliMilliaayidMBriMbliof  introducing  this  **  Indian  weed  "  into  Etogjaud ; 
tt%Sirfl^ylii|eUt^^|j^dbt,  Sir  WMtr  Rategh,  Ralph  Lmci  and  eome  othera. 
tfowy  afl:«oiiM  ^l«r  observes,  the  reader  may  ftther  it  upon  whom  he 
fkfuiaf,  aa  it  ia  (Evident  Sir  iVrnd*  Drake  took  Ridph  Lotii  and  tobacco 
MfJih  togeraer  intil  England ;  and  no  one  will  diwute  the  agency  of  the 
gdVam  Rnigiit,  Sir  ffaUer  Ralegh,  for  lie  aent  out  Lam  in  his^mnloy. 

Xfer.  Mm  JotatJ^,  in  hia  ^Two  Voyages  to  N.  Eioglwd,"  hae  Uiia  naa- 
aage :  *<  Others  will  have  tobacco  to  be  first  brougbt  into  England  from 
Peru,  by  8ir  liKtiicif  Avjte's  mariners." 

TheroLWcre  many  who  afieeted  a  violent  diagust  towards  the  use  of 
tobacco ;  the  nmst  conspicuous  waa  King  Jama,  whoae  mind  eeems  to 
liave  been  jtwt  weak  enough  to  fight  windmilte.  He  even  wrote  a  book 
denounoiHl^  to  use  in  the  severest  terms  he  could  command.  Not  doubt- 
ing but  the  rBMier  will  be  gratified  with  a  specimen  of  the  opposition  with 
which  eurltMnHi  pkuit  met,  in  its  uansatlantic  use,  we  will  ofi^'^r  )\\ 
passtge  froni<mMfaM((y«  Wor'liicB,^  which,  he  8ays,,i8  fimmon^  { 
poets  of  that  diiy>—  li'jji  , 


1  '  *<m 


*  SmUk't  Hi«.  Virginia. 

(  R«l*(ioB  «r  £«M,  printed  ia  SmUkU  Virginia. 

iHerrM't  Oburvaiion*,  (ooe  of  Luu'*  omnpany,)  prialed  in  SmUt* 
FtegeSlltSia. 


He 


fBooKlV. 


Iffyoppor- 

OeEngu 
•  ChdM 


M 


Bo  than  pno^  Ob,  *•  Mlj  whieh-oMrtainly  hid  Mf«r  apnad  ao  ftr,  if 
km  iMi  teni  Ihe^tame  umhw  of  iMimiioi  tMd  with  11%  «  ww  ia 


GRAlfaANBino. 

■  B«<k  M  food  fcMMrOM'BivMMI  *a  KK 
**        •  ■  idhiolMlwhai." 


«  feMUe  UMHW  or  pMVMiltoh  tMd  witli  11%  «  ww  ia 
iHirhy  hy  JfcN>Bww^whocoiimiM»aed«pipetBh««hruKthroM«hth» 
qf  ft  Tutk  which  wm  fiNud  nUof  lobMoo,  uid  a»  in  dcriaoo  f 


h«  M  WHit  CoMtaniinople.    TdM  hii  fimwell  to  it,  who  once 
dolid  on  Mm  hcatheoiah  weed  ^— 


*nmmtii,  Iboa  bdioa  nnoak,  bubariu  vapor, 
Aa  enraiy  lo  Hfe,  foe  to  woate  paper. 
Thoa  doel  fJiiiiai  ia  tbo  bodjr  breed, 
Awl  Kke  a  vakar  oa  Ike  parte  deel  foad. 
PhoagiM  twool  bfoallM  lalo  aoliakiaf  leaUwM, 
Aod  WM  ihroe  pipao  lurw  Iwopeace  lato  anihf 
Grim  Phitd  Sril  kveated  it,  I  thiak. 
To  pieyaoB  all  dto  worM  wiiii  heHidi  Miak : 
flaee  lieollieaiiJi  waed,  hour  eeiaiea  ie  growa, 
That  bat  afow  years  pail  wm  learMly  uow*  ! 
Whea  for  to  oaa  ooo  laka  it  wai  a  riddle, 
Aa  Mntaf>  w  a  babooa  lo  taae  a  iddla. 
Ware  it  coalbed  oacly  to  feailemea, 
iVereJoaM  rapMit  10  take  tobaeco  tkea, 
But  badhiM,  tiaker^  cofalen,  water4wareia. 


Vaut  eomaiea 

If  man'r  flonh  be  like  bogt,  as  it  it  laid, 
Tben  aureiv  by  tiaoaki^  ibut  it't  baeoi 
Farewell  rmI  mw^,  good  for  meh  tkiaM  as  tbi 
'Oaiaet  Me,  tow  heads,  aealM,  tMi^,  orTleaeh 


Tobaoeo  grew  apoManeoualy  in  WinaatidMNM,  (VirgiBlai) 
<ivea  odlad  it  C^]imim&    k  »  faneralTy  au|ipoaad  to  be 


•Bd  the>a»- 


Aom  the  iaknd  vihagoi,  bat  tbiaderivatien  ia  denied  by  aoane.* 

But  to  mum  to  otMr  biography.  CfiiaiiffBaiam  waa  »  ehjaf  vetw  1 
Uy  apolcen  of.  Aa  aoon  \w  the  arrival  of  the  Engiiah  waa  nmiti 
to  him.  he  viaited.  them  with  abom  40  of  Id*  man,  who  wan  vary  tML 
and  of  a  remarkabfy  robtnt  and  fine  appaafaartt  Whan  they  had  Mt 
their  boat,  and  oame  upon  the  ahore  near  ihe^  ahip^  Onangniitam  apvaad  • 
mat  and  aat  down  upon  it  The^SngHab  want  lohimaraaad,  batrhndb- 
eoferadnoiSMr,anttnivitedthemtoaitdown;  after  whieh  ha  paiAimai 
aome  tdkeaa  of  rriendaiiip;  then  makiofa  apeech  tothaaii,diey  ftaaaaaad 
hiffl  with  ^ome  tojra.  None  but  four  uf  bis  people apoko •  waM^or a« 
down,  but  maintained  the  moat  perftct  silence.  On  beins  ahowBai Max- 
tor diah«  lie  was  mueh  nieaaed  with  it,  and  purebaaed  it  wMi  90da«wn% 
.whioh  were  worth,  in  Enghnd,  one  hundred  ahilHogtalartinf !!  VkadUb 
he  used  aiian  ornament,  making  a  bole  throngh  it,and  wearing  it  ahnol  hit 
Beek.  l¥hile  here,  the  Bngliah  entertained  him,  with  Ma  Wi^and  ahttdna, 
on  board  tiwr  aliip.  Hii  wifo  had  in  her  eara<b«aealata/or  paail,  wkh* 
naohw?  tp  her  middle.  Shortfy  after,  nMnyoC  dm  ipaa|riaM 
the  country  to  trade,  **  but  when  Oroi^fcnwinea  waa 


trade  hut  hunaaM;  and  them  that  won  red  ^wppdr  an  their  iMaiana  he 
did."  He  waa  vemarhably  exact  in  keapiag  hia  ppamlae,  '•ftr  aA  «m 
iroatad  hhn,  and  he  would  come  within  Ma  day  to  keep  hia  araad.**  lAad 
theae  TOTagew  fimher  report,  that  "eommenly  he  aent  them  every  d^y  « 
IpntaoorhttMta,  amdea,  hiire%  and  ALif,«nd  aometinaea  melona,  wtliili, 
eunumbor^  pease  aiid  dhrevs  roota.* 

In  dieir  wanderings,  Capt  jfimdw  and  aeven  othen  viaiiad  the  Uind 
^Mn^uwtk^mkue  they  fhnnd  the  ftmily  af  Onw^iwiwti  gtfiiig la  r~  ' 

|i' r>i  •  1       ,m'      I     IN       II    I     I     I  '«   •  ■ 

•  AM  •  HitL  Virginia,  19. 


"<»■»— "^^i^"!- 


POWHATAN. 


[Boob  IV. 


QiAr.  I.) 


comfort  anil  |ilenty,  in  a  little  town  of  nine  houHcfl.  The  cliief  wm  not 
at  licme,  *'bm  his  wifu  cnteitainuJ  them  with  wonderAil  courtesy  and 
kiuduess.  Sht;  inndo  snine  of  hr-r  |M^oplc  draw  tJivir  boat  up,  to  prevent 
its  h«nng  injured  by  thu  beating  of  the  surge ;  some  8he  orderetl  to  bring 
them  Kihoro  on  their  baelu^  and  othero  to  cariy  their  oars  to  the  liouse, 
lor  fear  nf  being  stole.  When  they  caino  into  the  bouse,  she  took  off 
their  cloathcs  and  stockings,  and  washed  them,  as  likewise  their  feet  ..? 
warm  water.  When  their  dinner  won  ready,  the^  w  -^re  <;onducted  into 
as  inner  room,  (for  there  w.-;re  five  in  the  house,  dividel  by  mats,)  where 
tbcv  found  liominy,*  boiled  venison, and  masted  fish;  ^uid,  as  a  Avrart, 
melons,  boiled  rool&  and  fruits  of  various  sorts.  While  tl:ey  wci«  at 
meat,  two  or  three  of^her  men  came  in  with  their  bows  and  arrows,  v-hich 
made  tho  English  take  to  their  anns.  Ikit  she,  perceiving  their  iiistrust, 
ordered  their  no ws  and  arrows  to  be  broken,  and  themselves  to  'oe  beaten 
out  of  the  sate.  In  the  evening,  the  English  rctur  led  to  their  lioat ;  and, 
putting  a  little  off  from  shore,  lay  at  anchor ;  at  wbfrh  she  was  much 
cnnremed,  and  brought  their  supper,  half  boiled,  pots  and  all  to  the 
shore;  and,  seeing  tbehr  jealousy,  she  ordered  several  men.  and  30  women, 
to  sit  all  night  upon  the  shore,  as  a  cuard ;  and  sent  five  mots  to  cover 
them  from  the  weather^f  Well  batii  the  poet  demanded,  '*Call  ye  them 
savage?**  If  the  wife  of  Gnmganemto  was  savaoe,  in  the  common  ae- 
eeptatioo  of  the  term,  whers  shall  we  look  for  civilization  ? 

Sir  R.  Gnmmlf  having  arrived  on  the  coast  in  1685,  anchored  off  the 
Maud  Wokokon,  36  May,  and,  by  means  of  Jlfonleo,  bad  some  intercourse 
with  the  inhabitants.  At  flattens,  where  they  staid  a  short  time,  soon 
after,  fhtat^tmtmie,  whb  MuUeo,  wont  on  board  their  ships.  This  was 
the  Mat  visit  bo  made  to  the  English. 

Tbto  must  elooe  our  aeoount  of  the  excellent  fiimily  of  (Urmgaiuauo, 
•ad  WDsM  that  tlie«ee«iml  of  the  Engliah  would  balance  as  well,  out  thc^ 
exhibit  their  own,  and  one  item  more  from  it,  and  we  chiae  the  compon- 
For  a  small  kettle  they  took  SO  skins,  worth  in  England  £13. 10s. 

We  liave  now  arrived  at  the  most  interesting  article  in  Virginia  history. 
Poiohalaii  was»of  all  the  chiefs  of  his  age,  the  most  fomoim  in  the  regions 
of  Virginia.  The  English  supposed,  at  first,  that  his  was  the  name  of  the 
couMfy ;  a  common  error,  as  we  have  seen  in  several  caMs  in  the  previoaa 
ttooks  of  our  biography,  but,  in  this  case,  unlike  the  othen,  the  error  pre> 
Toiled,  and  a  part  or  his  people,  ever  after  the  settlement  of  the  English, 
tvero  called  the  Pomkatau.  A  great  river,  Muce  called  the  Jamu,  and  • 
bay  feeeived  bis  name  also.  He  hod  hree  brothurs,  Opikhepan,  Opektm- 
kmtou^  aod  CofotenaigA,  and  two  sis.  jrs.  His  principal  residence  was 
at  a  pface  called  fFdowseomoce,  when  tiie  English  came  into  the  eauiit.?7; 
which  was  upon  the  north  mde  of  what  is  now  York  River,  in  the  coun^ 
of  Gbucester,  nearfy  opporite  the  mouth  of  Queen^  Creek,  and  about 
S5  miles  bek>w  the  fork  of  the  river.f  He  lived  here  until  the  EnglMi 
be|^n  to  intrude  themselves  into  his  vicinity,  Ti'hes  he  took  up  his  resi- 
dence at  Orokakeo. 

PiiaHafan  was  not  bis  Indian  name,  or  rather  orisino!  name;  that 
was  ^aAwwonaeodL  He  ki  described  as  tall  and  weU  proportroned — 
bearing  an  aspect  of  sadncna  ■  exceedingly  vigorous,  and  poaaosDing  a 

*  "  A  food  made  ti  htdaun  con,  or  mwie,  beaten  and  caieftilly  huskad, 
Bke  (bmMly  in  EnciaMi ;  and  it  aa  oscelleBt  diah  various  waya." 
f  tMtkUlakl.  VTiMinia,  10, 11. 
I  SmiOi't  Hkl.  l^aia. 


oni 


f  Ahoiil  two  milot 


iMowwheieRichaMMdMiwitaiidf.    The  turn  of  a  ftnlhiaa  rf 
Ikt  Mlo  of  a  pan  of  Ida  lowa,  ia  MM.    CamftdPt 


■  i; 


PfeoKfV. 

ef  waa  not 
urtcsy  uid 
to  prvvont 
il  to  bring 
tbo  house, 
10  took  off 
eir  ffifit  ..; 
ucted  into 
|t^)  where 
a  dpffert, 
7  wftie  at 
fc'a,  »^hich 
iistrust, 
'm  beaten 
'oat ;  and, 
f»a  much 
ill  to  the 
JO  women, 
•  to  cover 
II  ye  them 
nmon  ac- 

ed  off  the 
ntercoune 
time,  soon 
This 


OSAV.  I.) 


POWHATAN. 


•VoncMeo, 

i>  out  the* 

'comnaril 

£12.  lOt. 

ia  histoiy. 
toregione 
me  of  the 
'previda 
error  pre. 
EngUab, 
icf^and  • 
>  Opdum' 
eocA  was 
rouiurjr; 

leoounqr 

nd  about 

EngUah 

his 


oe;  that 
tioned — 
easing  a 


llmMaar 


bod^aanable  of  suataining  great  bardahipa.    He  was,  in  1607,  about  60 

•raof  age,  and  bia  hair  was  considerably  my,  wbicii  gave  him  •  ma- 
jeado  appewaBcei  At  his  residence,  he  mmI  a  kind  of  wooden  form  to 
sit  upon,  and  his  ornamental  robe  waaof  raccoon  skins,  and  bia  bead-draaa 
was  enoipoaed  of  many  feathers  wrought  into  a  kind  of  crown.  He 
swayed  many  nationa  upon  the  great  rivera  and  bays,  the  chief  of  whom 
he  bad  oooquerad.  He  originally  claimed  only  thu  places  called  Pow- 
hatan, (ainee  named  Haddinaddoeks,)  Arruhattoek,  (now  Appomattox,) 
^oughtuiund,  Pamunky,  Mattapony,  Werowocomooo,  and  Kiskiuk ;  at 
which  tinoe,  bis  chief  aeat  was  ac  Powhatan,  near  tlie  fiills  of  Janiea  River. 
But  when  he  h^A  extended  his  conquesu  a  ^reat  w^f  north,  he  removed 
to  Werowoocidoeo,  as  a  more  commodiious  situation. 

At  the  termination  of  bia  warlike  career,  the  country  upon  James 
River,  ftom  ita  mouth  to  the  falls,  and  all  its  branches,  was  the  boundary 
of  hia  couutrv,  sot .;  eriy — and  so  across  the  country,  "  nearly  as  high  aa 
the  falla  of  all  the  great  rivers,  over  Potowmack,  even  to  Patuxent,  in 
Maryland,"  and  sohm  of  the  nations  on  the  north  shore  of  the  Chesapeaika. 
Hb  dominions,  according  to  his  law  of  succession,  did  not  fall  to  his  chil- 
dren, but  tu  his  brotben,  and  then  to  his  sistem,  (the  oMest  first,)  thence  to 
the  heirs  of  the  oldest ;  but  never  to  the  heirs  of  the  males. 

He  usually  kept  a  guard  of  40  or  SO  of  the  most  resolute  and  well- 
fbrmed  men  about  him,  especially  when  be  slept ;  but,  after  the  Engliab 
came  into  hie  country,  ha  increased  them  to  about  300.  He  had  aa  many, 
and  au^  women  as  he  pleased ;  and,  when  he  slept,  one  sat  at  his  buM 
and  another  at  his  feet  When  he  was  tired  of  any  of  bis  wives,  be  be- 
stowed them  upon  such  of  his  men  as  most  pleased  him.  Like  the  New 
England  chiefs,  he  bad  many  places  where  he  |Mssed  certain  seasoiis  of 
the  ye«r ;  at  some  of  which  he  had  very  specious  wigwams,  30  or  40 
yanu  in  extent,  where  he  had  victuals  provided  against  bis  coming. 

In  1608,  hemrprised  the  people  of  Pavankatauk,  who  were  bis  neigh- 
bors and  subjects.  Captain  SmUht  ia  the  account,  "  tvrii  xoUK  kit  own 
Aand,"  says, "  the  occasion  was  to  vs  vnknowne,  but  the  manner  waa  thua." 
He  sent  several  of  bis  men  to  lodge  with  them  the  night  on  which  be 
meant  to  &U  upon  them ;  then,  secretly  surrounding  tnein  in  their  wig- 
wama,  oommeneed  a  horrid  slaughter.  They  killed  34  men,  took  off  thev 
scalps,  and,  with  the  women  and  children  prisoners,  returned  to  the  so- 
ebein^  village.  The  scalpa  they  exhibited  upon  a  line  Itetween  two  tree% 
as  a  trophy,  and  the  vetnwoHee  (their  name  of  a  chief)  and  his  wifo 
Pvmkakui  made  his  servants. 

From  1585  to  1607,  every  attempt  to  ssttle  a  colony  in  Virginia  had 
ftiled ;  and,  at  this  tinm,  woukl  hav^:  failed  also,  but  for  tho  unexampled 
perseverance  of  one  man.  I  need  but  pronounce  the  name  of  (Ja|)t  John 
SndOi.  The  colony  with  which  he  came  did  not  arrive  until  the  planting 
season  was  over ;  anil,  in  a  short  time,  thoy  found  thumaelves  in  u  suffer- 
ing condition,  from  want  of  Huitakle  provisions.  Smilhy  therefore,  under- 
took to  gain  a  supply  by  trafficking  with  the  Indians  back  in  the  country, 
wlm,  being  acquainted  with  his  situation,  insulted  him  and  his  men  wher- 
ever they  eame;  offdring  him  but  a  handful  of  corn,  or  a  piece  of  bread, 
for  a  gun  or  a  sword.  "  But  seeing  by  trade  and  courtesie  there  was 
nothing  to  be  had,  he  made  bold  to  try  auch  conclusions  as  nt- cesaitie 
infbreed,  though  contrary  to  his  commission."  So  he  fired  upon  them, 
and  drove  them  into  die  woods.  Ho  then  marched  to  their  village. 
There  ti.  ?y  fiiund  cum  in  abundance,  which,  aller  some  mancenvring, 
be  succeeded  in  trading  for,  and  returned  with  a  supply  to  Jan)f?stown. 

iSMtift,  soon  after,  proceeded  to  discover  the  source  of  the  Cliikahama- 
nia.  When  he  ImuI  passed  upas  for  as  it  was  navigable  for  his  bai;ge,  he 
left  it  in  •  wide  plaea,  at  a  safe  distance  from  the  snore,  and  orderad  bis 


rOWIIATAN. 


[Book  tf. 


C«AP.  1.] 


■cflQ  not  to  go  on  ■hora  on  any  eondhion.  Tailing  two  of  ha  own%Mii 
■nd  two  Indhna,  be  prooeaduil  to  complete  hb  liiaeoyonr.  A*  soon  am  lie 
WM  gone,  hfai  men  went  on  stiorn ;  one  wm  hilled,  and  tke  leet  hardly 
mumped.     Smith  wa«  now  90  miles  into  the  wildemeaa.     OpekmJumauffk, 


300  waHoi*  *>«vihg  learned,  flrom  the  men  they  had  jint  taken, 
whinh  way  h  «),  followed  after  him,  and  came  upon  the  two  Enf- 

IMimen  belo  .  xt  hia  company,  and  killed  them  hoth  while  aaleepu 
he  being  abaent  to  ahoot  winjo  fowlii  Ibr  proviaoM ;  they  tlien  continued 
tiMir  pursuit  after  him.  lie  wan  not  fkr  mm  his  canoe,  and  eadearored 
to  retmatto  it,  but,  lieing  hard  pre— ed,  made  a  ahield  of  one  of  hia  In- 
diana, and,  in  this  manner,  fought  upon  the  retreat,  until  he  had  killed 
three,  and  wounded  divers  othera.  Bemg  olrfiged  to  give  all  hia  attention  to 
hia  pursuen,  lie  aeeklentally  fiill  into  a  creek,  where  the  mud  was  ao  deep 
that  he  could  not  extricate  himselfl  Even  now,  none  dared  to  lay  hands 
upon  him ;  and  those  whom  their  own  numbers  ibroed  neareat  to  him, 
were  oliserved  to  tremble  with  fbar.  The  Indian  he  had  boiMd  to  bis 
arm  wltfi  hia  garters,  doiibtlesa  aaved  him  fi«m  lieing  killed  by  their 
anrowa,  flxmn  which,  owing  to  hia  Indian  ahidd,  be  received  but  verv  little 
hurt,  except  a  wound  in  his  thigh,  though  his  clothes  were  shot  mil  of 
them. 

MThen  he  could  stand  no  longer  in  the  mire,  without  perishing  with 
eold,  be  threw  oway  hia  arms,  and  suffered  them  to  come  and  take  him. 
After  polling  him  out  of  the  mire,  they  took  him  to  the  pkee  where  hia 
men  had  juat  been  killed,  where  there  was  a  fire.  They  now  showed 
him  kindness,  rubbin|^  his  benumbed  limbs,  and  warming  hun  by  the  fire. 
He  asked  for  their  chief^  and  Opdkn^tammigk  appeared,  to  whom  he  gave 
a  small  compass.  This  amused  them  exeeedingly.  ''Much  they  mar- 
velled at  the  playing  of  the  fly  and  needle,  wlueh  they  could  aee  so  plainly, 
and  yr-t  not  touen  it,  because  of  the  ^sas  that  eovei«d  them.  But  when 
he  demonatraied,  by  tint  gk>he-like  lewell,  the  roandaeasB  of  the  earth, 
•Old  skies,  the  8|iheare  of  tne  sunne,  and  moone,  and  starrer  and  how  the 
Bunne  did  chase  the  night  round  about  the  worM,  eoatinually — tlie  great- 
nease  of  the  land  and  sea,  the  diversity  of  the  nations,  varietie  of  oomplez- 
iaaa,  and  how  we  were  to  them  antipodes,  and  maiqr  other  suob  like  mattms, 
tliey  all  ftood  as  amazed  with  admiration !"  Yet,  notwithstanding  he  had 
suen  success  in  explaining  to  them  hia  knowledge  of  geography  and  astrao- 
aniv,(faow  much  of  it  thev  underatood  we  win  not  undertake  to  say,)  within 
aa  hour  after,  they  tied  him  to  a  tree,  and  a  multitude  of  them  aeemed 
prepared  to  ^oot  him.  But  when  their  bows  were  bent,  (^ttkatUumamgh 
uM  up  his  rompaas,  and  ihey  all  laid  down  their  weapons.  They  now 
led  him  to  Oramkas,  or  Oralcakea,  a  temporary  seat  of  Pmdiakm,  on  the 
north  side  of  Chikalioininy  swamp.  Here  they  feasted  bin,  and  tiahi^ 
him  well. 

When  they  marehed  him,  tl^  drew  themselves  up  in  a  row,  with  their 
chief  in  the  midst,  before  whom  the  guns  and  swords  they  hiul  taken 
from  the  English  were  bo'me.  Smith  came  next,  led  by  tfanee  great  nrwn 
hold  of  each  arm,  and  on  each  side  six  more,  with  their  arrows  notehed, 
and  ready,  if  he  should  nttempt  to  escape.  At  the  town,  they  danoedand 
sung  about  him,  and  then  put  him  into  a  laige  house,  or  wigwam.  Here 
they  kept  him  so  well,  that  he  thought  they  were  fittting  bim  to  idll  and 
eat.  They  took  him  to  a  sirk  man  to  cure  him ;  but  he  told  them  Jieeould 
not,  unless  they  would  let  liiin  go  to  Jamestown,  and  get  aometfaing  with 
which  he  cnuld  do  it    This  they  would  not  consent  to. 

Th*-  taking  of  Jamestown  ynSi  now  resolved  upon,  and  Am  made  great 
preparations  for  it  To  this  end,  thev  endeavored  to  get  SiivMft  aarist- 
anoe,  liy  making  kuge  promises  of  lam)  and  women ;  hot  be  told  them  It 
eiMild  not  be  done,  and  described  to  them  the  great  dnkulqr  of  tba  undar* 


its 


[Book  IT. 


■oonMlie 
Ml  hwtllT 


Ca«r.  I.] 


POWHATAN. 


taking  ia  aaah  ■  maimer  that  diey  wera  gnathr  tarrMad.  With  the  idaa 
of  proeuriogaonMthingcurioiia,  Smith  pravaibd  upon  boom  of  them  to 
CO  to  Jamcatown ;  which  journey  they  performed  in  the  moat  aevera^ 
froaty  and  aiowy  weather.  By  thia  nieana,  he  gave  the  people  there  to 
underMand  what  hia  aituatioo  waa,  and  what  waa  iniandaa  afaiiut  then, 
by  aaodioga  leaf  firom  hia  pocket-book,  with  a  few  worda  written  upon 
it  He  wrote,  alao,  for  a  few  articlea  to  be  aent,  which  wen  duly  brought 
by  the  meanngera.  Nothing  had  eauaed  aueh  aaloniiliaMnt  aa  tmir 
bnnghig  the  veiy  articlea  Simtk  had  promiaed  them.  That  he  could  talk 
to  hb  nrienda,  at  ao  great  a  diatanee,  waa  utterly  ineomprahenaible  to 
them. 

Beins  obliged  to  give  up  the  idea  of  deatroying  JameatowD,tiiay  amuaed 
themaehrea  by  taking  their  captive  flom  pkMse  lo  place,  in  great  pomp  and 
triumph,  and  ahowing  him  to  the  different  nationa  of  the  domiaiona  of 
PouMtan.  They  took  him  to  Youghunnund,  ainee  called  Pmmmtktf 
Rmer,  the  country  over  which  OpdUnJUmomnk  waa  chiell  whow  prinol- 
pal  reaidence  wi^  when  the  toWrofPai^kev  aince  Waai  thence  to 
the  Mattaponiea,  Piankatanka,  the  Nautaii^tacundi,  on  Rappalianoek,  the 
Nommiea,  on  the  Patowmack  River ;  thence,  in  a  dreuitoua  eouraa, 
tbrouch  aeveral  other  nationa,  back  afiin  to  the  reaidenoe  of  OptkmdUh 
ftough.  Here  they  practiaed  eonjuradoiw  upon  him  for  three  aueeeaaive 
dajra ;  to  aacertain,  aa  they  aaid,  whether  he  intended  them  good  or  eviL 
Thia  provea  they  viewed  him  aa  a  kind  of  god.  A  bag  of  gunpowder 
.  having  fellen  into  their  handa,  they  preaerved  it  with  great  care,  thinking 
it  to  be  a  grain,  intanding,  in  the  apring,  to  plant  it,  aa  thev  did  com.  Urn 
was  here  again  feaated,  uid  none  could  eat  until  he  had  done. 


Being  noir  aatidied,  bavins  gone  through  all  the  manoBU  vrea  and  [ 
with  hik  I  they  could  ihiuk  o^  they  proceeded  to  Potdiiiton.    "HeremoM 
than  200  of  Uioae  grim  coiutieni  alood  waoderiog  at  him^aa  be  had  ban 


!• 


POWHATAN. 


(Bmb  IV. 


n  motwMr,  tUI  Pamltelim  and  ha  Mjni«  had  ^  ihonMlTW  is  tbair 
KrmliM  ImveriM^"  He  ww  ■— leri  bnfbre  a  fin,  upon  a  aaal  like  a  bed- 
Hioad,  haviM  on  a  robo  of  neeeon  ikiiM,  "and  all  ibe  tay^  haarinf  hv." 
On  «Moh  BHle  of  bin  aal  a  yotuiff  woman  (  and  upon  rcah  mh  «  the 
houan  two  rowii  of  mtrntf  aiid  witb  a«  inany  women  bohind  teaw  '  Tbete 
\m  iMd  the^  heada  aad  riiouMen  paioiad  ted  ewme  of  nAmm  beoda 
wnre  adomed  vitb  while  down  \  and  about  their  aecka  while  heada.  On 
Simlh*»  being  breiida  iate  the  preasnoe  of  Ptmhaim,  all  preaeM  joined  in 
II  dteat  about.  **  The  queen  of  Apanntwek  waa  apfMinted  t«  briri|r  him 
watnr  to  waah  hie  handa,  and  another  brought  hini  a  bunch  of  feathem, 
ItiMtoail  of  a  towel,  to  dry  them."  Then,  having  feasted  him  again,  **  aAer 
ilioir  heal  hMhawiia  maonor  they  coiiU,  a  long  conaultation  waa  held,bm 
i>ie  ooneluokm  waa, two  great  alonea  were hrougfat  before  PowAotan — then 
(in  many  aa  eoald  lay  handa  on  him,  dnq|ed  him  to  thea  and  thereon 
laid  ilia  liead,  and  being  ready,  with  their  eluba,  to  beat  out  liia  braina, 
PeeaAontof^  the  kin^  deareat  drucbter,  woen  no  entreaty  oouM  prevail, 

5ut  Ma  head  in  her  amiea,  and  laM  her  own  upon  hia,  to  save  him  from 
eath." 

.  I^isfcaton  was  imable  to  reaist  the  extnordinary  soKcitations  and  syB»* 
paUietie  entreatiea  of  hn  kind<hcaned  lil'Jtf  daughter,  and  thue  was  saved 
the  lifo  of  Capt  flMtt  t  a  charaoter,  wIm^  without  thia  aalonishiog  deliv- 
eranee,  waa  MfBeiently  renowned  Ibreacapeaand  adventures. 

The  eU  aaehem,  having  aet  the  asatftnee  of  death  aaide,  made  up  hh 
mind  to  employ  AmA  aa  mt  artiaaB }  to  onke,  Ar  hkoaeif,  rohea,  shoes, 
bowa,  anrowB,aBd  pals;  and,  for  PeeaAenfas,  beUi,  beadb,  and  copper 
trinkets.  PcrnktUmft  son,  named  JVbalafiwf,  wna  very  friendly  to 
Smith,  and  rendered  him  many  important  services,  as  well  aner  as  during 
his  caplivi^. 

"  Two  days  after,  PoiaJMon,  havh^;  disguised  himself  in  the  moot  foar- 
fiillest  manner  be  couM,  eauaed  Captain  Smith  to  be  breuriit  forth  to  a 
great  house  in  the  woodsy  and  theie^  upon  a  mat  hv  tite  nre,  to  be  left 
akme.  Not  long  after,  Atom  behiade  a  mat  that  divided  the  house,  was 
mode  the  moMaaleflilhM  aoyse  be  ever  heaid ;  then  Petahaton,  more  like 
a  Devili  then  aiaaa,  with  sonie  900  mora,  as  bhMsk  as  hfanaeMh,  eame  unto 
him,  uid  fMA  Um,  nam  they  weia  friends ;  and  presentlv  ba  mould  go  to 
Jamestoinse,>MHMrid  him  two  great  aaaaes,  and  a  giyndestone,  for  which 
he  would  ghrekim  the  countn  of  Oapahowoaick,  [Capabow4ck,1  ami 
forever  eMsm  him  his  soone,  JWatftspwadL  So  to  JamestoWM,  with  13 
guides,  iMkntar  sent  him.  That  nigNt  ithej  auartered  in  the  Woods,  Be 
still  expaai|ag,(M  En  had  dona  aA  tlhai  bag  time  of  his  {mpriaonment,) 
every  houi'  ta  M  MK  to  one  death  or  atrather."  Early  the  next  morning, 
they  came  lo#ipiHrt  at  Jonestown.'  Jlere  he  treated  his  guidea  with  the 
greatest  attention  and  kindness,  and  Mkted  JRouAunI,  inajestfaif  manner, 
and  fbr  the  safce.af  a  Mtle  tpott.  a  ha«  mill-etone,  and  two  demi^-culve- 
rinSjOirhinvipDUiMicannonailotaketo  AifAa/an,  his  master;  thaa>li||IBJr^ 
his  engagegMnt  to  send  him  a,  grindstone  and  two  guns*  Thia  nmtkvmt 
wnn a saehaainnder  Pmnhatan,  and  one  of  his  moetfatthfal  aiptolwa^  and 
who,  jt  iseaH^  accompanied  Smith  in  hie  return  out  of  captif  1^. 

*''I1i«jr  f>aaid  them  some  what  too  heavie,  but  wheit  they  did  aaa  him 
(iischaiga  thenik  being  loaded  with  stones,  among  the  boughff  of  a  gnat 
tree  lowed  win  hMdes^  the  yce  and  branches  eame  so  tumbUag  down, 
that  the  poara  aahagsa  ran  awav  half  dead'' with  foar.  Bat>  tu  last,  we 
regained  some  eewwwiiee  with  them,  and  gave  them  aueh  toyea,  and  sent 
to  Pm^Uttan,  his  women,  and  children,  such  presents,  and  gave  them  in 
gewwttfiiUcenteni.^'* ,> 

'i^t  is  <>pli(in  Smith'tawn  ■cc«uirt,wliH!hiI  abiJI  foibw  Miaoiely;  acMinr  acta- 
sioMdiy'  (Ma  MM,  Xv  ilfuiuaif  ikis  geograply  of  the  tonsuy.  .  '  . .' 


ft2 


Enurt 


fBdoB  IV. 


J__Zl'r:::^JZi':=:.  T^^z:=ii~-  Kin^  PoWUntan  ci^m<utds  CSuiit/i  to  le  /htyn^.hu 

"-  ■ :=^;^-'-  etauaftttr'Kki\biMi\A% Ivatrs  /lis h/i  his  tfuinhjidlnefx 

\r  'H;==S^;>_    tmtl'him'  ht  sutucttd  3ff  ^'t/iii'r /iinas  iyiuU  %• /ii^Ktv 

I-'n^rat'i'if  /t^Mti  the  ornfiiiuJ  tis 2'iMished  It/  ''^rrHMiTH  hinisdl'. 


t 


>  *i 


CHAT. 


/ 


■^^^^/^ 


'••/ 


Our.  L] 


POWHATAN. 


II 


PouihaUM  was  now  compktely  in  the  Enj^ish  interest,  and  almost  vnry 
other  day  sent  bis  daushter,  PoeoAonla*,  with  victuals,  to  Jamsslowo,  of 
vtrhicb  they  were  great^  in  need.  Smlk  had  told  PotsAoten  that  a  great 
chief^  which  was  Captain  NiewptH,  would  arrive  iroin  Et^glaud  about  that 
time,  which  coming  to  pass  us  he  had  said,  greatly  increasod  his  admira- 
tion of  the  wisdom  of  the  English,  and  be  was  ready  to  do  as  tbejr  doired 
in  every  thing ;  and,  but  for  the  vanitv  and  ostentation  of  Mkuftrtf  mat- 
ters would  have  gone  on  well,  and  trade  flourished  greatly  to  their  advan- 
tage. But  he  lavished  so  many  presents  upon  Powhatan^  that  he  was  in 
no  way  inclined  to  trade,  and  soon  begsja  to  show  his  haugbtinesp,  by 
demanding  five  times  the  value  of  an  article,  or  his  contempt  for  whr  t 
wasoflerra. 

By  NiewporfM  imprudence  and  folly,  what  had  cost  Smatk  so  much  toil 
and  pains  to  achieve,  was  blown  away  by  a  sinsle  breath  of  vanity. 
Nevertheless,  his  great  mind,  continually  exercised  in  difficult  matters, 
brought  the  subtle  chief  again  to  bis  own  terms.  Hinuelf^  with  AeiopoW, 
and  about  20  others,  went  to  Pouhaian^s  residence  to  trade  with  iiini. 
**  Wherein  Powhatan  carried  himself  so  proudly,  yet  discreetly,  (in  his 
salvage  manner,)  as  made  us  all  to  admire  his  natural  gifls."  He  pre- 
tended that  it  was  far  beneath  his  dignity  to  trade  hs  his  men  did.  Thus 
his  crafl  to  obtain  from  Nhapori  his  goods  for  whatever  he^leased  to  give 
in  return.  Smiih  saw  through  PoumidaiCa  craft,  and  told  Sttveport  how  it 
would  turn  out,  but  beins  determined  to  show  himself  aa  dignified  as  tbe 
Indian  chie(  repented  of  his  folly,  like  too  many  others,  when  it  was  too 
late.  Smiik  was  the  interpreter  in  the  business,  and  iSTewport  the  chief. 
Powhatan  made  a  speech  to  him,  when  they  were  about  to  enter  upon 
trading.  He  said,  ''Captain  Nitwpari,  it  is  not  Sfo^eiible  to  my  greamess, 
in  this  peddling  manner,  to  trade  tor  trifles ;  and  I  esteem  you  also  a  great 
werowance.  .Therefore,  lay  me  down  all  your  comaiodities  togeUier ; 
what  I  like  I  will  take,  and  in  recompense  give  you  what  I  think  fitting 
their  value."  Accordingly,  Newport  gwe  him  all  his  goods,  and  received 
in  letu^  only  about  three  bushels  of  corn ;  whereas  they  expected  to  have 
obtained  90  hogsheads.  This  traMpustion  created  some  bard  thoughts 
between  Smith  and  ATewport  ^Iff. 

If  it  add  to  raise  Powhatan  in  our  admuration,  it  can  detract  nothing 
from  the  character  of  Smith,  to  say,  that  he  was  as  wily  as  the  great  Indian 
chief.  For,  with  a  few  blue  bea&,  which  he  pretended  that  he  had  shown 
him  onlv  by  accident,  and  which  he  would  hardly  part  with,  as  he  pre* 
tended,  because  they  were  of  great  price,  and  worn  only  by  great  Jtinss, 
he  completely  got  his  end,  oi  this  timo,  answered.  Tantuiization  had  the 
desired  effect,  and  Potohatan  was  so  infatuated  with  the  lure,  that  he  was 
almost  beside  himself,  and  was  ready  to  give  all  he  had,  to  poR-sess  them. 
**  So  that,  ere  wo  departed,"  says  my  relation,  "  for  a  pound  or  two  of  blew 
beades,  he  brought  over  mv  king  for  2  or  300  busholls  of  conic." 

An  English  boy  was  leu  with  Powhatan,  by  Captain  JVewport,  to  lenni 
the  language,  manners,  customs  and  geograpliy  of  his  country  ;  and,  in 
return,  rotohatan  gave  him  .Yamontack,  one  of*^  his  servants,  of  a  shrewd 
and  subtle  capacity ;  whoui  he  aAerwards  carried  to  England.  Potohatan 
became  offended  widi  Cuptuin  Smith,  when  ATtwport  leA  the  country,  in 
1608 ;  at  whose  departure  he  sent  him  20  turkeys,  and  demanded,  in  return, 
20  swords,  which  were  granted.  Shortly  after,  he  sent  tlio  same  number 
to  Smith,  expecting  the  like  return ;  but,  being  disapiwinted,  ordered  his 
men  to  seize  the  English  wherever  they  could  find  thom.  This  caused 
difficulty — many  of  the  English  being  robbed  of  their  swords,  in  the 
vicinity  of  then-  forts.  They  continued  their  depredatiouH  until  Smith 
surprised  a  number  of  them,  from  whom  ho  leomed  that  Powhatan  wa» 
endeavoring  to  get  all  the  arms  in  his  power,  to  be  able  to  massacre  the 


13 


POWHATAN. 


[Book  IT. 


Chaf.  1.1 


Ehiglish.  When  he  found  that  Wis  plot  wns  diarovored,  be  sent  Poeahon- 
tat,  witli  presents,  to  excuse  himself,  and  pretended  that  the  misctiicf  woh 
done  by  some  of  his  ungovernable  rliicfs.  He  directed  her  to  endeavor 
to  effect  the  release  of  his  men  that  were  prisoners,  which  Smith  consented 
to,  wholly,  as  he  pretended,  on  her  account ;  and  thus  peace  was  restored, 
which  iiad  been  continually  interrupted  for  a  considerable  time  before. 
Ou  the  10th  of  September,  1608,  Smith  was  elected  governor  of  Vir- 

S'nia.  N'ewmrt,  going  often  to  England,  had  a  large  share  in  directing 
e  affairs  or  the  colony,  from  his  interest  with  the  proprietors.  He  ar- 
rived about  this  time,  and,  among  other  baubles,  brought  over  a  crown  for 
Powhatan,  with  directions  for  his  coronation ;  %vhich  had  the  ill  effect  to 
make  him  value  himself  more  than  ever.  ^Teuiport  was  instructed  to 
discover  the  country  of  the  Monacans,  a  nation  with  whom  Powhatan  was 
at  war,  ond  whom  they  would  assist  him  against,  if  he  would  aid  in  the 
business.  Coptain  Smith  was  sent  to  him  to  invite  him  to  Jamestown  to 
receive  presents,  and  to  trade  for  com.  On  arriving  at  Werowocomoco, 
and  delivering  his  message  to  the  old  chief,  he  replied,  "  If  your  kir^ 
have  ttnt  me  presents,  I  also  am  a  king,  €md  this  is  my  land.  Eight  days  1 
will  stay  to  receive  them.  Yovr  father  [meaninir  Newport]  is  to  come  to  me, 
not  I  to  him,  nor  yet  to  your  fort — neither  wHl  fbite  at  such  a  bate.  As  for 
the  Monacans,  I  can  revenge  my  own  injuries ;  and  as  for  Mquanachuck, 
where  you  say  your  brother  was  slain,  it  is  a  contrary  way  from  those  parts 
you  suppose  tt ;  but,  for  any  salt  water  beyond  the  mountains,  the  rcMtions 
you  have  had  from  my  people  are  false."  Some  of  the  Indians  had  mode 
the  English  believe  tnat  tnc  South  Sea,  now  called  the  Pacific  Ocean,  was 
but  a  short  distance  back.  To  show  Smith  the  absurdity  of  the  story,  he 
drew  a  map  of  the' country,  upon  the  ground.  Smith  returned  as  wise  as 
he  went. 

A  house  was  built  for  Powhatan,  about  this  time,  by  some  Germans, 
who  came  over  with  Newport.  These  men,  thinking  that  the  English 
could  not  subsist  in  the  country,  wantonly  betrayed  all  the  secrets  of  the 
English  to  Powhatan,  which  was  a^in  the  source  of  much  trouble.  They 
even  urged  him  to  put  all  the  English  to  death,  agreeing  to  live  with  him, 
and  assist  him  in  the  execution  of  the  horrible  project.    Powhatan  was 

E leased  at  the  proposition,  and  thought,  b^  their  assistance,  to  effect  what 
e  had  formerly  hoped  to  do  by  engagine  Smith  in  such  an  enterprise. 
Their  first  object  was  to  kill  Captain  Smim ;  by  which  oct,  the  chief  ob- 
stacle to  success  would  be  removed ;  and,  accordingly,  they  took  every 
means  in  their  power  to  effect  it 

In  the  first  place,  he  invited  him  to  come  and  trade  for  com,  hoping  an 
opportunity,  in  that  business,  would  offer.  That  his  design  might  not  be 
mistrusted,  Powhatan  promised  to  load  his  ship  with  corn,  if  he  would 
bring  him  n  grindstone,  .50  swords,  some  muskets,  a  cork  and  a  hen,  and 
a  quantity  of  cop|)er  and  l>eads.  Smith  went  accordingly,  but  guarded,  as 
though  sure  of  meeting  an  enemy. 

In  their  way,  the  English  stopped  at  Worrasqueoke,  and  were  informed, 
by  the  s^achem  of  that  place,  of  Potohatan's  intentions.  That  sachem 
kmdiy  entertained  them,  and,  when  they  departed,  furnished  them  with 
guides.  On  account  of  extreme  bad  weather,  th«;y  were  obliged  to  spend 
near  n  week  at  Kicqnotan.  This  obliged  them  to  keep  their  Christmas 
among  the  Indians,  and,  according  to  our  authorities,  a  merry  Christmas 
it  was ;  having  been  "  never  more  merry  in  their  lives,  lodged  by  letter 
fires,  or  fed  with  greater  plenty  of  good  bread,  oysters,  fish,  flesh  and  wild 
fbwl." 

Having  arrived  at  Werowocomoco,  af\er  much  hardship,  they  sent  to 
Powhatan  for  provisions,  being  in  great  want,  not  having  taken  but  three 
or  four  days'  supply  along  with  them.    The  old  chief  sent  them  immedi- 


86. 


[Book  IT. 


CBAr.  I.] 


POWHATAN. 


13 


ately  a  supply  of  bread,  turk63r8  and  venison,  and  soon  after  made  a  feast 
for  them,  according  to  custom'. 

Meanwhile,  Poichatan  pretended  he  had  not  sent  for  the  English ;  tell- 
ing them  he  had  no  com,  "  and  his  people  much  less,"*  and.  therefore, 
intimated  that  he  wished  they  would  go  off  again.  But  Smith  produced 
the  messenger  that  he  had  sent,  and  so  confronted  him ;  Pouhakm  then 
laughed  heartily,  and  thus  it  passed  fur  a  joke.  He  then  asked  for  their 
commodities,  **  but  he  liked  nothing,  except  guns  and  swords,  and  valued 
a  basket  of  com  higher  than  a  basket  of  copper ;  saying,  he  could  rate 
his  com,  but  not  the  copper."  Capt  Smith  tncn  made  a  speech  to  him, 
in  which  he  endeavored  to  work  upon  his  feelings  and  sense  of  honor ; 
said  he  had  sent  bis  men  to  build  him  a  house  while  his  own  was  neglect- 
ed ;  that,  because  of  his  promising  to  supply  him  with  corn,  he  had 
neglected  to  supply  himself  with  provisions  when  he  might  have  done  it 
Finally,  Smith  reproached  him  of  divers  negligences,  deceptions  and  prevar- 
ications, but  the  main  cause  of  Powhatan's  refusing  to  trade  seems  to  have 
been  because  the  English  did  not  bring  the  articles  he  most  wanted. 

When  Smith  had  done,  PowlMtan  answered  him  as  follows: — "  fTe  have 
but  lUtle  eom^  hut  what  we  can  tpare  ahaU  be  brought  two  daya  hence.  Au 
to  your  coming  here,  I  have  some  doubt  cibout  the  reaaon  of  it.  lam  Udd,  bif 
my  men,  that  you  came,  not  to  trade,  btit  to  invade  my  people^  and  to  poaaeaa 
my  country.  This  makes  me  less  ready  to  relieve  you,  and  frightens  my  peo- 
ple from  bringing  in  their  com.  And,  therefore,  to  relieve  thtm  qf  that  fear, 
leave  your  arms  aboard  your  boats,  since  they  are  needless  here,  where  we  art 
all  friends,  and  forever  Powhatans.** 

In  these,  and  other  speeches  of  like  amount,  they  spent  the  first  day. 
"  But,  whilst  they  expected  the  coming  in  of  the  country,  they  wrangled 
Powhatan  out  of  80  bushels  of  corn,  for  a  copper  kettle ;  which  the  presi- 
dent seeing  him  much  affect,  [value,]  he  told  him  it  was  of  much  greater 
value ;  yet,  in  regard  of  his  Hi-arcity,  he  would  accept  that  quantity  at 

Sesent ;  provided  he  should  have  as  much  more  the  next  year,  or  the 
anakin  country,"  were  that  condition  not  complied  with. 

This  transaction  will  equal  any  thing  of  the  kind  in  the  history  of  N. 
England,  but  we  will  leave  the  reader  to  make  his  ovirn  comment 

At  the  same  time,  Powhatan  made  another  speech,  in  which  were  some 
very  singular  passages,  as  reported  by  Smith.  One  was  that  he  had  seen 
the  death  of  all  his  people  three  times ;  and  that  none  of  those  three  gen- 
erations was  then  living,  except  himself.  This  was  evidently  only  to 
make  the  English  think  him  something  more  than  human.  The  old  chief 
then  went  on  and  said, 

"J  am 'flow  grmon  old,  and  must  soon  die;  and  the  succession  must  de- 
scend, in  order,  to  my  brothers,  Opitchapan,  Opekankanough  and  Catataujrh,* 
and  then  to  my  (too  sisters,  and  their  two  daughters.  Ittrish  their  experunce 
was  equal  to  name ;  and  that  your  love  to  us  rn^ht  not  be  less  than  ours  to 
yout  Wky  should  you  take  by  force  that  from  us  which  you  can  ftave  by  lave  % 
ffhy  should  you  detiroy  us,  wno  have  provided  you  tmth  foodf  What  cam, 
you  get  by  toar  f  We  cm,  hide  our  provisions,  and  fly  into  the  woods ;  and 
then  you  must  eonsequentty  famish  by  wronging  your  friends.  What  is  the 
cause  of  yow  jealousy  9  lou  see  us  unarmed,  and  toilling  to  supply  your 
tmnts^  if  you  wiU  conu  in  a  friendly  numner,  and  not  toith  iwords  ana  guns, 
as  to  tnvade  an  enemy.  I  am  not  so  simple,  as  vot  to  know  it  is  better  to  eat 
good  meat,  lie  tetU,  and  sleep  quietly  wUh  my  women  and  children ;  to  laugh 


*  The  reader  may  wonder  how  thit  could  be,  but  it  it  to  in  the  old  hiitoiy,  by  StUh, 

86.  .":■''■    •■' 

tCatanaugfa,  BtUk.  ■/  "  .'  '^vd 

9 


14 


POWHATAN. 


[Book  IV. 


Chap.  1." 


«;^if 


and  be  merry  intli  f'.e  Etutluh ;  and,  heintt  their  Mend,  to  have  copper^ 
hatchets,  and  whatever  else  Tieant,  than  tojlyjrom  aU,to  lie  coU  in  the  teoodt, 
feed  upon  aeonu,  roott,  and  tuch  trash,  and  to  be  to  hunted,  that  I  cannot 
rest,  eoL,  or  sleep.  In  such  circttmstances,  my  men  mtut  toatch,  and  if  a  tw^ 
should  hvt  hrfiuc,  aU  would  cry  out, '  Here  cotnea  Capt.  Smidi' ;  and  so,  «n 
tJtis  mistral)/-',  manner,  to  end  my  miseraUe  life ;  and,  Capt.  Smith,  Has  might 
be  soon  your  fate  too,  through  your  rashness  and  unadvisedness.  I,  th^- 
fore,  exhort  you  to  peaceable  councils ;  and,  above  alt,  I  insist  that  the  runs 
and  swords,  the  cause  of  aU  our  jealottsy  and  uneasiness,  be  removed  and 
snd  away,"" 

Smith  intflrpreted  this  speech  to  mean  directly  contrary  to  what  it  ex- 
pramnd,  and  it  rather  confirmed  than  lessened  his  former  suspicions.  He^ 
liowev*^,  made  a  speech  to  Powhatan,  in  his  turn,  in  vrhich  he  endeavored 
to  convince  liim  that  the  English  intended  liim  no  hurt;  urging,  that,  if 
they  hud,  how  easily  they  might  have  effected  it  long  before ;  and  that,  as 
to  their  perishing  with  want,  he  would  have  him  to  undenRand  that  the 
English  bad  ways  to  supply  themselves  unknown  to  the  Indians ;  that  as 
to  hi^  sending  away  the  arms,  there  was  no  reason  in  that,  since  the  In- 
dians were  always  allowed  to  bring  theirs  to  Jamestown,  and  to  keep  them 
hi  their  hands.  Seeing  Smithes  inflexibility,  and  despairing  of  accom- 
plishing his  intended  massacre,  he  spoke  again  to  Smith  as  fotlows : — 

"Capt.  Smith,  I  never  twe  any  werowancc  so  Mndly  as  yourself ;  yet  from 
you  I  receive  the  least  kindness  of  any.  Capt.  Newport  eave  me  swords, 
copper,  clothes,  or  whatever  else  I  desired,  ever  accepting  what  I  offered  him ; 
ana  would  send  away  his  guns  when  requested.  Jvo  one  refuses  to  lie  at  my 
f(Ut,  or  do  what  I  tumam,  but  you  omy.  Of  you  I  can  have  noOiing,  hut 
what  you  value  not;  ami  yet,  you  will  have  whatsoever  you  please.  Capt. 
Newport  vou  cM  father,  and  so  you  caU  me;  hut  I  see,  in  spite  of  us  both, 
VAU  wSl  e/o  whtd  you  tnU,  and  we  must  both  study  to  Kumar  and  cop*ent  you. 
But  if  you  intend  so  friendly,  as  you  sou,  said  away  your  arms  ;for  you 
tee  my  undes^ning  simplicity  and  friendsnip  catue  me  thus  nakedly  to  for- 
get myseif."* 

SmUh  now  w^os  out  of  all  patience,  seeing  Powhatan  only  trifled  away 
the  time,  that  be  might,  by  some  means,  accooiplish  his  design.  The 
boats  of  the  English  were  kept  at  a  distance  froni  the  shore,  by  reason  of 
ice.  Smith,  therefore,  resorted  to  deception ;  he  got  the  Indians  to  break 
the  ice,  that  his  men  might  come  in  and  take  on  ooard  the  com  they  had 
boughtj  and,  at  the  same  time,  gave  orders  to  them  to  seize  PowMtan ; 
Smith,  in  the  mean  tims,  was  to  amuse  him  with  fiilse  promises.  But 
Smith's  talk  was  too  AiU  of  flattery  not  to  be  soon  through  by  the  saga- 
cious sachem;  and,  before  it  was  too  late,  he  conveyed  himself,  his 
women,  children,  and  cflTects  into  the  woods ;  having  succeeded  in  bis 
deception  better  than  Smith ;  for  two  or  three  squaws  amused  bim  while 
Powhatan  and  tlie  rest  escaped.    Unwilling,  however,  to  renounce  his 

Kuriiose,  Powhatan  sent  Smith,  soon  after,  a  valuable  bracelet,  as  a  present, 
y  an  old  orator  of  his,  who  tried  to  excuse  the  conduct  of  his  sachem ; 
he  saidj  Powhatan  ran  off  because  he  was  afraid  of  fbe  English  arms,  and 
said,  if  the^  could  be  laid  aside,  he  would  como  with  his  people,  and 
bring  com  m  abundance.  At  length,  finding  all  aitiflces  vain,  Powhatan 
resolved  to  fall  upon  the  English,  in  their  cabins,  on  the  following  night. 
But  here,  again,  Pocahontas  saved  the  life  of  Smith  aud  his  attendants. 
She  came  alone,  in  a  dismal  night,  through  the  woods,  and  informed 
Smith  of  her  Other's  design.  For  tliis  most  signal  favor,  he  offered  her 
such  aiticics  as  he  thought  would  please  her;  but  she  would  accept  of 
nothing,  and,  with  tears  standing  in  her  eyes,  said  if  her  fadier  should 
see  her  with  any  thing,  he  would  mistrust  what  she  had  done,  and  instant 


Cbap.  I.] 


POWHATAN. 


15 


death  would  be  ber  reward ;  and  she  retired  by  herself  into  the  woodi» 
aa  ahe  caiae. 

Pouhatan  wob  bo  exasperated  at  the  fniliire  of  hit)  plots,  that  he  threat- 
ened death  to  hia  men  if  they  did  not  kill  SmiUi  by  3<tm«  iiieane  or  other. 
Not  long  aAer,  a  circumstauce  occurred,  wliicii  gave  him  security  the  rest 
of  his  administration.  One  of  PmehaiarCa  men  having,  by  some  means, 
sot  a  quantity  of  powder,  pretended  that  hu  rould  manage  it  like  the 
English.  Several  came  altoul  hitn,  to  witness  his  exploits  with  the  n>Tange 
commodity,  when,  bv  some  meant*,  it  took  lire,."  and  blew  him,  with  one 
or  two  more,  to  death."  This  struck  such  a  dread  into  the  Indians,  and 
so  amazed  and  frightened  Powhatan,  tliat  iiis  people  came  from  all  direc- 
tions, and  desired  peace  ;*  many  of  whom  returned  stolen  artickis  that 
the  English  had  never  before  inissed.  Powhatan  would  now  send  to 
Jamestown  such  of  his  men  as  had  injured  the  Englii<li,  that  they  might 
be  dealt  with  as  they  desened.  Tiie  .same  year,  1601),  lie  sent  them  nearly 
half  his  crop  of  corn,  knowing  tlieiii  to  be  in  groat  wunt. 

Captain  SmUk,  having,  hy  accident,  been  shockingly  burned  by  his  pow- 
der-bags taking  iire,  fur  want  of  surgical  aid,  was  obliged  to  leave  the 
country  and  go  to  England,  from  whence  he  never  returned.  He  pub- 
lished the  account  of  the  first  voyages  to  Virginia,  and  his  own  adventures, 
which  is  almost  the  only  authority  for  the  early  history  of  that  country. 
He  died  iu  London,  in  1631,t  in  the  52d  year  of  his  age. 


'  Tliou  ilius  admired, 


Didst  make  proud  Powluitan,  his  subjects  send, 
To  lames  his  Ijwne,  tliv  censure  to  attend: 
And  ail  Virgina's  lords,  and  pcliic  kintp, 
Aw'd  by  thy  vertue,  croucli,  and  presents  brings. 
To  gain  thy  grace ;  so  dreaded  thou  hast  beenc : 
Ana  yet  a  heart  more  mildc  is  seldome  seene."| 

The  Dutchmen  of  whom  we  have  spoken,  and  who  had  been  po  assid- 
uous to  bring  ruin  upon  the  colony,  came  to  a  miserable  end.  One  of  them 
died  in  wretchedness,  and  two  others  had  their  brains  beat  out  by  order 
ofPmohatan,  for  tneir  deception. 

After  Smith  had  left  Virginia,  the  Indians  were  made  to  believe  that  he 
"was  dead.  Powhatan  doubted  the  report,  and,  some  time  after,  ordered 
one  of  his  counsellors,  named  Uttamatotnakin,^  or  Tonwcomo,'^  whom  he 
sent  to  England,  to  find  out,  if  possible,  where  he  was.  He  instructed 
him,  also,  to  note  the  ntmi!>er  of  the  ]>eoplc — to  learn  the  state  of  the 
country — and,  if  he  found  Smith,  to  make  him  show  him  the  God  of  the 
English,  and  the  king  and  queen.  When  he  arrived  at  Plimoiith,  he  took 
a  long  stick,  and  began  to  perform  a  part  of  his  mission  by  cutting  a  notch 
for  every  person  lie  s!iould  sec.  But  he  soon  gave  up  that  business.  And, 
when  he  returned  to  his  own  country,  his  chief  asked  him,  among  other 
things,  to  give  him  an  account  of  the  number  of  the  inhabitants  in  Eng- 
land. His  onswcr  to  that  inquiry,  we  hazard  not  much  in  saying,  is  nearly 
as  extensively  known  as  the  golden  rule  of  Cmfimus.  It  was  as  follows : 
"  Count  the  stars  in  the  sh/,  the  leaves  on  the  trees,  and  the  sand  upon  the 
aea-thore,—for  such  is  the  number  of  the  people  of  England." 

Tomocomohad  married  a  sister  oi' Pocaiiontas,  and,  probably,  accompa- 


*  Did  not  the  English  or  N.  England  owe  their  safety  to  Massatoit  and  Miantuwno- 
moh's  fear  of  the  same  article  ? 

t  Josselyn,  N.  En?.  Rarities,  106. 

t  Laudatory  verses  affixed  to  the  Tiriit  volume  of  his  History  of  Virginia. 
.    9  Or  Utlamaceomjck,  Smith.  ||  Purchas. 


w 


POWHATAW. 


[BooKlY. 


Bied  lier  to  England.*  While  there,  the  famoiM  antiquary,  Samud  Pw- 
ekase,  liud  an  intorviow  with  him,  and  Iroin  whom  ho  collected  many  facta 
relatinff  to  tho  mannerv  and  customs  of  his  countrymen ;  the  result  of 
which  he  afterwards  published  in  his  Pilgririm.t 

The  ditficuities  were  almost  perpetual  Mtween  PotoAoton  and  the  Eng- 
lish ;  very  little  time  passed,  while  he  lived,  but  what  was  Aill  of  brous 
and  dissatisfaction,  on  the  one  {uurt  or  the  other.  Few  Indian  chiefs  have 
Allien  under  our  notice,  possessing  such  extraordinary  characteristics  as 
Powhatan.  lf«  died  at  peace  with  tho  English,  in  April,  1618,  and  was 
succeeded  by  Opilchapan,  his  second  brother,  who  was  known  afterwards 
by  the  name  Hopatin. 

Our  readers  will  be  comfielled  to  acknowledge  that  Capt.  Smiik  was 
bariMrou8«nough  towards  tho  Indians,  but  we  have  not  met  with  any  thing 
quite  so  horrible,  in  the  course  of  his  |)roceedings,  as  was  exhibited  by  his 
successor.  Lord  Dt  La  War.  This  eenUtman,  instead  of  taking  a  mean 
course  between  the  practices  of  SmiUi  and  JVewport,  went  into  the  worst 
extreme.  Finding  Powhatan  insolent,  on  his  arrival  in  the  countir,  he 
determined,  by  severity,  to  bring  him  to  unconditional  submission.  Hav- 
itig,  therefore,  got  into  his  hands  an  Indian  prisoner,  his  lordship  caused 
his  right  hand  to  be  cut  off.  In  this  maimed  and  horiid  condition,  he  sent 
hiin  to  PowkatcM ;  at  the  same  time,  giving  the  sachem  to  understand  that 
all  h'm  subjects  would  be  served  in  this  manner,  if  he  refused  obedience 
anyk>nger;  telling  him,  also,  that  all  the  corn  in  the  country  should  be 
immediately  destroyed,  which  was  just  then  rijie.^  This  wretched  act 
increased,  as  reasonably  it  should,  the  indignation  of  Poteftaton,  and  his 
acts  were  governed  accordingly. 


9000t 


CHAPTER  II. 


I^fledion  upon  the  ekarader  of  PowAo^an— Pocahontas — iSiA«  ni^vkaiy 
entertains  Capt.  Smith — ifisaster  of  a  boaCa  crew — Smi&^a  aiiempt  to 
awpi'ise  Powhatan  frustrated  in  consequence — Pocahontas  saves  the  life 
oT  fft^n— Betrayed  into  the  hands  of  the  English— J atazaws — Mr. 
tU^e -marries  Pocahontas — Opacuisco — Poccmntas  visits  Enf^and — 
Hir  interview  unth  Smith — Dies  at  Grmesend — Her  son — Opekahka- 
SODGH — Made  prisoner  by  Smith — Z»  set  at  liberty — Nemattakow — 
Murders  an  Englishman — Is  murdered  in  his  turn — Hw  singular  conduct 
at  his  death — Condutts  the  massacre  of  1622 — ^P/otf  tite  extvrpation  of  the 
Engiish — Conducts  the  horrid  massacre  of  1644 — b  taken  prisoner — IRs 
cotuiuct  upon  the  occasion — Barbarously  wounded  by  the  guard — Last 
speech,  and  magnanimity  in  death — Reflections — Nickotawawce — ^Toto- 
POTOMOi — Jams  the  English  against  the  Rechahecriana — b  dtfeated  and 
slain. 

It  is  impossible  to  sav^what  would  have  been  the  conduct  of  the  great 
Powhatan,  towards  the  Ehglisb,  had  he  been  treated  by  them  as  he  oupht 
to  have  been.  The  uncommonly  amiable,  virtuous  and  feeling  disiwsition 
of  his  daughter  will  always  be  brought  to  mind  in  reading  his  history ; 
ond,notwitl>standiug  he  is  described  by  the  historians  as  possessing  a  sour. 


"Mr.  Oldmixon  CBih.  Empire,  i.  285.)  snys,  "That  when  the  princess  Poeahontat 
cnme  for  England,  a  coucarousa,  or  lord  of  her  own  nation,  attended  her ;  his  name  was 
UUamaccomack. " 

t  Vol.  V.  b.  viii.  cliap  vi.  page  9AS.  t  Harris,  Voyages,  ii.  WR. 


Crap.  I!.] 


POCAHONTAS. 


morose  and  savage  dwTosition,  full  of  treachery,  deoeh  and  cunninf  aad 
who-d  word  was  never  (o  be  depended  upon,  ye  on  the  very  paae  that  he 
is  thua  represented,  we  shall  find  the  same  faults  set  him  as  enuii^e«  by  the 
English  themselves. 

The  first  and  most  memorable  events  in  the  life  of  Potahamtma  haw 
necessarily  been  deUiled  in  the  account  of  her  father;  therefore  we  abaU, 
undtrher  own  name,  give  those  which  are  more  disconmcted  with  hi*. 

Poeahontaa  was  bom  about  the  year  ISiM  or  5,  and  hence  was  no  OHire 
than  I'i  or  13  yean  old,  when  she  saved  the  life  of  Capt.  Smith,  in  1607. 
Every  particular  of  that  most  extraordinary  scene  has  been  exliibited.  it 
has  auo  been  mentioued,  that,  at  the  suggestion  of  Capt.  JVhf^pori,  SmiA 
went  with  a  few  men  to  Werowocomoco,  to  invite  Puwkmkm  to  Jannea- 
town  to  receive  presents,  hoping  thereby  to  influence  him  to  open  a  tnde 
in  com  with  them. 

When  he  arrived  at  that  (dace,  Powhatan  was  not  at  home,  but  was  at 
the  distance  of  90  miles  ofl;  Pocahonta$  and  her  women  received  him, 
and  while  he  waited  for  her  father,  they  thus  entertwned  him:  "In  a  fayre 
pbtine  field,  (savs  SmifA,)  they  made  a  fire,  before  which,  he  sitting  upon 
a  mat,  suddainfy  amongst  the  woods  was  heard  such  a  hydeous  none  and 
ahrecking,  that  the  English  betooke  themselves  to  their  arms,  and  aeiaad 
on  two  or  three  old  men  by  them,  supposing  PotahataH,  with  all  his 
power,  was  come  to  surprise  them.  But  presently  Poeahonla$  came, 
willing  him  to  kill  her  if  any  hurt  were  intended ;  and  the  beholden, 
which  were  men,  women  and  children,  satisfied  the  captain  there  was  no 
such  matter.  Then  presently  they  were  presented  with  this  anticke ;  90 
voung  women  came  naked  out  of  the  woods,  onely  covered  behind  and 
before  with  a  few  greene  leaues,  their  bodies  all  painted,  some  of  one  color, 
some  of  another,  iMt  all  differing.  Their  leader  had  a  fayre  payre  of  bucks 
homes  on  her  head,  and  an  otter-dcinne  at  her  girdle,  and  another  at  her 
arme,  a  quiver  of  arrowes  at  her  backe,  a  bow  and  arrows  in  hmr  hand. 
The  next  had  in  her  hand  a  sword,  and  another  a  club,  another  a  pot- 
aticke,  all  homed  alike ;  the  reM  every  one  with  their  aeuerall  devaea. 
These  fiends,  with  most  hellish  shouts  and  cryes,  rtuhing  firom  among  the 
trees,  cast  themselves  in  a  ring  about  the  fire,  singing  and  dancing  with 
most  excellent  ill  varietie,  oH  falling  into  their  infemwl  paarions,  nod  sol- 
emnly again  to  sing  and  daunce.  Having  spent  neare  an  boure  in  this 
mascarado,  as  they  ontred,  in  like  manner  they  departed.**  After  a  short 
time,  they  came  and  took  the  English  to  their  wigwams.  Here  they 
were  more  tomiented .  than  before,  '>  with  crowding,  preering,  hangiBs 
about  them,  most  tediously  crying, '  Love  you  not  me  ?  love  you  not  me?* 
When  they  hod  finished  their  caresses,  they  set  before  them  the  best 
Tictuah  thsir  country  afforded,  and  then  showed  them  to  their  lodgings. 

While  Captaia  Smith  was  upon  an  expedition  into  the  country,  with  an 
intention  of  smprising  Powhatem,  there  nap)iened  a  melancholy  accident 
at  homo,  to  a  Boat's  crew,  which  had  been  sent  out  in  very  severe 
iviBather,  by  one  who  was  impatient  to  have  the  direction  of  matters.  In 
the  boat  wtire  Captain  WMo,  Master  Sbn'oener,  the  projector  of  the  expe- 
dition, Mr.  AniOumy  G^anML,  brother  of  the  well-known  liarihdomtw 
iraanold,  and  eight  others.  By  the  sinking  of  the  boat,  t(ieM>  all  perisht-d, 
and  none  knew  what  had  become  of  them,  until  their  bodies  were  found 
by  the  Indians.  The  very  men  on  whom  Smith  depended  to  reinam  at 
the  fort  for  his  succor,  in  case  he  sent  for  them,  were  among  the  number. 
Therefore,  to  prevent  the  failure  of  this  expedition,  somebody  must  be 
sent  to  apprise  Smith  of  the  catastrophe.  None  volunteered  for  the  haz- 
ardous service,  but  Mr.  Richard  Wyffin,  who  was  obliged  to  undertake  it 
alone.  This  vras  a  time  when  Povdhdan  was  very  insolent,  and  urged  daily 
the  kiiling  of  Smith  upon  his  men.  NeverthelesB,  after  many  dlraouhiea, 
2* 


# 


18 


POCAHONTAS. 


fBooK  IV 


lie  arrived  at  Werowo«nnioco.  Here  lie  found  himself  amidat  prepai*- 
tioas  for  war,  and  in  siill  greater  danger  than  he  had  yet  been.  But 
PoeahmUat  appeared  as  his  savior.  Knowing  the  intention  of  the  war- 
riors to  kill  Inin,  she  iiniit  secreted  him  iu  the  woodsy  and  then  directed 
tboae  wiio  bought  him  iu  an  opposite  ilirectiou  from  that  he  had  gone ; 
•o,  b^  this  means,  he  escsfjed,  and  got  rafe  to  Smilh  at  Pamunkey.  This 
was  m  the  winter  of  16(X>. 

We  next  hear  of  her  saving  the  life  of  Henni  S/nltnan,  who,  was  one 
of  90  that  went  to  trade,  upon  the  confidence  ofPottltaiaH,  bat  who  were, 
all  except  SaUman,  killed  by  his  people. 

From  1609,  the  time  Saulh  left  the  country,  until  1611,  PacahtmUu  was 
not  seen  at  Jamestown.  At  this  time,  she  was  treacherously  taken  pris- 
oner by  Captain  v9>'ga/,aud  kept  by  the  English  to  prevent  PowAokm  from 
doing  them  injury,  nnd  to  extort  a  great  ransom  from  him,  and  such  termf* 
c£  peace  as  they  should  dictate.  At  the  time  she  w«i8  betrayed  into  the 
hands  of  Capbiin  Argaiy  she  was  in  the  neighborliood  of  the  chief  of 
Potomack,  whose  name  was  Japaxawt,  a  particul»jr  friend  of  the  English, 
and  an  old  acquaintance  of  Captain  Smitk.  Whether  she  had  taken  up 
her  residence  here,  or  whether  she  was  here  u.ily  upon  a  visit,  we  are  not 
informed.  But  some  have  conjectured,  that  she  retired  here  soon  after 
SmUh^a  departure,  that  she  might  not  witness  the  frequent  murders  of  the 
iU-govemed  English,  at  Jamestown.  Captain  w9r;gal  was  in  the  Potomack 
River,  far  the  purpose  of  trade,  with  his  ship,  when  he  learned  that  Poca- 
hantaa  was  in  the  neighborhood.  Whether  Japaxawt  had  ac«|uired  hi8 
treachery  from  his  intercourse  with  the  English,  or  whether  it  were  natu- 
ral to  his  disposition,  we  will  not  undertake  to  decide  here ;  but  certain  it 
is,  that  he  was  ready  to  practise  it,  ot  the  instigation  otArgtd.  And  for  a 
copper  kettle  for  himself,  and  a  few  toys  for  his  squaw,  he  enticed  the 
innocent  girl  on  board  ArgaPa  ship,  and  betrayed  her  into  bis  hands.  It 
was  effected,  however,  wiuiout  compulsion,  by  tjie  aid  of  his  squaw.  The 
captain  had  previously  promised  that  no  hurt  should  befall  her,  and  that 
she  should  be  treated  with  all  tenderness.  This  circumstance  should  j;o 
as  ftr  as  it  may  to  excuse  Japaxawn.  The  plot  to  get  her  on  board  was 
well  contrived.  Knowing  that  she  had  no  curiosity  to  see  a  ship,  having 
befbre  seen  many,  JoqHaawa'  wife  pretended  great  anxiety  to  see  one,  but 
would  not  go  on  board  unless  Pocmonku  would  accompany  her.  To  this 
she  consented,  but  with  somo  hesitation.  The  attention  with  which  they 
were  received  on  board  soon  disnpated  all  fears,  and  PoeahmUaa  soon 
strayed  from  her  betrayers  into  the  ^n-room.  The  captain,  watching  his 
opportunity,  told  her  she  was  ff.  prisoner.  When  her  confinement  was 
known  to  Jcmaxaws  and  his  wife,  they  feigned  more  lamentation  than  she 
did,  to  keep  her  in  ignorance  of  the  plot ;  and,  after  receiviiiff  the  price 
of  their  perfidy,  wore  sent  ashore,  and  Argal,  with  his  peari  ofgreat  price, 
sailed  for  Jamestown.  On  being  informed  of  the  reason  why  she  was 
thus  captivated,  her  grief,  by  degrees,  subsided. 

The  first  step  of  the  English  was  to  inform  Powhatan  of  the  captivity 
of  his  daughter,  and  to  demand  of  him  their  men,  guns  and  tools,  which 
he  and  his  people  had,  from  time  to  time,  taken  and  stolen  firom  them. 
This  unexpected  news  threw  the  old,  stem,  calculating  chief  into  a  great 
dilemma,  and  what  course  to  take  he  knew  not ;  and  it  was  three  mohtfis 
before  he  returned  any  answer.  At  the  end  of  this  time,  by  the  advice 
of  his  council,  he  sent  back  seven  Englishmen,  with  each  &  gun  which 
had  been  spoiled,  and  this  answer :  that  when  they  sboukl  return  his 
daughter,  be  would  make  full  sotisftiction,  and  give  them  500  bushels  of 
com,  and  be  their  friend  forever ;  that  he  had  no  more  guns  to  return,  the 
rest  being  lust  They  sent  him  word,  that  they  would  not  restore  her, 
until  be  hod  complied  with  their  demand ;  and  Uiat,  as  for  the  guns,  they 


*. 


c«A».  nj 


POCAHONTAS. 


prepw*- 
■»n.  But 
the  war- 
directed 

wd  gone; 

iy.    This 


did  not  believe  they  Were  Rut    Seeing  the  detennilMtiott  of  the  Eogliib, 
or  hiB  inability  to  ntiaQr  them,  waa,  we  apprebeod,  why  they  **  beard  no  , 
more  from  him  for  a  lottg  time  aftnr." 

In  the  aprinf^  of  the  year  1613,  Sir  Thomat  DaU  took  Pecdkanlat,  and 
went,  with  a  aiup,  up  Poi«Aaten'«  River  to  Werowocomoco,  tlio  reiidenoe 
of  her  &dicr,  in  hopea  to  eflbct  an  exchange,  and  bring  about  a  peace. 
Pouhatan  waanot  at  home,  and  tb^  met  with  nothing  but  bravadoM,  and 
«  diapoaition  to  fight,  from  all  the  Indians  they  aaw.  After  bumuig  many 
of  their  habitatiooa,  und  giving  out  threats,  some  of  the  Indians  came  and 
made  peace,  aa  they  called  it,  which  opened  the  way  for  two  of  PomAo»- 
taa^a  brothers  to  come  on  board  the  ship.  Their  joy  at  seeing  their  sister 
mav  be  imagined, 

A  particuMr  friendship  had  some  time  existed  between  Pocahmtai  and 
a  worthy  ^oung  Englishman,  by  the  name  of  John  Jto{^ ;  which,  at  length, 
growing  into  a  ftincere  aSlachment,  and  being  mutual  between  them,  he 
made  known  his  desire  to  take  her  for  his  companion.  This  being  bishiy 
approved  of  by  Sir  ThmnoB  Dalt,  and  other  gentlemen  of  high  standing 
and  authority,  a  consummation  was  soon  agreed  upon.  Acquainting  her 
brother  with  her  dete|[inination,  it  soon  came  to  the  knowledge  of  her 
ftther  also  ^  who,  as  highly  approving  of  it  as  the  English,  immediately 
sent  Opiuhueo..  her  uncle,  ana  two  of  his  sons,  to  witness  the  perform- 
ance, and  to  act  as  her  servants  upon  the  occasion :  and,  in  the  beginning 
of  April,  1613,  the  marriage  was  solemnized  according  to  appointmept. 
PotpAoton  was  now  their  friend  in  reality ;  and  a  friendly  intercourse 
commenced,  which  was,  without  much  interruption,  continued  until  his 
death. 

PocoAontaf  lived  happily  with  her  husband,  and  became  a  believer  ih 
the  English  reli^on,  and  exjvressed  no  desire  to  live  again  among  thoM 
ni  her  own  nation.  When  Sir  Thomm  Dak  returned  to  England,  in 
1616,  Pocahoidna  accompanied  him.  with  her  husband,  and  several  other 
young  natives.  They  arrived  at  Plimouth  or>  the  iShh  of  June  of  that 
▼ear.  She  met  with  much  attention  in  that  country,  being  taken  to  court 
by  the  Lord  and  Lady  Delmoan,  and  others  of  distinction.  She  wtOi  at 
this  time,  called  the  Lady  Rtheeca.  Her  meeting  with  C8|itain  SmtUh  wra 
affecting ;  more  especially  as  she  thought  herself,  and  veryjustly,  no  doub'., 
too  slightly  noticed  by  him,  which  caused  her  much  grieff  Owing  to  the 
barbarous  nonsense  of  the  times,  Smiih  did  not  wish  her  to  call  him  fis- 
iw,  being  afraid  of  giving  offence  to  royalty,  by  assuming  to  be  the  fiither 
of  a  king's  daughter.  Yet  he  did  not  intend  any  cause  of  offence,  and 
did  all  ic  hia  jNiwer  to  make  her  liappy.  At  their  first  interview,  after 
jremaining  alent  some  time,  she  said  to  him,  "  You  promiwd  my  father,  that 
what  teas  youra  ahoxM  ht  hu ;  emd  that  you  and  he  ioould  be  alt  one.  Being 
a  atranger  in  our  eoantry,  you  called  Powhatan  y<nAer ;  and  I,  for  the  aame 
reason,  loQl  now  edl  j^ou  ao.  You  teere  not  qfimd  to  come  into  myf€dker*a 
country,  and  atrikefear  into  every  ho(^  but  myself;  and  are  you  here  af\raid 
fo  let  me  call  you  father  f  I  tell  you,  then,  I  wM  call  youjhther,  and  you  shall 
«a0  me  child ;  and  so  I  tnll  forever  be  of  your  ki'Mi'edand  country.  They 
tdways  told  us  that  you  were  dead,  and  I  kneu>  not  othertaise,  HU  I  came  to 
PlimotUh.  But  Powhatan  commanded  Tomocomo  to  seek  you  out,  and 
know  the  truth,  because  your  countrymen  are  much  given  to  tying.^ 

Tbo  usefiil  and  worthy  young  Pocahontas,  being  about  to  embark  for 
her  native  country,  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1617,  fell  sick  at  Graves- 
end,  and  died ;  having  attained  only  the  age  of  23  years.  She  left  one 
son,  whose  name  was  Thomas  RoUe,  very  young ;  and  whom  Sir  Letais 
Steukly,  of  Plimouth,  desired  to  be  left  with  him,  that  he  mij^ht  direct  his 
education.  But,  from  the  unmanly  part  this  gentleman  took  against  the 
unfortunate  BaUgh^  he  was  bi-ought  into  such  merited  disrepute,  that  be 


/ 


y 


OPEKAKKAROVGH. 


[Bkos  IV. 


ibuod  hiimeif  obliged  to  turn  dl  hia  attenriDn  to  his  own  prcMnration ; 
■nd  the  eon  of  PoeakomUu  woa  taken  to  London,  and  there  educated  bjr 
hia  uncle,  Mr.  Henry  Ro^t.  He  afterwarda  came  to  Amerioa,  to  the  ■«• 
tire  eoantry  of  hia  mother,  where  he  became  a  gentleman  of  mat  dis- 
lliiedon,  and  poweaacd  an  ample  fortun(>.  He  left  an  ooljr  dauchter,  who 
married  Colonel  Robert  BoUwr,  and  died,  leaving  an  only  eon,  Major  Jbbi 
BtOmg,  who  was  the  ftther  of  Colonel  Mm  BaUmg,  and  aereral  dau^- 
tera ;  one  of  whom  married  CoL  Hkkard  Ramimpk,  from  whom  are 
deaeended  thoae  hmirinf  that  name  in  Virginia,  at  thia  day.* 
Bartow  thua  notieea  PoeakoHiai :—' 

"  Bleii  Poeahtmtai !  fear  no  lurkinr  euile ; 
Thy  hero's  love  iball  well  reward  uy  unila. 
Ah,  foolhe  the  wanderer  iu  hit  detperaie  plichl, 
Hide  him  hy  day,  and  ralm  his  caret  by  uignt ) 
Tbo'  sarare  aalions,  with  ihy  venfeftil  aire, 
PUraiie  lh«r  virtim  with  unreaainr  ir»— 
And  tho' their  ihroaU  thy  iiartMearaaaai), 
Let  virtue'!  voice  o'er  filial  (tan  prevail."— CobrnftMuf. 

(^lekanlumaugh  has  already  received  our  notice.    He  was  a  \m  con- 

Sicuous  character  in  his  time,  and  was  styled,  by  the  Virginituie,  lOn^  of 
e  Pamunkies.  The  dreadful  masBacre,  of  which  he  was  author,  bnngs 
to  mind  hia  name  ofteoer  than  aimoet  any  other  chief  of  his  times. 

There  seems  to  be  soiue  contradiction,  or  difference  of  opinion,  with 
ragani  to  the  origin  of  this  chief.  Some  of  tht  Indians  reported  that  he 
came  from  the  west,  and  was  not  a  brother  of  Po:'ehatmt;  but  that  story, 
we  judge,  is  merely  a  fable,  invented  and  told  hy  aome  of  them,  who  were 
hia  enemiea,  to  innueooe  the  Engliah  against  him,  that  they  might  deatroy 
him. 

Opekanktmough  seems  to  have  borne  the  oanoe  of  Mangopeo$nt»  ia 
1631,t  a  circumstance,  unnoticed  by  most  historians,  and,  merefore,  we 
oonclude  that  it  prevailed  only  among  his  own  tribe,  and,  perhaps,  even 
among  them  fell  mto  disuse  soon  aAer. 

OpUehapan,  called  also  Oeton,  and  lastly  Sasauoptowieix^  was  the  suc- 
cessor of  Fouhatan,  but  he  seems  never  to  have  been  ctherwiae  noted. 
"The  defecte  of  the  new  emperor,"  saya  Vlr.  Burh,  "<were  anravated  in 
the  minds  of  the  Indians,  by  a  comiianaon  with  the  acconx^ahed  Opa- 
kamkanougk,  who,  in  the  council  ana  the  field,  was  the  most  couipicuous 
warrior  amongst  the  Powliatans ;  and  who,  during  the  life-time  of  th?  late 
emperor,  had  procured  from  the  freo  trilie  oftheChickabomiiiea^  the  title 
of  their  king."  The  same  author  calls  OpiUhapan  a  **  fehle  and  decrepid'* 
chief,  who  "was  little  calculiued  to  secure  respect,  or  enforce  obedience.''^ 

Iu  1606,  the  Indians  bad  become  universally  at  variance  with  the  Eng- 
lish, and  insulted  them  whenever  they  appeared  abroad ;  knowing  theur 
miserable,  half-starved  conditiou.  Insult  followed  insult,  upon  both  sides, 
and,  but  for  the  never-tiring  perseverance  of  SmUK^  this  cok>ny,  like  the 
first,  would  have  been  soon  destroyed.  The  Indians  would  promise  to 
trade  with  them,  but  when  they  went  to  them  for  that  purpose,  they  only 
"  laughed  at  their  calamities ;"  sometimes  putting  jokes  upon  them,  aou 
at  others,  running  away  into  the  woods. 

In  this  extrenuty  of  tlieir  circiunsti'nces,  though  in  ^he  depth  of  winterj 
SmiOt  resolved  to  make  himself  master  of  some  of  the  Incuans'  store  of 

Eovisiona,  by  some  means  or  other.    He,  therefore,  proceeded  to  Famuli- 
y,  the  residence  of  (^tekankaaough,  with  15  men,  where  he  tried  to 


ma 


*  SmitVM  VirEinia,  with  additions  from  £MCh. 
tAv*'«Va.i.SU.  tibkl. 


f  Hiac  Yirgiaia.  i.  I^S. 


,    H 


\ 


'    J-.v 


OiAP.n.] 


OPEKANKANOUOH^NEMATTANOW. 


•M 


trade  wkh  him  for  com ;  but,  not  Mieceeding,  he,  in  a  dcaperate  iiMniMr, 
•eiznd  upon  the  chief  by  hia  hair,  in  the  midat  of  hia  men.  *  with  hia  pia- 
toU  readie  bent  againat  hia  hreaat  Thua  be  led  the  tremblinf  kina ,  neara 
dead  with  fear,  ainonnt  all  hia  people."*  SmUk  told  him  that  he  had 
attempted  to  murder  him,  which  waa  the  cauae  of  hia  treatina  him  thua. 
No  one  can  doubt,  on  reading  the  hiatory  of  thoae  affldra,  that  Uie  Indiana 
all  wished  Smith  dead,  but  whether  they  all  wanted  to  kill  him,  ia  mt  quite 
•o  plain. 

One  great  end  of  SmiUC$  design  waa  now  anawered ;  for  OpdUmka- 
NiNurV*  people  came  in  loaded  with  premnia  to  ranaom  their  chief,  until 
his  Doata  were  completely  filled.  News  being  brought  of  a  diaaater  at 
Jameatown,  he  waa  set  at  liberty. 

A/hnaUanow,  a  renowned  warrior,  we  have  to  introduce  hare,  aa  well 
on  account  of  his  supposed  agency  in  bringing  about  the  great  maasacre 
of  1633,  as  for  the  otgect  of  exhibiting  a  trait  of  character  equally  to  be 
admired  and  lamented.    We  are  not  certain  that  he  belonged  to  the  peo- 
ple of  Opekankanough,  but  it  is  storied  that  a  jealousy  existed  between 
them,  and  that  the  chief  had  informed  Sir  Gtorge  YtarJky  that  he  wished 
JVe}fuittanow'a  throat  were  cut,  some  time  before  the  maaaacre  took  place, 
to  which  we  hav«  alluded.    However,  OptkmJumow^h  denied  it  after- 
wards, and  affbcted  great  indignation  at  his  murder,  ind  the  Indians  said 
the  maasacre  was  mgun  by  him,  to  revenge  JVemot/atioto'T  death.     But 
our  preaent  object  is  to  portray  the  charactef  of  A>iiiattonot«,  who  waa 
both  eceenthc  and  vain,  and  **  who  was  wont,  out  of  braveiy  and  parade, 
to  dreaa  himself  up,  in  a  strange,  antic  ajod  barbaric  fiisliion,  with  feathers, 
^vhich,  therefore,  obtained  him  the  name  of  Jaek-of-fhe-/eaUter"    He  was 
ev«n  more  popular  eniong  his  countrymen  than  Opekankanough,  which, 
dottbtleaa,  was  the  ground  of  that  chief's  jealousy ;  esp^-cially  as  he  was 
one  of  the  gTcntest  war-captaita  of  his  times.    He  had  been  in  many 
fights  and  encounters  with  the  English,  always  exposing  himself  to  the 
greatest  danger,  and  yet  was  never  wounded  in  any  of  uem.    Thia  cir- 
cumstance caused  the  Indiana  to  believe  in  hb  invulnerability,  and  hence 
he  waa  by  them  considered  superhuman.    Only  about  14  daya  before  the 
maasacre,  Jackrof-Ou-ftathtr  went  to  the  house  of  one  JMbivan,  when  he 
saw  many  such  artielea  exhibited  aa  were  calculated  to  excite  admiration 
in  such  people.     Jack,  perhaps,  had  not  the  means  to  purchase,  but,  it 
seems,  he  was  resolved,  some  how  or  other,  to  possess  them.    He,  there- 
fore, told  Morgan^  that  if  he  would  take  his  commodities  to  Pamunkey, 
the  Indiana  would  give  him  a  great  price  for  them.    Not  in  the  least  mis- 
trusting the  design  of  ATemattanotc,  the  simple  Englishman  set  out  for 
Pamunkey,  in  company  with  this  Indian.    This  was  the  last  the  Snglish 
heard  of  Morgan.    However,  strange  aa  it  may  seem,  Jaek*i  ill-directing 
late  sent  him  to  the  same  place  agun,  and,  what  was  still  more  stnir>;^v,  he 
had  the  cap  of  the  murdered  Morgan  upon  his  head.    Morgan^a  servants 
asked  him  where  their  master  was,  who  very  deliberately  answered,  that 
he  was  dead.    This  satisfied  them  that  he  had  murdered  him.    They, 
therefore,  seized  him,  in  order  to  take  him  before  a  magistrate  at  Berkeley ; 
but  he  made  a  good,  deal  of  resistance,  which  caused  one  of  his  captors 
to  shoot  him  down.    The  singular  part  of  the  tragedy  is  yet  to  be  related. 
Though  mortally  wounded,  JVemottanow  was  not  Killed  outright,  and  his 
captors,  which  were  two  stout  young  men,  got  him  into  a  boat  to  proceed 
to  Mr.  Thorp's,  the  magistrate.    As  they  were  going,  the  warrior  became 
satisfied  that  he  must  die,  and,  with  the  most  extraordinary  earnestness, 
besought  that  two  things  might  be  granted  him.    One  was,  that  it  should 

*  Perhnps  the  New  Enrlandera  followed  Smith's  example,  ttiermtd$,  in  the  cue  of 
AUxamUr,  Ifiitigrel,  and  olhen. 


4 


w^ifk'^ 


QB 


OI'KKANKANonOH. 


(KiK)ii  IV. 


iMV«r  be  lold  to  hh  countrymen  ihnt  h<*  wm  kiilnl  l»  n  hullot ;  and  tho 
other,  that  he  nhouM  be  buried  anxmfr  tli<!  Kngliah,  bo  that  it  elinuld  never 
be  diacoverRd  that  he  ha<i  diinl,  ur  wiw  aubfei;!  lo  death  like  oilier  mm. 
Such  waa  the  pride  and  vanity  exhibited  by  an  Indian  at  bin  death.  The 
following  ioferenee,  ttieretbre,  ia  naturally  to  Im;  drawn  ;  that  a  deaire  lo 
lie  renowned,  ami  held  in  veneration  by  poaterity,  hi  not  confined  to  the 
civilized  bimI  learaed  of  any  age  or  luuion. 

Meanwhile,  Optkankanaufrii,  the  lietter  to  increann  the  rage  of  bia  war- 
riors, affected  great  grief  at  J^tmatiammt't  death,  which  had  the  effect  hv 
inteiMled  ;  owing,  eapecially,  lo  the  favor  in  which  that  warrior  had  stood 
.ujiong  the  Indiana.  But  the  Kngliah  were  satisiied  that  this  waa  only 
proti'iire,  as  we  have  before  oliaerved ;  because  they  wtsre  inibrined  of  his 
try  iuK  te  engage  some  of  his  neighbors  against  thoin,  and  oiherwine  acted 
Kuttpictously,  aome  time  before  JV*eaia<tenofo'«  death ;  of  the  justice  of 
which,  however,  the  English  tried  argMinentH  at  hrst,  and  tbreais  after- 
warils,  to  convince  him.  m  his  dissimulatiun,  Optkankmwnf^h  completely 
(Ivceived  them,  and,  just  tiefore  the  msHsacre,  treated  a  inesaenger  tlinl 
was  sent  to  him,  with  mucii  kindness  ami  civility  ;  and  assured  him  that 
the  peace,  which  had  been  some  time  betbrc  concluded,  was  held  so  firm 
by  nim,  tlwt  the  sky  should  fall  sooner  than  it  should  be  violated  on  his 
part  And  such  was  the  concert  and  secrecy  among  all  tho  IiMlians,  tliat,  only 
two  davs  before  the  fiual  SK  March,  some  kindly  conducted  the  English  . 
through  the  woods,  and  sent  one  of  their  youth  to  live  with  the  En^ish, 
oad  learn  their  knguage.  Moreover,  on  the  morning  of  that  very  day^ 
th(By  came  unarmed  amon^  them,  and  traded  aa  usual,  and  even  nt  dowa 
to  breakfast  with  their  victuna,  in  several  instances.  Never,  pariiapa,  waa 
a  maaaacre  ao  well  contrived  and  coiuiucted,  to  ensure  succoaa,  aa  was  this  > 
of  Optkanktmongh.  The  Euglisb  were  lulled  into  a  fat«|  ^acurily,  and' 
even  unknowingly  aasisted  the  Indiana  in  their  design ;  lending  them  tliiiur 
boats  to  communicate  with  distant  tribes,  and  fUruMliing  them  with  vari- 
ous  utensils,  which  were  converted  at  once  into  w>9&poiia  of  death. 

The  93  March,  1689,  having  come,  and  the  i^ti^iuted  hour  of  that  mena* 
orable  day  arrived,  with  a  aunultaneouahesa  unparalleled  on  any  former 
occaaion,  the  Indiana  roae  from  their  ambuahM,  and.  with  the  swiftnea* 
of  the  tiger,  appeared,  in  a  moment,  amidst  the  English  aettiamenta.  Age, 
texnot  coiulition  shielded nooiie;  theur  greatest  benefactors  were  among 
their  first  victima.  Thus,  in  the  space  w  about  one  hour,  fell  three  hwn- 
dnd  and  fmrty'ttvtn  men,  women  and  chikLren.  By  this  horrid  calamity, 
out  of  80  plantattona,  six  only  were  left  uninjured.  And  these  wer& 
saved  by  the  timely  infhrmation  of  a  Christian  Indian  called  Chanco. 

The  ensuing  suit  .*  was  spent,  by  the  surviving  English,  in  stren|(tb- 
ening  themselves  ugainst  fUrther  attacks^  and  preparations  for  taking 
vengeance  on  the  Indians ;  wholly  neglecting  all  improvements,  works  of 
utility,  and  even  their  planting.  Every  thin^  was  loet  sight  of  in  their, < 
beloved  project  of  revenge ;  and  the  English,  iit  their  turn,  showed  them- 
selves more  treacherous,  if  not  more  bartMuvus,  than  their  enemy.  For^ 
under  the  pretence  of  making  peace  again  with  them,  they  fell  upontheia 
at  unawares,  and  murdered  many  without  mercy.  This  crime  was  vasdy  ; 
aggravated,  in  that,  to  induce  the  Indians  to  come  forward  and  moke  peace, 
the  English  had  not  only  solemnly  assured  them  forgiveness,  but  likewise 
security  and  safety  in  their  persons. 

It  was,  for  some  time,  supposed  that  Opekankanovgh  was  among  the 
slain,  but,  if  Mr.  Beverly  was  not  misinformed,  tlie  same  sachem,  22  years 
afterwards,  executed  a  still  greater  massacre  upon  the  English,  as,  in  the 
next  place,  we  shall  relate. 

How  long  Opekankanoueh  had  been  secretly  plotting  to  cut  off  the  in- 
tinders  of  his  soil  cannot  oe  known ;  but,  in  1644,  all  the  Indians,  over  a 


lUKi»   IV. 


Chap.  11.] 


OPBKANKANOVUH. 


loiily 


■race  of  country  of  600  miiei  in  extent,  were  leagued  m  the  enterpriMw 
The  old  chief,  at  this  time,  waa  auppoeed  to  be  pear  100  yean  of  aoc,  and, 
though  unable  to  walk,  would  be  preaent  in  the  execution  of  hia  beloved 
urojooL  It  WBfl  upon  tlie  18  April,  when  Optkankantmgk,  borne  in  a  litter, 
led  hia  warriora  forward,  and  cocnrnttnced  tlie  bloody  work.  They  Iwgaa 
at  tho  frontien,  with  a  detenuinatMNi  to  atey  all  before  them,  to  the  aea. 
After  continuing  the  niaaaaero  two  daya,  in  which  time  about  500  peraona 
were  niurderot^  8ir  WUUam  BerktUjf,  at  the  bead  of  an  aimed  force, 
checked  their  nrogieaa.  The  deatruetion  of  the  inhabitanta  was  the 
greaiaat  upon  York  and  Painunkey  Rivera,  where  Optkmiktmomgh  eom- 
manded  in  person.  The  Indians  now,  in  their  turn,  were  driven  to  great 
extremity,  and  their  old  chief  waa  taken  priaoner^  aud  carriad  in  triumph 
to  Jaineatown.  How  long  after  the  nioaaacre  thia  happened,  we  are  not 
iniorined  ;  but  it  is  aaid  that  ike  fatiguea  he  had  previoualy  undergone 
had  waated  away  hia  fleah,and  deatroyed  the  ebuticity  of  hia  muaclea  to 
that  degree,  that  he  was  no  longer  able  to  raise  the  eye-lkla  from  his  eyea; 
and  it  waa  in  thia  forlorn  condition,  that  he  fell  into  the  hands  of  hia  ene- 
miea.  A  soldier,  who  bad  been  appointed  to  guard  him,  barbarously  fired 
upon  him,  and  inflioted  a  mortal  wound.  He  was  suppnaed  to  have  been 
prompted  to  the  bloody  deed,  from  a  recollection  of  the  old  chief's  ageney 
in  the  massaore.  Just  belbre  he  expired,  hearing  a  great  bustle  and  crowd 
about  him,  ke  ordered  an  attendant  to  lift  up  his  eye-lids ;  when  he  dis- 
covered a  multitude  pressing  amuud,  to  ^tify  the  undmely  ciirioaity  of 
beholding  a  dying  aachem.  Undaunted  in  death,  and  roused,  us  it  were, 
flrom  •IsMik  at  the  conduct  of  the  confused  multitude,  he  deigned  not  to 
obaerve  them ;  but,  raising  himself  from  the  ground,  with  the  expiring 
breath  of  authority,  commanded  that  the  governor  should  be  nailed  to 
him.  When  the  governor  came,  Optkanlmnough  said,  with  indignation, 
**  Had  it  been  my  fortune  to  have  taken  Sir  VVh.  Berkelct  pruomtr,  1 
wovld  not  metr^y  have  exposed  kim  as  a  show  to  my  people  ;*'*  and  soon  after 
expired. 

It  is  sidd,  anil  we  have  no  reaa9n  to  doubt  the  fact,  that  it  waa  owing  to 
the  encroachments  upon  hia  lands,  that  caused  Opekankanouf^  to  deter- 
mine  upon  a  massacre  of  the  whites.  These  intrusions  were,  nevertheless, 
oonir>rmable  to  the  grants  of  the  proprietors.  He  could  hardly  have  ex- 
pected entire  conquest,  as  his  people  hod  already  l)egun  to  waste  away, 
and  EngHdi  villa^  were  springing  up  over  an  extent  of  country  of  more 
than  500  miles,  with  a  populuusDess  beyond  nny  preceding  example  ;  still, 
he  was  determined  upon  the  vast  undertaking,  and  sacriftced  himself  with 
aa  much  Aonor,  it  will,  perhaps,  be  acknowledged,  as  did  Leonidas  at 
Thermmwlge. 

Sir  ffiuiam  Berkeley  intended  to  have  sent  him,  as  a  presont,  to  the  king 
of  England ;  but  assassination  deprived  him  of  the  wretched  satisfaction, 
and  saved  the  chief  from  the  iiiortification.f 

None  of  the  Virginia  historians  seer-i  to  have  been  informed  of  the  true 
date  of  this  last  war  of  Opekankanoxtgh ;  the  ancient  records  of  Virginia, 
says  Mr.  Burk,  are  silent  even  upon  the  events  of  it,  (an  extraordinary 
omission.)  Mr,  Beverly  thinks  it  began  in  1639,  and,  althotiffh  Mr.  Burk 
is  satisfied  that  it  took  place  afler  1641,  yet  he  relates  it  under  the  date 
1640.  And  we  are  not  certain  that  the  real  date  would  ever  have  been 
fixed,  but  for  the  inestimable  treasury  of  N.  England  history,  JVinthrop's 
Jniirnul. 

That  it  took  place  subsequent  to  1641,  Mr.  .BurX;  assures  us,  upon  the 
evidence  of  the  MS.  records ;  for  they  relate  that,  in  1640,  one  John  Bur- 
ton had  been  convicted  of  the  murder  of  an  Indian,  and  that  his  punish- 


'  Beverly,  Hist.  Virg.  51. 


t  See  British  Empire  in  America,  i.  240, 1 


NICKOTAWANCE.— TOTOPOTOMOI. 


[Boor  IV 


inent  ww  remitted,  "  at  the  intercession  of  Opekankanough,  and  his  greiit 
men."  And  that,  in  the  end  of  ^he  year  1641,  Tlumuu  Jtolfe,  the  son  of 
Poeahonlaa,  petitioned  the  governor  for  permiarion  to  visit  his  kinsman, 
Optkankanough,  and  CUopatrt,  the  sister  of  bis  mother.  That,  therefore, 
tnese  events  happened  previous  to  the  war,  and  death  of  Optkankanough. 

Mekotawanee  sticceened  Opdumkanough,  as  a  tributary  to  the  Enclish. 
In  1648,  he  came  to  Jamestown,  with  five  other  chiefs,  and  brought  20 
beaver  skins  to  be  sent  t&  Khg  CharUt.  He  made  a  long  oration,  which 
he  concluded  with  the  protestation,  "  that  the  sun  and  moon  should  first 
kxiw  their  glorious  lif^ts,  and  shining,  before  he,  or  his  people,  should 
ever  more  hera^r  wrong  the  Enriish." 

T^itopotoinoi,  probably,  succeeded  ^Mckotawanee,  as  he  was  king  of  Pa- 
munkey  in  1656.  In  that  year,  a  lar^  body  of  strange  Indians,  called 
it'cAoAecrumf,  came  dovni  from  the  mland  mountainous  countiy,  and 
forcibly  ponseoocd  themselves  of  the  countiy  about  the  falls  of  James 
River.  The  lepslature  of  Virginia  was  in  session,  when  the  news  of  their 
coming  was  received.  What  cause  the  English  had  to  send  out  an  armv 
against  them,  our  scanty  records  do  not  satisfactorily  show  ;*  but,  at  aU 
events,  they  determined  at  once  to  disposseas  them.  To  that  end,  an  anny 
of  about  100  men  was  raised,  and  put  under  the  directioti  of  Col.  Edward 
HOI,  who  was  joined  by  TWopototnoi,  with  100  of  his  warrioia  They  did 
not  find  the  Rechahecrians  unprepared,  but  what  were  the  |pvticul&rs  of 
the  meeting  of  the  adverse  parties  we  are  not  infonn«|.  The  event, 
however,  was,  to  the  aUies,  most  disastrous.  TU^potomoi,  with  the  moat 
of  his  men,  vnu  slain,  and  the  English  suffered  a  total  defeat,  OvHllf,  it  is 
■aid,  to  the  criminal  management  of  Col.  Hill.  This  offieor  lost  hiS"eom- 
mianon,  and  his  property  was  taken  to  defray  the  losses  imtainedlby  the 
country.  A  peace  seems  to  •have  been  concluded  with  the  Indiens  soon 
after. ''^- 

*  By  the  following  pieamble  and  resolve  of  the  legislalufe,  all  we  immmm.  touchini^ 
this  matter,  is  to  be  gathered: — "  Whereas  information  hath  been  reeeived,  toat  many 
western  or  inland  Indians  are  drawn  from  the  mountains,  and  lately  set  down  near  th« 
Mis  of  James  River,  to  the  number  of  6  or  700,  whereby,  upou  nany  several  considera- 
tions being  hadj  it  is  conceived  great  danger  might  ensue  to  this  oology.  This  assembly, 
therefore,  do  think  fit  and  resolve,  that  ttese  new  come  Indians  be  in  IM>  sort  suffered  to 
seat  themselves  there,  or  any  place  near  us,  it_  bavinr  cost  so  much  bkKMol;t<ir  expel  and 
extirpate  those  perfidious  and  treacherous  Indians,  which  were  there  fona^ji.  It  being 
so  apt  a  place  to  invade  us,  and  within  the  limits,  which,  in  h  just  war,  were  formeiiy 
conquered  by  us,  and  by  us  reserved,  at  the  conclusion  of  peace,  mlh  the  Indians.'' 
Bmi,  Hilt.  Virgiaia,  ii.  105. 


[Booic  IV 

his  great 
he  son  of 

kinnuan, 
tberefbre, 
ikanough. 

Enfflish. 
ought  20 
>n,  which 
ould  Snt 
le,  ohould 

»g  of  Pa- 
ins, called 
ntiy,  and 
of  James 
^8  of  their 
t  an  arniT 
but,  at  aU 
,an  army 
I.  Edward 
They  did 
icul&rs  of 
he  even^ 
the  most 
*ia§,\t  is 
hig'tom- 
ediiy  the 
ians  soon 

Ml  toucJiiiii; 
,  toat  many 
wn  nearlJse 
I  couidera- 
isauembly, 
t  suffered  to 
Kezpel  aod 
'•    It  beiag 

0  fonneilj 

1  Indiunt/' 


cbup.  m.] 


TOMOCHICHI. 


3S 


CHAPTER  in. 

SetUemmt  of  Carolma — The  Enf^ish  are  kbtt^  reeeivea  hf  the  Indiana — 
ToMOGUicHi — Holds  a  conned  with  the  Engluhr — Ra  proceedingt — 

'  J^xhea  of  the  chiefs — TWiodUcfti,  toiOi  aevertu  oAers,  goea  to  En^and 
toUh  tien.  (^kthorpe — Makea  a  speech  to  the  kin^--Retum3  to  Jlmenea — 
His  (feo/A— ATTAK(;LLAKDr.LA,  Malachta,  Wolf-kino,  and  others, 
viait  Charleaton—T-SojM  Indiana  brutally  murdered— -Proceedings  of 
JIttakidiakuUa  in  preventing  retaliation  upon  aome  En^iah  in  his  power — 
Speech  to  his  warriors — ffar — Conducted  with  barbarity  on  both  jidea — 
Ei^liah  murder  Aojfag'M — Oekonoatota  taiea  Fort  LotuUm — Moat  of  (he 

'  captivea  alain — Chldcco,  or  ^  Long-warrior. 

The  presumption  is  pretty  strongly  supported,  that  Sir  Walter  Ralegh 
visited  the  aoutlieni  shor(>s  of  North  America.  When  Gen.  Oglethorpe 
landed  in  Georgia,  in  1732,  0. 8.,  nnd  communicated  to  the  Indians  tne 
contents  of  a  journal  of  Sir  fVaUer^  they  seemed  to  have  a  tradition  of 
him,  which  they  had  tbnHly  cherished ;  although,  if  the  person  they 
meant  were  Ralegh,  a  hundred  years  had  elapsed  since  he  was  there. 
They  pointed  out  to  Mr.  Oglethorpe  a  place  near  Yamacraw  biuiT,  since 
Charleston,  on  which  was  a  large  mound,  in  which  was  buried,  tliey 
said,  a  chief  who  had  talked  with  Sir  fValter  Rakgh  upon  thfci  spot.  The 
<rhief  had  requesteil  his  people  to  bury  him  there,  that  the  place  might  be 
kept  in  veneration. 

Tomoehichi  was  the  principal  chief,  or  mico,  as  chiefs  were  called,  of 
this  region.  Several  chief  men,  of  various  tribes,  came  to  welcome  the 
Knglish,  immediately  aAer  their  arrival.  ''They  were  as  follows:  From 
the  tribe  of  Cowceta,  Yahan^lakee,  their  king,  or  mico;  Eaaaboo,  their 
warrior,  the  son  of  Old-brini,  lately  dead,  whom  the  Spaniards  called  em- 
l>eror  of  the  Creeks,  with  eight  mei>  and  two  women  attendants.  From 
the  tribe  of  Cussetas,  Cuaaeta,  their  mico  ;  Tatehiquatehi,  their  head  war- 
rior, with  four  attendants.  From  the  tribe  of  Owseecheys,  Ogeeae,  the 
rnico,  or  war  king ;  ^Veathlouthko  and  Ougachi,  two  chief  men,  with  three 
attendants.  From  the  tribe  of  Cheecnaws,  OuthUtehoa,  their  mico, 
TMautho-thMue,  Flgeer,  SootamiUa,  war  captains,  with  three  attendants. 
3 


TOMOCHICHI. 


[Book  IV 


From  the  tribe  of  Echetas,  Chuiabeeche  and  Robin,  two  war  captains,  (the 
latter  was  bre«l  among  the  EngliHh,)  with  four  attendauts.  From  the  tribe 
of  Polachucoias,  GiMUtee,  their  head  warrior,  and  five  atteadants.  From 
the  tril>c  of  Oconns,  Oueekacftummi,  called  bv  the  English  Long-king, 
Koowoo,  a  warrior.  From  the  trioe  of  Eufaule,  T\mmi!mi,  head  warrior, 
and  three  attendants. 

"  The  Indians  being  all  seated,  Oaukachum'pa,  a  very  tall  old  man,  stood, 
and  inade  a  speech,  which  was  interpreted  by  Mr.  W%gmm  and  Mr.  Mtu- 
grott,"  in  which  he  snid  all  the  lands  to  the  southward  of  Savannah  River 
belonged  to  the  Creeks.  He  said,  the  Indians  were  poor,  but  the  same 
Power  that  gave  the  English  breath,  gave  them  breatn  also.  That  that 
Power  had  given  the  English  the  most  wisdom.  That,  as  tbw  had  come 
to  instruct  them,  thev  should  have  all  the  lands  which  th^  did  not  use 
themselves.  That  this  was  not  only  his  mind,  but  the  minds  of  the  eight 
towns  of  Creeks,  who  had,  after  consulting  together,  sent  some  of  their 
chief  men  with  skins,  which  was  their  wealth.  At  this  period  of  Oueeka- 
chumpa'a  speech,  some  of  the  chieft  of  the  eight  tovms  brought  each  a 
bunillc  of  buck's  skins,  and  laid  them  down  before  Mr.  OgU&orpe.  Then 
the  chief  said,  "  Hiest  are  the  beat  thmga  toe  po$aeu,  but  toe  give  them  toith 
a  good  heart.  I  thank  jfou  for  your  kindhess  to  Tomochichij  and  his  peo- 
ple. He  is  my  kinamati,  and,  though  he  teas  banished  from  hu  nation,  he  is 
a  good  mnn  atid  a  great  toarrior.  tt  teas  on  account  of  his  toisdom  andjtu- 
tice,  that  tht  banished  men  chose  him  their  king.  I  hear  that  the  Cherohus 
have  killed  some  Englishman.  If  you  [addressing  Mr.  Oglethorpe]  toiU 
commaml  us,  toe  will  go  against  them  tvOk  all  our  force,  kiU  meir  peopU,  and 
destroy  their  living." 

Tomochiehi  belonged  to  Yamaoraw,  and  was  sachem  of  the  tribe  that 
resided  there.  When  Oueekaehtanpa  had  done  speaking,  Tomochiehi  drew 
near  with  his  men,  and,  after  making  a  low  bow,  said, — 

"  Itoas  abanishtdman,and  leame  here  poor  and  hdpUss  to  look  for  good 
land  near  the  tombs  of  ny  ancestors,  and  when  j/ou  came  to  tlus  jdaee,  I 
feared  you  toovld  drive  us  away ;  for  tM  were  tceak  and  toanted  com.  But 
you  confirmed  our  land  to  ru,  mdgave  us  food."  The  other  chiefs  spoke 
m  the  Hame  manner  as  Oueekachumpa  had,  and  then  af^eed  upon  and 
executed  an  amicable  treaty. 

The  next  year,  1734,  Mr.  Oalethorpe  retinned  to  England.  He  took 
along  with  him,  Tonwchichi,  SenauiKi,  his  consort,  and  Toonaf"noi,  the 
pmice,  his  nephew;  also,  HiUispUli,  a  war  captain,  and  Ap^kmetski, 
SUmalechi,  Sifdotuhi,  Hinguithi  and  Umphychi,  five  otiier  chiefi,  with  their 
interpreter.  These  were  Mccommodated,' while  in  London,  at  the  Geor- 
tria  office.  Old  Palace  YanI,  where  they  were  not  only  handsomely  enter- 
uiiuea,  but  had  grt'Mt  attention  showed  them.  After  being  dressed  suitably, 
they  visited  the  kintr'8  court,  at  Kensington,  when^  they  nad  an  interview 
with  his  majesty,  King  George  II.  Tomochiehi  presented  him  with  several 
eagle's  feathers,  which  was  considered,  hy  him  aud  his  people,  the  most 
res|)eciful  present  they  could  make.  The  sucbcm  then  delivered  the  fol» 
lowing  speech  to  the  king : — 

"  This  day  I  see  the  nugestu  of  your  face,  the  greatness  of  your  house,  and 
the  number  of  your  people.  J  am  come  for  the  good  of  the  whole  nation  of 
the  Cheeks,  to  renew  the  peace  they  had  long  ago  made  toith  the  English.  I 
am  come  over  in  my  old  days ;  and,  thoturh  I  cannot  {tve  to  «ee  any  advan- 
tage to  myself,  I  am  come  for  the  good  of  the  children  of  all  the  nations  of 
the  Upper  and  Jjowtr  Creats,  tttat  they  may  be  instrttcted  in  the  knotdedge 
of  the  English.  These  are  the  feathers  of  the  eaffie,  tohich  is  the  stoiftest 
of  birds,  and  tohojlieth  all  ronnd  our  nations.  Thuefeathtrs  are  a  «ign  of 
peace  in  our  Icmd,  and  tee  ham  brought  them  over  to  leave  them  toUh  yott, 
gnat  king,  as  a  sign  of  everlasting  peace.      O !  great  king,  whatsoever 


Chap.  IU.] 


ATTAKULLAKUM.A. 


97 


toorda  you  shall  »tn  unto  me,  I  ttrill  tell  themfaithfullt/  to  all  the  kings  of  the 
Creek  nations.'"  The  king's  answer  was,  in  the  highest  de^jree,  coucilia- 
tory,  and  what  was  termini  gracious.* 

Thus  are  traced  the  first  8tc|)s  in  tlic  history  of  Georgia,  and  thus  did 
every  thing  promise  a  continuance  of  tliat  friendsiiip  so  well  l>egun  by 
Gen.  Oglethorpe.  Nothing  was  Icfi  undone,  while  the  Creek  chiets  were 
in  England,  to  impress  upon  their  minds  exalted  ideas  of  the  power  and 
greatness  of  the  English  nation.  Tlie  nobility  were  not  only  curious  to 
see  thein,but  entcrtuuicd  them  at  their  tables  in  tlic  most  magnificent  style. 
Multitudes  flocked  around  them,  conferring  gi>\s  i^id  nruu-ks  of  respect 
upon  them.  The  king  allowed  them  £20  sterling  a  week,  during  their 
stay,  and  it  was  computed  thnt,  ut  their  ieturn  to  America,  they  brought 
presents  to  the  amount  of  £400  sterling.  Aitcr  remaining  in  England 
four  months,  they  embarked  at  Gravesend  for  Georgia.  They  were  con- 
veyed to  the  place  of  embarkation  in  his  majesty's  carriaffe8.t 

In  the  invasion  of  Georgia  by  the  Spaniards,  in  17^  many  Indians 
were  drawn  into  the  controversv,  on  both  sides.  Toeanoeotm,l  or  Tooa- 
nohoun,  a  nephew  of  Tomochichi^  was  shot  through  the  right  arm,  in  aii 
encounter  with  the  Spaniards,  by  a  Spanish  captain.  7\>oanohowi  drew 
bis  pistol  with  his  left  hand,  and  shot  the  captain  through  the  head. 

Thus,  with  the  Spaniards  upon  one  hand,  and  the  English  u|K>n  the 
other,  and  the  French  in  the  midst  of  them,  the  Creeks  and  Cherokees 
became  subject  to  every  possible  evil  to  which  the  caprice  of  those  seve- 
ral nations  gave  rise.  Although  there  were  events,  in  every  year,  of  im- 
portance, yet,  in  this  place,  we  shall  take  up  the  period  rendered  more 
memorable  by  the  distmguisbed  chiefs  MakuUakvlla  and  Ochonoslota.\\ 

The  fame  of  Carolina  had,  in  1753,  drawn  a  multitude  of  !!^in-o|)ear..s 
to  her  shores.  The  same  year,  on  the  36  May,  Malachty,  attended  by  the 
Wblf-ldng  and  the  Ottasee  chief|  with  about  20  others,  and  above  a  hun- 
dred of  their  people,  came  to  Charleston.  They  were  met,  on  their 
way,  by  a  troop  oi  horsemen,  who  conducted  them  to  the  town,  by  the 
governor's  order,  in  gre«>t  state.  This  was  to  induce  them  to  make  peace 
and  remain  then*  allies,  and,  to  this  end,  the  Gov.,  Glenn,  made  a  very  pa- 
cific speech,  in  the  Indian  manner.  Malachly,  who,  at  this  time,  seems  to 
have  been  the  head  chief  among  the  Creeks,  presented  the  governor  with 
a  quantity  of  skins,  and  readily  consented  to  a  peace  with  the  English, 
but,  in  regard  to  a  peace  with  the  Cherokees,  he  said,  that  was  a  matter 
of  great  momen%  and  he  must  deliberate  with  bis  people,  before  he  could 
give  an  answer.  The  Cherokees  were  already  under  the  protection  of 
the  English,  and  some  of  them  had,  not  long  before,  been  killed  by  the 
Creeks,  in  the  very  nrightjorhood  of  Charleston.  The  party  which 
committed  this  outrage  was  led  by  Mdachty.  Notwithstanding,  a  cessa- 
tion of  hostilities  scorns  to  liavc  taken  place,  for  numbers  of  each  nation 
joined  the  English  immediately  ailer  the  capture  of  Oswego,  by  the 
French,  in  1756.  The  Cherokees  are  particularly  named  as  having  ren- 
dered essential  service  in  the  expedition  against  Fort  Duquesne ;  but  a 
circumstance  happened,  while  those  warriors  were  returning  home  from 
that  expedition,  which  involved  them  in  an  immediate  war  with  the  Eng- 

*  Harris,  Voyagei. 

t  JV  CaU't  Goorgia,  i.  46.  t  Warn*. 

II  Ouronnoslolah,  Ouconnottota,  Oueonnostata,  Ifymie.— Occonoslota,  Ramsay. — 
AttakuHakuUa  was  generally  called  the  LitUe-carpetUer. 


m 


ATTAKULLAKULLA. 


[Book  IV. 


1 


fish,  in  whoso  service  they  had  liecn  engaged.  Having  loBi  their  horse*, 
anJ  being  worn  out  with  toil  ami  fatigue,  ou  coining  to  the  frontiers  of 
Virginia,  they  picked  up  several  of  those  animals,  which  belonged  to  the 
bhabitants  of  the  places  through  which  they  travelled.  This,  Dr.  Bam- 
noy*  savR,  was  the  cause  of  the  massacre,  which  they  suflbred  at  that 
time,  but  Mr.  Adair,\  who  lived  then  among  the  Indians  in  those  parts, 
says,  ''Several  companies  of  the  Cheerako,  who  joined  our  forces  under 
Oen.  Stontrix,  at  the  unfortunate  Ohio,  affirmed  that  their  alienation  from 
us  was  because  they  were  confined  to  our  martial  arranaement,  by  un- 
just suspicion  of  them — were  very  much  contemned, — ancTfaalf  starved  at 
the  main  camp :  their  hearts  told  them,  therefore,  to  return  home,  as  free- 
men and  injured  allies,  though  without  n  supply  of  provisions.  This  they 
did,  and  pinching  hunger  forced  them  to  take  as  much  as  barely  support- 
ed nature,  when  returning  to  their  own  country.  In  their  journey,  the 
German  inhabitaats,  without  any  provocation,  killed,  in  cool  olood,  about 
^  vi  their  warriors,  in  diflTerent  places — though  each  party  was  under  the 
edmmand  of  a  British  subiect."  It  must  be  remembered  that,  upon 
BmddoeVa  defeat,  Virginia  bad  offered  a  reward  for  the  scalps  of  hostile 
Indians.  Here,  then,  was  an  inducement  for  remorseless  villains  to  mur- 
der, and  it  was  impossible,  in  many  cases,  to  know  whether  a  scalp  were 
taken  from  a  friend  or  an  enemy.  Out  of  this,  then,  we  have  no  hesita- 
tion in  saying,  grew  the  excessive  calamities,  which  soon  after  distressed 
the  southern  provinces.  Forty  innocent  men,  and  friends,  too,  murdered 
in  cold  blood  by  the  backwoodsmen  of  Virginia,  brought  on  a  war,  which 
caused  as  much  distress  and  misery  among  the  parties  engaged,  as  any 
■inee  that  region  of  country  was  planted  by  the  whites. 

At  one  place,  a  monster  entertained  a  party  of  Indians,  and  treated  them 
kindly,  while,  at  the  same  time,  he  caused  a  gang  of  his  kindred  ruffians 
to  lie  in  ambush  where  they  were  to  pnsB,  and,  when  they  arrived,  bar- 
barously shot  them  down  to  a  man !  The  news  was  forth witili  carri^'l  to 
tbe  Cherokee  nation,  and  the  effect  of  it  upon  the  minds  of  the  warrion, 
was  like  that  of  electricity.  They  seized  tneir  tomab6,w\s  and  war  clubsL 
and,  but  for  the  wisdom  of  JlUahiUakvll<t,  would  have  murdered  several 
En^ishmen,  then  in  their  country  upon  some  matters  respecting  a  treaty. 
Aa  MakuUakuUa  was  a  chief  sachem,  he  was  among  the  first  apprized  of 
Ate  murders,  and  the  design  of  vengeance.  He  therefore  goM  imme- 
diately to  diem,  and  informed  them  of  their  danger,  and  assisted  them  to 
secrete  themselves;  then,  without  loss  of  time,  he  assembled  his  warriora, 
and  made  a  speech  to  them,  in  which  he  inveighed,  with  great  tnttemess, 
agidnst  the  murderous  English,  and  urged  immediate  W7>r  asainst  them; 
**aHd  never  (said  he)  thall  the  hatchet  ht  huried,  uniS  the  Hood  of  our  coun- 
trymen he  atoned  for.  Let  ua  not  (he  continued)  violate  our  faith,  or  Ae 
Imn  of  hospital^  by  imbruing  om-  hands  in  the  blood  ofthoae  who  are  note 
tn  otir  jNMCwr.  They  came  to  us  tn  the  confidence  ofJHendahipf  with  belta  of, 
wampum  to  cement  a  perpetual  alliance  with  us.  Let  us  carry  them  back  to 
their  man  seMements :  conduct  them  safely  within  their  confnes,  and  then  take 
up  the  hatchet,  and  endeavor  to  exterminate  the  whoie  race  qf  M^nt.**  This 
council  was  adopted.  Before  commencing  hostilities,  however,  the  mur- 
derers were  demanded,  but  were  blindly  refused  them,  and  we  have  men- 
tioned the  consequencea 

The  French,  it  was  said,  used  their  influence  to  enrage  the  Indians ;  but. 


'Hint.  South  Carolina,  i.  169. 

fHitt.  Atner.  Indians,  245.  That  the  Indians'  taking  horses  was  no  pretext  for  the 
■Mirdcrs,  even  at  the  lime,  appears  evident.  "  As  (says  Capt.  hPCatl,  i.  267.)  the  hones 
in  those  parts  ran  wild  in  ine  woods,  it  was  customary,  both  amonr  the  Indians  and 
while  people  on  the  frontiert,  to  catdi  tliem  <md  appropriate  ibem  to  their  own  tise." 


^. 


y 


x*»«^ 


c******"- 


/UV*«i6«i«V>^ 


^•> 


\^ 


v^. 


^A^^l^  i  ^'-  ^  ^ 


c>0?tft*^ue^' 


/flo^^/^urlM*^ 


/a 


^r 


OUTACITE, 

chief  of  the  CHERDKEE8 


Chap.  Ill 


ATTAKl'LLAKULLA. 


ES 


if  that  wero  tliu  case,  wo  ttliniild  not  ilncin  it  wortli  naming,  ns  it  nppcan 
to  us  that  nothing;  nion;  (-(jultl  i>o  ncius^ry  to  iiitlainu  thuiu  ihaii  thv  bor- 
riil  outrugeH  of  wliich  wc  havo  spoken. 

Meanwhile,  war  partiiM  diapunwil  themselves  along  the  fronlicre  of  South 
Carolina,  and  l)cpn  thn  nlaiighter  of  the  inhabitaiiUi  with  thai  fury  aiid 
barbarity  which  niiglit  justly  have  boen  exjiected  from  an  exaHperaled 

Coople.  With  sueh  tardy  stcpn  did  tho  whites  proceed,  that  half  n  year 
ad  passed  before  n  force  could  be  seat  against  them.  Col.  AfMitemncry, 
ailerwurds  Loni  EglingUm,  at  length  niamhed  into  their  country,  but  was 
ambushed  at  a  place  called  Cntot-cmek.,  a  dangerous  defilo  between  a 
river  and  a  steep  mountain,  where  he  met  witli  a  dismal  delea^  The 
colonel  and  a  part  of  his  men  escaiied. 

If  we  can  believe  Mr.  Adair, — and  I  know  not  that  he  is  or  has  been  un- 
der any  impeachment, — the  |)eHi<ly  of  tlie  whitea,  in  this  war,  surpuaea,  or, 
at  least,  is  equal  to  any  thing  which  occurred  in  New  England,  regarding 
the  Praying  Indians,  in  the  tin>pfl  of  Pomefacom,  alias  King  Philip.  The 
following  IS  an  instance.  A  groat  many  of  the  remote  Cherokee  towns 
took  no  part  in  the  war,  in  the  first  place,  but,  on  the  conu-ary,  declared 
themselves  tho  friends  of  the  whites,  and  even  volunteered  to  light  against 
whatever  people  should  be  found  in  arms  against  them ;  and,  as  they 
needed  ammunition,  a  large  deputation  ^rom  those  tribes  set  out  for 
Charleston,  to  strengthen  their  friendship  and  tender  their  assistance. 
Tho  principal  leader  of  these  Indians  was  achief^  whom  the  whites  called 
iZ0wu/-O,  "on  account oTn  blue  impression  be  bore  in  that  form;"  a 
brave  and  aged  warrior,  and  particular  friend  of  the  English.  The 
friendly  Indians,  under  Rmmd-O,  were  met  by  an  army  under  Gov.  ImUU- 
ton,  of  1100  men,  at  Fort  Prince  George,  in  Dec.  1750.  This  fort  was 
upon  the  Savannah  River,  near  the  Cherokee  town  called  Ktotote.  Here 
the  governor  compelled  these  friendly  Indians  to  sign  a  treanr,  one  article 
of  which  required  them  to  deliver  23*  of  their  people  into  his  hands,  to 
be  kept  as  hostagas  for  the  due  fulfilment  of  all  the  restf  Besides  the  ab- 
surdity of  detaining  hostages  from  their  friends,  the  English  seem  to  have 
been  miserabty  Mii*d  to  their  interests  in  other  respects;  for  the  Indians,  at 
this  time,  knew  not  the  meaning  of  hosiage84  but  avaapoatd  those  so  retained 
were  doomed  to  slavery ;  an  office  the  most  unsumrable  to  Indians  of  all 
others.  The  following  are  such  of  the  names  of  the  unfortunate  Chero- 
kees  as  we  have  been,  able  to  collect,  who,  under  the  name  of  hostages, 
were  thrown  into  a  dismal,  close  prison,  scarce  large  enough  for  six  men, 
where  they  remained  about  two  months,  and  were  then  massacred,  as  in 
the  sequd  we  sliall  show : — 

Chenoht,  Outanataaahf  TaUichanw,  TaUOahe,  QtiflrrarattoAe,  Cotuumh 
ratah,  Kataetoi,  (MasMtte  of  Warogo,  Ousanoletah  of  Jore,  Katatlelak  of 
Cowetchc,  Chi^qwttaUme,  Skit^i^ta  of  Sticoe,  Tanaeato,  IVohatche, 
WyfjiA,  Oueahchi$tanak,  .Mickolehe,  Tony,  T\>aliakai,  SkaUialoakt  and 
Chigtie. 

Both  Attakullakulla  and  Ockonoatota,  it  appears,  were  at  Fort  Prinee 
George  at  this  time,  and  signed  the  treaty  ;  ami  Otatsite,  Kiti^^u3ia,  Ostm- 
tioeea  and  KUlcannokca  were  the  others  on  the  part  of  the  Indians.  Things 
b>    ing  been  thus  settled,  Mr.  Lyttleton  returned  to  Charleston,  where  he 

*Tbij  was  tlip  number  of  miirdvrcr)  thn  governor  demanded  shonid  b«  delivered  to 
him.  Two  had  been  dclivcrc<l  up  before  the  linstages  were  taken,  and  when  any 
others  were  delivered,  the  mame  mimber  of  hostages  were  to  be  releaMd.  TVnrty, 
Art.  III.  ' 

t  The  treaty  is  printed  at  length  in  \hc  Biitish  Empire,  by  Mt.  Wynne  (ii  '27S.)  «■ 
author,  by  the  way,  of  very  great  merit. 

X  Adair. 


30 


ATTAKULLAKUIJ.A.— OCKONOSTOTA. 


[Book  1? 


was  received  like  a  conqueror,  nithongh  whut  he  hnd  done,  it  will  rppear, 
was  worse  than  if  he  had  done  nothing  at  all. 

OcJumottota,  for  good  reason,  no  doubt,  entertained  a  deep-rooted  hatred 
against  Capt.  Cotgmore,  an  otficer  of  the  garrison,  and  the  army  had  but 
just  left  the  country,  when  it  was  found  that  he  was  huverinj;  about  the 
garrison  with  a  large  number  of  warriora.  But  it  was  uncertain,  for  some 
time,  whether  they  intended  to  attack  the  fort,  or  whether  they  wished  to 
continue  near  their  friends,  who  were  imprisoned  in  it.  However,  it  u 
said,  that,  bv  some  means,  a  plan  was  concerted  between  the  Indiana 
without  and  those  confined  within  the  fort,  fbr  surpriMng  it  Be  this  as 
it  mav,  OckonoHota  practised  the  following  wile  to  effect  tbe  object.  Hav- 
ing placed  a  party  of  his  warriors  in  a  dark  cane-brake  near  at  hand,  he 
sent  a  squaw  to  the  garrison  to  invite  the  commander  to  come  out,  for  he 
had  something  of  im|)ortance  to  communicatu  to  him.  Capt.  Cohfmon 
impnidtoutly  went  Ait,  accompanied  by  two  of  his  officers,  and  OcKonot- 
Ma  appeared  upon  the  opposite  bank  of  the  Savannah,  with  a  bridle  in  his 
hand,  the  better  to  conceal  his  intentions.    He  told  the  captain  he  was 

Sting  to  Charleston  to  effect  the  release  of  the  hostages,  and  requested 
at  a  white  man  might  accompany  him ;  and  that,  as  the  distance  was 
great,  he  would  go  and  try  to  catch  a  horM.  The  captain  promised  him 
a  guard,  and  hoped  he  would  succeed  in  finding  a  norse.  (kkonoHola 
then  quickly  turned  himself  about,  and  swinging  his  bridle  thrice  over  hb 
head,  which  was  the  signal  to  his  men,  and  they  promptly  obeying  it,  about 
90  guns  wcro  discharged  upon  tho  officets  at  the  same  moment.  Capt. 
Cohftnon  received  a  shot  in  bis  left  breast,  ftom  which  be  died  in  two  or 
three  days  after,  and  both  the  others  were  wounded.  On  recovering  the 
ibrt,  an  attempt  was  inade  to  put  the  hostage  in  irons.  An  Englishman, 
vdiolaid  hold  on  one  of  them  for  that  purpose,  was -stabbed  and  shun; 
and,  in  the  scufflo,  two  or  three  more  were  wounded,'  and  driven  out  of 
the  place  of  confinement.  The  tragedy  in  the  fort  had  now  only  com- 
menced ;  the  miserable  prisoners  had  repelled  their  ascksrins  for  the  mo- 
ment, and  doubtless  hoped  for  deliverance  fi>om  their  friends  without,  who 
had  now  closely  besieged  the  place.  But  unfortunately  for  these  poor 
wretches,  the  fort  was  too  strong  to  be  carried  by  their  arts  of  war,  and 
the  dastardly  whites  found  time  and  means  to  murder  their  victims,  one 
by  one,  in  a  manner  too  horrible  to  relate. 

There  were  fow  families  who  did  not  lose  a  friend  or  relation  by  this 
massacrb,  and,  as  one  man,  the  nation  took  up  the  hatchet,  and  desolatkms 
quickly  followed. 

Meanwhile,  singular  as  it  may  appear,  MakuUakvBa  remained  the  fast 
fKend  of  the  whites,  and  used  all  his  arts  to  induce  his  countrymen  to 
make  peace.  But  it  was  in  vain  he  urged  them  to  conrider  that  they  had 
more  tuan  revenged  themselves ;  they  were  determined  to  carry  all  before 
them.  .SttakulMmlla  was  now  an  old  man,  and  had  been  in  England 
formerly,'  and  had  become  much  attache*!  to  the  English,  from  several 
causes.  On  the  other  hand,  OrkanosMa  was  a  stem  warrior,  in  the  vigor 
of  manhood,  and,  like  the  renowped  Pontiac,  was  determined  to  rid  his 
country  of  his  barbarous  enemies. 

Afler  the  unfortunate  expedition  of  Col.  MarUgomery,  to  which  we  havr 
before  alluded,  all  communication  was  rut  off  l)etween  Fort  Loudon  and 
the  English  s^ements,  and  nothing  but  famine  and  the  worst  of  deaths 
stared  those  who  held  it  in  the  face.  The  iiuiTiber  of  men  stationed  here 
was  200,  and  their  situation  was  tnily  deplorable.  Oekonottota,  with  his 
numerous  warriors,  kept  strict  watch,  insomuch  that  there  was  no  means  of 
eicape.    At  length,  the  garrison  having  miserably  subsisted,  for  some  time, 


oners 
head-' 


*  He  went  over  with  Sir  AUxander  Cumimng,  ia  1730. 


cwAf.n!.) 


OCKONOSTOTA.— ATTAKULLAKULLA 


er.  It  u 


upon  poor  Amwhed  hones,  dogs,  &<%,  many  became  resolved  to  throw 
themaelTcs  into  the  power  of  the  Indians,  wishing  rather  to  die  by  their 
hands,  than  miserably  to  perish  within  their  fortn^.  Capt.  Sttuart,  an 
officer  among  them,  was  well  known  to  the  lndians,'and  ppssesaed  great 
address  and  sagacity.  He  resolved,  at  this  crisis,  to  repair  to  Chote,  the 
residence  of  Ocjbmoatoto,  and  make  overtures  for  the  surrender  of  the 
garrison.  He,  accordingly,  effected  his  object,  and  returned  with  articles 
orcapittilation  agreed  upon.  Besides  the  names  of  Oekonoitota  and  Paid 
Demere,  the  commander  of  the  garrison,  the  name  of  another  chief  was 
to  the  articl«is,  called  Cunigaeatgoae.  The  articles  stipulated,  that  the 
l^arrison  should  march  out  with  their  arms  and  drums,  each  soldier  hav- 
mg  as  much  powder  and  ball  as  his  officers  should  think  necessary,  and 
that  they  should  march  for  Virginia  unmolested. 

Accordingly,  on  7  August,  1760,  the  English  took  qp  their  march  for 
Fort  Prince  George.  They  had  [iroceeded  but  about  15  miles,  when  they 
encamped,  for  the  night,  upon  a  small  plain  near  Taliquo.  They  were 
accompanied  thus  far  by  Oekonoitota  in  person,  and  many  others,  in  a 
friendly  manner,  but  at  night  they  withdrew  without  giving  any  notice. 
The  army  was  not  moleMea  during  the  night,  but,  at  dawn  of  dn^^  a  sen- 
tinel came  running  into  camp  With  the  information  that  a  host  of"^  Indians 
were  creeping  up  to  surround  them.  Capt.  Demere  had  scarce  time  to 
rally,  before  the  Indians  broke  into  his  camp  with  great  fUry.  The  poor 
emaciated  soldiers  made  but  feeble  resistance,  "niirty  of  their  number 
fell  in  the  first  onset,  among  whom  was  their  captain.  Those  that  were 
able,  endeavored  to  save  tbemselvrc  by  ilight,  and  others  surrendered 
themselves  upon  the  place.  Among  the  latter  was  Capt.  iSlleiHirf.  The  pris- 
oners were  conducted  to  Fort  Loudon,  which  now  became  Oekonottota^a 
head-qunrters. 

.SttakuUakuUa,  learning  that  his  friend  Steuart  was  among  the  captives, 
proceeded  immediately  to  Fort  Loudon,  where  he  ransomed  him  at  the 
expense  of  all  the  property  he  could  command,  and  took  care  of  him  with 
the  en  atest  tendemeaa  and  affection. 

Tne  restless  OckonotMa  next  resolved  to  invest  Fort  Prince  George. 
He  was  induced  to  undertake  that  pniject,  as  fortune  bikd  thrown  in  his 
way  some  of  the  means  for  such  an  undertaking,  hitherto  lieyond  bis 
reach.  Before  abdicating  Fort  Loudon,  the  English  had  hid  in  the  ground 
several  bags  of  powder.  This  his  men  had  found.  Several  cauuou  had 
also  been  left  behind,  and  he  designed  to  iforce  his  English  prisonrrs  to  get 
them  throiigfa  thn  woods,  and  manage  them  in  the  attack  upon  Fort  Prince 
George.  But  McdttittaktJla  defeated  these  operations,  by  assisting  Capt 
Steumi  to  escape.  He  eveu  accomjNinied  him  to  the  English  settlements, 
and  returned  loaded  with  presents. 

Ockonostota  continued  tpe  war  until  Col.  Oranl,  in  1761,  traversed  the 
Cheroktie  country,  and  subdued  his  |)eople  in  snveral  battles ;  and  peace 
was  at  last  effected  by  the  mediation  of  AttakuUakuUa.  This  chief's  resi- 
dence was  upon  the  Tunnessee  or  Cherokee  River,  at  what  was  called  the 
OiterhiU  Tnona.  In  1773,  when  the  leaned  traveller,  Bartram,  traveled 
into  the  Cherokee  country,  he  met  the  om  chief  on  his  way  to  Charles- 
ton; of  which  circunistancie  he  speaks  thus  in  his  Travels: — "Soonaflei 
crossing  this  large  branch  of  the  Tanase,  I  observed  descending  the 
heighte,  at  some  distance,  a  company  of  Indians,  all  well  mounted  on 
horseback.  They  came  rapidly  forward ;  on  their  nearer  approach,  I 
observed  a  chief  at  the  head  of  the  caravan,  and  apprehending  him  to  be 
the  lAtUe-earpenter,  emperor  or  grand  chief  of  the  Cherokeet>,  as  they 
came  up,  I  nirned  off  from  the  path  to  make  way,  in  token  of  res)iect, 
which  compliment  was  accepted,  and  gratefully  and  magnanimously  re- 
turned ;  for  his  highness,  with  a  gracious  and  cheerful  smile,  came  up  to 


39 


CHLUCCO, 


[Book  IV. 


Chap. 


me,  and  rlnpping  hw  hand  on  hia  breavt,  offered  it  to  ine,nyinf,  I  an 
Jha-nd-nMtt,  aud  heartily  shook  hautiit  with  ine,  and  aaked  nie  if  1  kiMw 
it ;  I  aiiswnred,  timt  the  good  spirit  who  goes  belbre  me  spoke  to  me,  and 

?iid,  tliat  iH  tho  Kreat  Jita-tml-evUaJ'  Mr.  Bmiram  added,  that  he  was  of 
eiinsyivatiia,  and  ihotigh  that  was  a  jrreat  way  off*,  yet  the  naoie  of  wftto- 
kuUakuUa  was  dear  to  his  while  brothers  oi  Pennsylvania.  Th^  chief 
'  then  nsked  him  if  tic  came  directly  from  Charleston,  and  if  his  fViend 
"Jokn  Stewart  were  well;"  Mr.  Bartram  said  be  saw  him  lately,  and  that 
ho  was  well.  This  was,  (irobably,  the  same  pemoa  whom  AttakuUakuUa 
had  BMsisted  to  make  an  escape,  as  we  have  iust  related. 

In  carrying  out  tho  history  of  the  two  chiefis  MakuUakvUa  and  Oeko 
nottotn,  we  have  omitted  to  notice  CUueeo,  better  known  by  the  name  of 
the  Long-unrrior,  king  or  mico  of  the  Seminolea.    He  went  out  with  Col. 


MorUf^mery,  and  rendered  him  cRsential  service  in  his  unsiiecesafiil  expe- 
dition, of  which  we  have  spoken.  A  large  band  of  Creeks  accompanied 
him,  and  there  is  but  Utile  doubt,  if  it  had  not  been  for  him  and  bis  war- 
riors,  few  of  the  English  would  have  returned  to  their  fKends.  But,  As 
usual,  the  English  hinder,  in  his  time,  had  all  the  honor  of  successful^ 
encountering  many  difHcultiP8,  and  returning  with  his  own  life  and  many 
of  his  tnoii's.  It  was  by  the  aid  of  Chlurco,  that  the  army  escaped  ambuMi 
afler  nmhush,  destroyed  many  of  tho  Cherokee  villages,  and  finally  his 
warriors  covered  its  retreat  out  of  one  of  the  most  dangerous  countries 
tlirougli  which  an  nrmy  could  pass.  LTng-warrior  was  what  the  New  Eng- 
land Indians  termed  n  great  (lowwow.  That  he  was  a  man  poaseasinf  a 
TRod  mind,  may  fairly  bq  inferred  from  bis  ability  to  withstand  the  tempta- 
tion of  intoxicating  liquors.     He  had  been  known  to  remain  sober,  wmn 


CiiAr.  IV.] 


MONCACHTAPE. 


■II  his  tribe,  uid  many  white*  ainonj;  them,  had  all  been  wallowing  ia 
the  mfa«  of  druiikeniieM  together.  In  the  year  1773,  at  tlie  head  of  about 
40  warrioffl,  he  marched  against  the  Chorktawa  of  Weal  Ftorida.  What 
was  the  issue  of  this  expedition  we  have  not  learned.  We  may  have 
again  occasioa  to  notice  t'Umem. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

MoivcACHTAn,  the  Kazoo — Abrroftve  of  ku  aihattuna  fs  tftc  Patyk 
Oreon — ORAND-scif,  chief  of  Ihe  Afatehez — Reeeivu  great  ituuatieefrom 
the  Dreneh—ConceHa  their  autrueiion— 700  f^meh  are  cut  off—H^arwUh 
them — The  Natchez  dutroged  m  their  ham — OaKAT-MOETAR — M'Oiij.i- 
VRAT — Hia  birth  and  education — Vitita  JVew  York — TVonMes  of  his  na- 
tion— Hu  death — ^Tams-kino — Mao-doo. 

Moneaehtape  was  a  Yazoo,  whoae  name  signified,  in  the  langiiage  of  that 
nation,  kiUer  qf  pain  and  fatigiie.  How  well  he  deserved  this  name  tlie 
sequel  will  unfold.  He  waa  well  known  to  the  historian  Du  Preitx,  about 
1760,  and  it  was  owing  to  his  singular  good  intelligence,  that  that  traveller 
was  able  to  add  much  valuable  information  to  his  work.  '*This  man 
(says  Du  Pratz*)  was  remarkable  for  his  solid  understanding  and  eleva- 
tion of  sentiment ;  and  I  nwy  justly  compare  him  to  those  nrst  Oreeka, 
who  travelled  chiefly  into  the  east,  to  examine  the  manners  and  customs 
of  ditterent  nations,  and  to  communicate  to  their  fellow  citizens,  upon 
their  return,  the  knowleilge  which  they  had  acquired."  He  was  known 
to  the  French  by  the  name  of  the  Intermreter,  as  be  could  communicate 
with  several  other  nations,  having  gained  a  knowledge  of  their  languages. 
Mons.  Du  Pratz  used  great  endeavors  among  the  nations  upon  the  Mis> 
rissippi,  to  learn  their  origin,  or  fiv>m  whence  they  came :  end  observes 
concerning  it,  "  All  Xttd  I  cbuld  learn  from  them  waa,  that  they  came 
from  between  the  north  and  the  sun-setting ;  and  this  account  they  uni- 
fbrmly  adhere  to,  whenever  they  give  any  account  of  their  origin."  This 
was  unsatisfiustory  to  him,  and  in  his  exertions  to  find  some  one  that  could 
inform  him  better,  he  met  with  Moneaehtape.  The  following  is  the  result 
of  his  communications,  in  his  own  words : — 

**  I  bad  lost  my  wife,  and  all  the  children  whom  I  had  by  her,  when  I 
undertook  my  journey  towards  the  sun-rising.  I  set  out  mm  my  villa^ 
contrary  to  the  inclination  of  all  my  relations,  and  went  first  to  the  Chic- 
aaaws,  our  friends  and  neighbors.  I  continued  among  them  several 
days,  to  infiirm  myself  whether  they  knew  whence  we  all  came,  or,  at 
least,  whence  they  themselves  came ;  they,  who  were  our  elders ;  since 
from  them  came  the  lan{[uage  of  the  country.  As  they  could  not  inform 
me,  I  proceeded  on  my  journey.  I  reached  the  Wadash,  or  Ohio,  near 
to  its  source,  which  is  m  the  country  of  the  Iroquois,  or  Five  Nations.  I 
left  them,  however,  towards  the  north ;  and,  during  the  winter,  which,  in 
that  country,  is  very  st  ;ere  and  very  long,  I  lived  in  a  village  of  the  Abe- 
■aquis,  where  I  contrat;ted  an  acquaintance  with  a  man  somewhat  older 
tbaa  myself  who  promised  to  conduct  me,  the  following  spring,  to  the 
great  water.  Accordingly,  when  the  snows  were  melted,  and  the 
weather  was  settled,  we  proceeded  eastward,  and,  after  several  days' jour- 
ney, I  at  length  saw  the  great  water,  which  fill^  me  with  such  joy  and 
admiration,  that  I  could  not  speak.    Night  drawing  on,  we  took  up  our 

*  HiaU  Loai  <iana,  ii.  Itl. 


AnVFNTiniEH  OF  MONO  ACUTA  I'K. 


(Itoai  IV. 


lotlipnif  on  •  luffh  iMiik  «bovn  tlio  water,  which  was  aorely  vexed  by  th» 
wiwi,  and  itumIm  mi  gn^at  a  noine  litat  I  couhi  not  sleep.  Next  day,  the 
•Mkifif;  and  flowing  of  the  water  Ailed  nie  with  ^reat  apprehenaiou ;  but 
wff  cotniMiiion  (iiiiuted  my  fean,  by  aiauring  iiie  that  the  water  obaerved 
certain  ImundH,  iioth  in  advancing  and  retiring.  Having  latJatied  our  cu- 
riosity in  viewing  tlxi  great  water  we  returned  to  the  vdhige  of  the  Abe- 
naqniH,  where  I  rontinncd  the  following  winter;  and,  after  the  Knows 
were  iiielte<l,  my  com|Ninion  and  I  went  and  viewed  the  great  fall  of  the 
River  Hi.  l^wrence,  at  Niagara,  which  was  dittlant  from  the  village  seve- 
ral dayH*  journey.  The  view  of  this  great  fidi,  at  first,  made  my  hair  stand 
on  enil,  and  my  heart  almost  leap  out  of  its  place ;  but  afterwards,  before 
I  left  it,  I  had  the  courage  to  walk  under  it.  Next  day,  we  took  the  short- 
eat  road  to  the  Ohio,  and  my  companion  and  I  cutting  down  a  tree  on  the 
banks  of  tha  river,  we  formed  it  mto  a  p«ttiau^,  which  served  to  con- 
dad  itie  down  the  Ohio  and  the  Mississippi,  after  which,  with  much 
difficulty,  I  went  up  our  small  river,  and  at  icngth  arrived  safe  among  my 
relations,  who  were  rejoiced  to  see  me  in  good  health. — This  journey, 
instead  of  satisfying,  onlv  served  to  excite  my  curiosity.  Our  old  men, 
for  several  jrears,  hod  told  me  that  the  ancient  speech  informed  them  that 
the  red  men  of  the  north  came  origiiially.  much  higher  and  much  farther 
than  the  source  of  the  River  Missouri ;  and  as  I  bad  longed  to  see,  with 
my  ovm  oves,  the  land  fVom  whence  our  first  fathers  came,  I  took  my  pre- 
cantionfl  for  my  journey  westwards.  Having  provided  a  small  quantity 
of  com,  I  proceeded  up  along  the  eastern  bwik  of  the  River  Mississippi, 
till  I  came  to  the  Ohio.  I  vrant  up  along  the  bank  of  tfaia  last  river, 
nlKnit  the  fourth  put  of  a  day's  journey,  t£it  I  might  he  able  to  cross  it 
wiilMiut  being  carried  into  the  Niasiflaippi.  There  I  fermed  a  cajeux,  or 
raft  of  canea,  h^  the  assistanee  of  which  I  passed  over  the  river ;  and  next 
day  meeting  wMh  a  herd  of  buffUoes  in  the  meadows,  I  killed  a  fat  one, 
aM  took  from  it  the  fillets,  the  bunch,  and  the  tongue.  Soon  nfler,  I  ar- 
rired  among  the  Tamoroas,  a  village  of  the  natioo  of  ihe  IHinois,  whero 
I  rested  several  days,  and  then  proceeded  northwards  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Misaourik  whiehf  after  it  enters  the  great  river,  runs  for  a  conaUerabto 
time  without  intermixing  its  muddy  waters  with  the  clear  stream  of  the 
ollrar.  Hairing  crossed  the  Missisaippi,  I  went  up  the  Missouri,  along  ita 
northern  bank,  and,  after  several  daya' jouraoy,  I  arrived  al  tiw  natioD  of 
the  Missouris,  where  I  staid  a  long  time  to  learn  the  kaguage  that  ia 
spoken  beyond  them.  In  going  arang  the  Missonri,  I  paasea  through 
meadows  a  whole  dby's  journey  m  len^,  wUcb  were  quite  covered  with 
boffiiioei. 

**  When  the  cold  vras  past,  and  the  snowe  were  mehed,  I  contimied  my 
jewmey  up  along  the  Missouri,  till  I  came  to  the  nation  of  the  west,  on 
die  Cansae.  Aflerwardis  in  consequence  of  directions  from  them,  I  pro- 
ceeded in  the  same  course  near  90  days,  and  at.  length  I  met  with  some 
of  the  nation  of  the  Otters,  who  were  hunting  hi  that  neichborbood,  and 
were  surprised  *o  mo  me  alone.  I  continuM  Vvith  the  nunters  two  or 
three  days^  and  then  accompanied  one  of  them  and  his  wife,  who  was 
near  her  time  of  lying  in,  to  their  village,  which  lay  far  off  betwixt  the 
north  and  west.  We  continued  our  journey  along  the  Miosouri  for  nine 
days,<and  then  we  marched  directly  northwms  fbr  imt  days  more,  when 
we  came  to  the  fine  river,  which  runs  westward  in  a  direction  contrary 
to  that  of  the  Missouri.  We  proceeded  down  this  rivers  whole  day,  and 
then  arrived  ot  the  village  of  the  Otters,  who  received  me  with  as  much 
khtdness  ae  if  I  had  been  of  thei**  own  nation.  A  fbw  di^  after,  I  joined 
•  pairty  of  the  Otters^  who  were  going  to  cony  a  '■.alumet  of  peace  to  a 
nation  beyond  them,  and  we  eiDwu-kMl  in  a  pettiaugra,  and  went  down 
the  river  for  18  days,  landing  now  and  then  to  supply  ourselves  with  pro> 


>K   IV. 


CllAP.  IV.l 


ADVENTDRRS  OP  MONCACIITAPP.. 


It  nver, 

croflB  it 

ijeux,  or 


vwiona.  When  I  arrived  at  the  nation  who  wnm  at  pear«i  with  Um 
Ottera,  I  maid  with  them  till  the  cold  waa  ^maii**!,  that  I  initfht  learn 
Uieir  languafp,  which  waw  common  to  inoet  ul  the  iMtiona  that  Tivitd  lie- 
yoml  thnm. 

''The  rold  waa  hanlly  ftone,  whn.i  I  nftain  eiiilmrketl  on  the  Aim)  river, 
and  in  my  oourae  I  met  witlinevenil  iialioim,  with  wiiom  I  Kenerally  Ntaitl 
hut  ono  night,  till  I  arrived  at  the  nation  that  in  hut  (iiit;  dayV  jouniey  from 
the  great  water  on  the  west.  Thia  natinii  live  in  the  wooida  aliout  the 
diatance  of  a  league  from  the  river,  from  their  nppmlirnainn  of  iN-arded 
men,  who  come  ufton  their  coaata  in  floating  viliagini,  and  carry  otl' their 
chihiren  to  make  alavos  of  them.  Theae  men  were  deacrilteil  to  lie  white, 
with  long  hiack  beorda  that  came  down  to  their  hnvat ;  they  were  thick 
and  ahort,  ha«l  large  heada,  wiiich  were  coventd  with  cloth ;  they  were 
always  drcmed,  even  in  the  greatext  hoata ;  their  clotliea  fell  down  to  the 
middle  of  their  legs,  which,  with  iheir  feet,  were  covered  with  r«Hl  or  yel- 
low HtufT.  Their  anna  made  a  grtmt  Are  and  a  great  noiae ;  and  when 
they  aaw  themaelvoa  out-numlK>red  hy  red  men,  they  retir**d  on  board 
their  large  pettiaugrc,  their  number  aometimea  amounting  to  thirty,  but 
never  more. 

"  Thoee  atrangera  came  from  the  aun-aetting,  in  search  of  a  vellow 
stinking  wood,  which  dyes  n  fuie  yellow  color ;  out  the  people  of  tfiia  na- 
tion, that  they  might  not  be  tempted  to  viait  them,  had  deatroytMl  all  thoM 
kind  of  trees.  Two  other  nations  in  their  neighborhood,  however,  liav- 
ing  no  other  wood,  could  not  destroy  the  trees,  and  were  still  viailed  bv 
the  strangers;  and  being  greatly  incommoded  by  them,  hud  invited  their 
allies  to  assist  them  in  making  an  attack  upon  them,  the  next  time  they 
should  returo  The  following  summer  I  accordingly  joined  in  this  expe- 
dition, and,  Iter  travelling  five  long  days' journey,  we  came  to  the  pinco 
where  the  henrded  men  usually  landed,'where  we  waited  seventeen  days 
for  their  arrival.  The  red  men,  by  my  advice,  placed  themselves  in  am- 
buscade to  surprise  the  strangers,  and'  accordingly,  when  they  landed  to 
cut  the  wood,  we  were  so  successful  as  to  kill  eleven  of  them,  the  rest 
immediately  escaping  on  board  two  large  pettiaugres,and  flying  westward 
upon  the  great  water. 

"  Upon  examining  those  whom  we  had  killed,  we  found  them  much 
smaller  than  ourselves,  and  very  white ;  they  had  a  large  head,  and  in  the 
middle  of  the  crown  the  hnir  was  very  long ;  their  head  waa  wrapt  in  a 
great  many  folds  of  stufl*,  and  their  clothes  seemed  to  l)c  made  neither  of 
wool  nor  silk ;  they  were  very  soA,  and  of  diflerent  colors.  Two  only,  of 
the  eleven  who  were  slain,  had  Are-arms,  with  |)owder  and  ball.  I  tried 
their  pieces,  and  found  that  they  were  much  licavier  than  yours,  and  did 
not  kill  at  mt  great  a  dibtancc. 

"After  this  expedition,  I  thought  of  nothin;-.  hut  proceeding  on  my  jour- 
ney, and,  with  that  design,  I  let  the  red  men  return  home,  and  joined  my- 
self to  those  who  inhabited  more  westward  on  the  coast,  with  whom  I 
travelled  along  the  shore  of  the  great  water,  which  bends  directly  hi-twixt 
the  north  and  thosun-setAng.  When  I  arrived  at  the  villages  of  my  fellow 
travellers,  where  I  found  the  days  very  long,  ond  the  nights  very  short,  I 
wns  ndvised  by  the  old  men  to  give  over  all  thoughts  of  continuing  my 
journey.  They  told  mc  that  the  land  extended  still  a  long  way  in  a  direc- 
tion between  the  north  and  sun-setting,  after  which  it  ran  directly  west, 
and  at  length  was  cut  by  the  great  water  from  north  to  south.  One  of 
them  added,  that,  when  he  was  young,  he  knew  a  very  old  man  who  had 
seen  that  distant  land  before  it  was  eat  away  by  the  great  water,  and  that 
when  the  great  water  was  low,  many  rocks  still  appeared  in  those  parta. 
Finding  it,  therefore,  impracticable  to  proceed  much  farther,  on  arcount 
of  the  severity  of  the  climate,  and  the  want  of  game,  I  returned  by  the 


# 


GRAND-SUN. 


IBoox  IV 


Mine  route  by  which  I  had  set  out ;  nnd,  reducinc  my  whole  travels  west- 
ward to  days' journeys,  I  compute  that  they  would  have  employed  me  36 
moons;  but,  on  account  of  my  frequent  delays,  it  was  five  years  before  I 
returned  to  my  relations  amons  the  Yazoos." 

Thus  ends  the  narrative  of  the  famous  traveller  Moneaehtape.  He  soon 
after  left  Mons.  Du  Pratz,  and  returned  to  his  own  countiy.  It  would 
have  been  gratifying,  could  we  have  known  more  of  the  history  of  this 
very  intelligent  tnan.  The  same  author  brings  also  to  our  knowledge  a 
chief  cjilled  Gratid-nm,  chief  of  the  Natchez.  Although  iSun  was  a  com- 
Qion  name  for  all  chiefs  of  that  nation,  this  chief  was  particularly  distin- 
guished in  the  first  war  with  the  French,  which  exhibits  the  compass  of 
our  in^rmation  concerning  him,  and  which  we  purpose  here  to  sketch. 

He  was  brother  to  the  great  warrior,  known  to  the  French  by  the  name 
of  Stung-serpent,  and  like  him  was  a  friend  to  the  whites,  until  the 
haughty,  overbearing  disposition  of  one  man  brought  destrurtion  and  ruin 
on  their  whole  colony.  This  affair  took  place  in  the  year  1729.  The 
residence  of  the  Grand-sun  was  near  the  French  post  of  Natchez,  where 
he  had  a  beautiful  village  called  the  WhiL  JlppU.  M.  dt  Choparl  had 
been  reinstated  in  the  command  of  the  post,  whence  he  was  for  a  time 
removed  by  reason  of  misconduct,  and  his  abominable  injustice  to  the 
Indians  became  more  conspicuous  afterwards  than  before.  To  gratify 
his  pride  and  avarice,  he  had  projected  the  building  of  an  elegant  village, 
and  none  appeared  to  suit  his  purpose  so  well  as  the  White  Apple  of  tne 
Grand-sun.  He  sent  for  the  chief  to  his  fort,  and  unhesitatingly  told  him 
that  his  village  must  be  immediately  given  up  to  him,  for  he  had  resolved 
to  erect  one  a  league  square  upon  the  same  ground,  and  that  he  must 
remove  elsewhere.  The  great  chief  stifled  his  surprise,  and  modestly 
replied,  "that  his  ancestors  had  lived  in  diat  village  ror  as  many  years  as 
there  were  hairs  in  his  double  cue,  and,  therefore,  it  was  good  that  they 
should  continue  there  still."  When  this  was  interpreted  to  the  command- 
ant, he  showed  himself  in  a  ra^,  and  threatened  the  chief,  that,  unless 
he  moved  from  his  village  speedily,  he  would  have  cause  of  repentance. 
Grand-sun  left  the  fort,  and  said  he  would  assemble  his  counsellors,  and 
hold  a  talk  upon  it. 

In  this  council,  which  actually  assembled,  it  was  proposed  to  lay  before 
the  commandant  their  hard  situation,  if  they  should  be  obliged  to  abandon 
their  com,  which  then  was  just  beginning  to  ahoot  from  tlie  ground,  nnd 
many  other  articles  on  which  they  were  to  depend  far  subsistence.  But, 
on  urging  these  strong  reasons,  they  met  only  with  abuse,  and  a  more 
peremptory  order  to  remove  immediately.  This  the  Grand-sun  reported 
to  the  council,  and  they  saw  all  was  lost,  unless,  by  some  stratagem,  they 
should  rid  themselves  of  the  tyrant  Chopart,  which  was  their  ftiial  decis- 
ion. The  secret  was  confided  to  none  out  the  old  men.  To  gain  time, 
an  offer  was  to  be  made  to  the  avaricious  commandant,  of  tribute,  in  c^se 
he  would  permit  them  to  n^nmin  on  their  land  until  their  harvest.  The 
offer  was  accepted,  and  the  Indians  set  about  maturing  their  plan  with  the 
greatest  avidity.  Bniullcs  of  sticks  were  sent  to  the  suns  of  the  neighbor- 
ing tribes,  and  their  im|H)rt  explained  to  them  by  the  faithful  messengers. 
Each  bundle  contained  as  many  sticks  as  days  which  were  to  pass  lietbrc 
the  massacre  of  all  the  French  in  the  Natchez.  And  that  no  mistake 
should  arise  in  regard  to  the  fixed  day,  every  morning  a  stick  was  drawn 
iW>m  the  bundle  and  broken  in  pieces,  and  the  day  of  the  last  stick  waa 
diat  of  the  execution. 

The  security  of  the  wicked,  in  the  midst  of  their  wickedness,  and  their 
deafness  to  repeated  warnings,  though  a  standing  example  before  them 
«pon  the  pages  of  all  history,  yet  we  know  of  but  few  mstances  where 


[Book  IV 

velsweat- 
yed  me  36 
rs  before  I 

He  800D 
It  would 
iry  of  this 
owledge  a 
iras  a  com- 
irly  difltin- 
ompass  of 
sketch, 
the  name 
until  the 
n  and  ruin 
729.    The 
i&£,  where 
hopart  had 
for  a  time 
tice  to  the 
To  gratify 
ant  village, 
jple  of  the 
y  told  him 
id  resolved 
at  he  must 
I  modestly 
ay  years  aa 
\a  that  they 
command- 
that,  unless 
repentance. 
Bellors,  and 

t  lay  before 
to  abandon 
round, and 
ince.  But, 
nd  a  more 
n  reported 
ageni,  they 
final  decis- 

gain  time, 
ite,  in  case 
irest.  The 
m  with  the 
I  neighbor- 
lessengers. 
3a68  iiefbrc 
lo  niistukc 
ivas  drawn 

stick  was 

,  and  their 
)fore  them 
ces  where 


CUkT.  IV.] 


u  GRAND-SUN. 


87 


they  have  profited  by  it     I  need  cite  no  examples ;  our  pagos  are  full  of 
tliem. 

The  breast  of  women,  whether  civilized  or  uncivilized,  cannot  beartbo 
thoiigfats  of  revenge  and  death  to  prey  upon  them  for  so  great  a  length 
of  time  as  men.  And,  ai|  in  the  last  case,  I  need  not  produce  examples ; 
«m  our  imses  will  lie  found  many. 

A  femafe  sun  having,  by  urcident,  understood  the  secret  design  of  her 
IMople,  partly  out  of  resentment  for  their  keeping  it  from  her,  and  partly 
from  her  attachuicnt  to  the  French,  resolved  to  make  it  known  to  them. 
But  so  fatally  secure  was  the  commandant,  that  be  would  not  hearken  to 
her  messengers,  and  threatened  others  of  his  own  people  with  chastise- 
ment, if  tliey  continued  such  intimations.  But  the  great  council  of  so 
many  suns,  and  otiier  motions  of  their  wise  men,  justly  alarmed  raan^, 
and  their  complaints  to  tlie  commandant  were  urged,  until  seven  of  his 
own  people  were  put  in  irons,  to  dispel  their  fears.  And  that  he  might 
(he  more  vaunt  himself  u|M>n  their  fears,  he  sent  his  interpreter  to  demand 
of  the  Grand^auHf  whether  he  was  about  to  fiill  u|)oii  the  French  with  his 
warriors.  To  dissemble,  in  such  a  case,  was  only  to  be  expected  firom  the 
chief^  and  the  interpreter  reported  to  the  commandant  as  he  desired, 
which  caused  him  to  value  himself  ui>on  his  former  contempt  of  his  peo- 
ple's fears. 

The  30(h  of  November,  1729,  at  length  came,  and  with  it  the  massacre 
of  near  700  people,  being  all  the  French  of  Natchez.  Not  a  man  escaped. 
It  being  upon  the  eve  of  St.  Jlndrrw'a  day,  facilitated  the  execution  ortbe 
horrid  design.  In  such  conten)|)t  was  M.  Ckopart  held,  that  the  stins 
would  allow  no  warrior  to  kill  him,  but  one  whom  they  copoidered  a 
mean  person.  He  was  armed  only  with  a  wooden  tomahawk,  uud  vrith 
such  a  contemptible  wc-apon,  wielded  by  as  contemptible  a  person,  was 
M.  Chopari  pursued  from  his  house  into  hiii  garden,  and  thore  met  bis 
death. 

The  design  of  the  Grand-iaun  and  bis  allies  was,  to  have  followed  up 
their  success  until  all  the  French  were  driven  out  of  Louisiana.  But 
some  tribes  would  not  aid  in  it,  and  the  governor  of  Louisiana,  promptly 
seconded  by  the  people  of  New  Orleans,  shortly  after  nearly  annihilatud 
the  whole  tribe  of  the  Natchez.  The  Choctaws  offered  themselves,  to 
the  number  of  15  or  1600  men,  and,  in  the  following  February',  advanced 
into  the  country  of  the  Natchez,  and  were  shortly  after  joined  by  tbe 
French,  and  encamped  near  the  old  fort,  then  in  poasessron  of  the  Gnmct- 
sun.  Here  flags  passed  between  them,  and  terms  of  peace  were  agreed 
upon,  which  were  very  honorable  to  the  Indians ;  but,  in  the  following 
night,  they  decamped,  takins  all  their  prisoners  and  baggage,  leaving 
nothing  but  tbe  cannons  of  the  fort  and  balls  behind  them.  Some  time 
now  passed  before  tbe  French  could  ascertain  the  retreat  of  the  Natcbra. 
At  length,  tht^y  learned  that  they  had  crossed  the  Mississippi,  and  settled 
upon  the  west' side,  near  180  miles  above  the  mou^  of  Red  River.  Here 
they  built  a  fort,  and  remained  quietly  until  the  next  year. 

The  weakness  of  the  colony  caused  the  inhabitants  to  resign  themselves 
into  the  hands  of  the  king,  who  soon  sent  over  a  sufiicient  force,  added  to 
those  still  in  the  country,  to  huntble  the  Natchez.  They  were  accordingly 
invested  in  their  fort,  and,  struck  with  consternation  at  the  sudden  ap- 
proach of  the  French,  seem  to  have  lost  their  former  prudence.  They 
made  a  desperate  sally  upon  the  camp  of  the  enemy,  but  were  repulsod 
with  great  loss.  They  then  attempted  to  gain  time  by  negotiation,  as 
they  had  the  year  before,  but  could  not  escape  from  the  vigilance  of  the 
French  officer ;  yet  the  attem|)t  was  made,  and  many  were  killed,  very 
few  escaped,  and  the  greater  nuinbsr  driven  within  their  fort.  Mortars 
were  used  by  their  enemies  in  this  sk^e,  and  the  third  bomb,  falling  in 


38 


GREAT-MORTAR. 


[Book  IV. 


the  centre  of  the  foil,  niado  ^reat  havoc,  biit  still  sreater  consternation 
Drowned  bv  the  urics  of  the  women  and  children.  Grand-tun  caused  the 
sign  of  capitulation  to  be  oiven.  Himself,  with  the  rest  of  his  company, 
were  carried  prisoners  to  New  Orleans,  and  thrown  into  prison.  An  in« 
creasing  infection  taused  the  women  and  children  to  be  taken  out  and 
employed  an  slaves  on  tlie  king's  plantations;  among  whom  was  the  wo- 
man who  had  used  every  endeavor  to  notify  the  commandant,  Chofort,  of 
the  intended  massacre,  and  from  whom  the  particulars  of  the  affair  were 
learned.  Her  name  was  Stung-arm.  These  slaves  were  shortly  after 
embarked  for  St  Domingo,  entirely  to  rid  the  country  of  the  Natchez.* 
The  men,  it  is  probable,  were  all  put  to  death. 

Great-mortar,  or  Yc/i-yah-tiitlanagK,  was  a  very  celebrated  Muskogee 
chief,  who,  before  the  revolutionary  war,  was  in  tfie  French  interest,  and 
received  his  supplies  from  their  garrison  at  Alabama,  which  was  not  far 
distant  from  his  place  of  almde,  called  OkehaL  There  was  a  time  when 
he  inclined  to  the  English,  nnd  but  for  the  very  haughty  and  imprudent 
conduct  uf  the  superintendent  of  Indian  aiiairs,  among  them,  might  have 
been  reclaimed,  and  the  dismal  period  of  massacres  which  ensura  avert- 
ed. At  a  great  council,  appointed  by  the  supv^rintendent,  for  the  object 
of  regaining  their  favor,  the  pipe  of  peace,  when  passing  around,  was  re- 
fused to  Gnat-mortar,  because  he  had  fiivored  the  French.  This,  with 
much  other  ungenerous  treatment,  caused  him  ever  after  to  hate  the  Eng- 
lish name.  As  the  suporintendcnt  was  making  a  speech,  which  doubtless 
contained  severe  and  hard  sayings  against  his  red  hearers,  another  chief, 
called  the  Tohacco-eakr,  sprung  upon  his  feet,  and  darting  his  tomahawk 
at  him,  it  fortunately  missed  him^  but  stuck  in  a  plmk  just  .above  his  head. 
Yet  he  would  have  been  immediately  killed,  but  for  the  interposition  of  a 
fiiendly  warrior.  Had  this  first  blow  been  effectual,  every  Englishman 
present  would  have  been  immediately  put  to  death.  Soon  after,  Grtal- 
mortar  caused  his  people  to  fall  upon  the  English  traders,  and  they  mur- 
dered ten.  Foi^rtcen  of  the  inhamtnnts  of  Longcane,  a  settlement  near 
Ninety-six,f  next  -vere  his  victims.  Ho  now  received  o  commission  £h)m 
the  French,  and  the  better  to  enlist  the  Cherokees  and  others  in  his  cause, 
removed  with  his  family  far  into  the  henrt  of  the  country,  upon  a  river, 
by  which  he  could  receive  supplies  from  the  fort  at  Alabama.  Neither 
the  French  nor  Greai-morlar  were  deceived  in  the  advantage  of  their 
newly-chosen  position;  for  young  warriors  joined  him  there  in  great 
numbers,  and  it  was  fast  becoming  a  general  rendezvous  for  all  the  Mis- 
sissippi Indians.  Fortunately,  however,  for  the  English,  the  Chickasaws 
in  their  interest  plucked  up  this  Bokon  upas  before  its  branches  were  yet 
extended.  They  fell  upon  them  bv  surprise,  killed  the  brother  of  Great- 
martar,  and  completely  destroyed  the  design.  He  fled,  not  to  his  native 
place,  but  to  one  from  whence  he  could  l^st  annoy  the  English  settle- 
ments, and  commenced  anew  the  work  of  death.  Augusta,  in  Georgia, 
and  nmnv  scattering  settlements  were  destroyed.^  Those  ravages  were 
continued  until  thei-  united  forces  were  defeated  by  the  Americans  under 
Gen.  Grant,  in  1761,  as  wo  shall  have  occasion  to  notice  in  our  progress.§> 
The  fate  of  Great-mortar,  like  mony  others,  is  hidden  from  us. 

We  have  next  to  notice  a  chief,  King,  or  emperor,  as  he  was  at  different 
times  entitled,  whose  omission,  in  a  biographical  work  upon  the  Indians, 
would  incur  as  much  criminality,  on  the  part  of  the  biographer,  as  an 
omission  of  Butkongehelaa,  fVhUe-eytt,  Pipe,  or  Oekonoatota ;  yea,  even 
more.     We  mean 

*  Mons.  Du  Pralz,  Hist,  de  Louisiana,  tomo  i.  chap.  xii. 

t  So  called  because  it  was  96  miles  from  the  Cherokee.    Adair, 

t  <4(/atr'«  Hist.  N.  American  Indian*,  264,  &e. 

^  Wynne's  Brit.  Empire,  ii.  283.  •    " 


[Book  IV. 

ternadon 
uaed  the 

:oinpany. 
An  in. 

1  out  and 
the  wo- 

9iur  were 
rtly  after 
"Natchez.* 


Cbaf.  IV.] 


M'GILLIVKAY. 


Manndtr  JtrGtUivrtn/,  who  was,  perhaps,  one  of  the  moat  coD' 
■picuoua,  if  not  one  of  the  greatest,  chiefs  i3iat  has  ever  borne  tliat  title 
among  the  Creeks ;  at  least,  since  they  have  been  known  to  the  Eu- 
ropeans. He  flourished  during  half  of  the  last  century,  and  such  was 
the  exalted  opinion  eutertained  of  him  by  his  countrymen,  that  they  styled 
him  "  king  of  kings."  His  mother  was  his  predecessor,  and  the  govern- 
ess of  the  nation,  and  he  had  several  sisters,  who  married  leading  men. 
On  the  death  of  his  mother,  he  came  in  chief  sachem  by  the  usajnes  of 
his  ancestors,  but  such  was  his  disinterested  patriotism,  that  he  left  it  to 
the  nation  to  say  whether  he  should  succeed  to  the  sachemship.  The 
people  elected  him  "emperor."  He  was  at  the  head  of  the  Creeks  dur- 
mg  the  revolutionary  war,  and  was  in  the  British  interest  After  the 
peace,  he  became  reconciled  to  the  Americans,  and  expressed  a  desire  to 
renounce  his  public  life,  and  reside  in  the  U.  States,  but  was  hindered  by 
the  earnest  solicitations  of  his  countrymen,  to  remain  among  them,  and 
direct  their  afihirs. 

JtfGUlimmf  was  a  son  of  an  I^lishman  of  that  name  who  married  a 
Creek  woman,  and  hence  was  a  half  Indian.  He  was  bom  about  1739, 
and,  at  the  age  of  ten,  was  sent  bv  his  father  to  school  in  Charleston, 
where  he  was  in  the  care  of  Mr.  Farquhar  fifGHUvrca/f  who  was  a  rela- 
tion of  his  father.  His  tutor  was  a  Mr.  Steed.  He  learned  the  Latin  lan- 
guage under  the  tuition  of  Mr.  fftUiom  Henderson,  afterwards  somewhat 
eminent  among  the  critics  in  London.  Wheu  young  ATGtUtvrtra  was  17, 
he  was  put  into  a  counting-house  in  Savannah,  but  mercantile  anairs  had 
not  so  many  charms  as  Ixraks,  and  he  spent  aU  the  time  he  could  get,  in 
reading  histories  and  other  works  of  usefulness.  After  a  short  time,  his 
father  took  him  home,  where  his  superior  talents  soon  began  to  develop 
themselves,  and  his  ^motion  followed,  as  we  have  shown.  He  was 
often  styled  general,  which  commission,  it  is  said,  he  actually  held  under 
Chartet  IIL,  king  of  Spaiiu  This  was,  probably,  before  he  was  elected 
emperor. 

"  The  times  that  tried  men's  souls"  were  bis  times,  and  the  neighbor- 
hood nf  tka  flpanUh.  FiwnftK  iind  Rnglisli  gave  him  and  his  people 
troubles  which  ended  only  with  their  lives. 

On  the  23  July,  1790,  Col.  JIf' GtUtvray,  and29of  hisduefs  and  warriors, 
visited  New  York,  accompanied  by  Col.  Mcaintu  WUUt.  They  were  con- 
ducted to  the  residence  of  the  secretary  of  war.  Gen.  Knox,  who  con- 
ducted them  to  the  house  of  the  president  of  the  U.  States,  and  introduced 
them  to  him.  President  Washington  received  them  "in  a  very  handsome 
manner,  congratulated  them  on  their  safe  arrival,  and  expressed  a  hope 
that  the  interview  would  prove  beneficial  both  to  the  U.  States  and  to  the 
Creek  nation."  They  next  visited  the  governor  of  the  state,  fix»m  whom 
they  received  a  most  cordial  welcome.  They  then  proceeded  to  the  City 
Tavern,  where  they  dined  in  company  with  Gen.  Knox,  and  other  ofiicers 
of  government  A  correapondence  oetween  Gov.  Telfair,  of  Georgia, 
and  "wilexamier  MGUvary,  E^."  probably  opened  the  way  for  a  negotia- 
tion, which  terminated  in  a  settlement  of  difficulties.  From  the  following 
extract  from  M'OUlivny'*  letter,  a  very  just  idea  may  be  formed  of  the 
state  of  the  afiairs  of  his  nadon  previous  to  his  visit  to  New  York.  "  In 
answer  to  yours,  I  have  to  obeerve,  that,  as  a  peace  was  not  concluded  on 
between  us  at  the  Rock-hmding  meeting,  your  demand  for  property  taken 
bv  our  warriors  from  off  the  disputed  lands  cannot  be  admitted.  We, 
also,  have  had  our  losses,  by  captures  made  by  your  people.  We  are 
willing  to  conclude  a  peace  with  you,  but  you  must  not  expiect  extraordi- 
nary concessions  from  us.  In  order  to  spare  the  ftirther  eftusion  of  hu- 
man blood,  and  to  finally  determine  the  war,  I  am  willing  to  concede,  in 
•Nne  measure,  if  you  are  disposed  to  treat  ou  the  ground  of  mutual  con- 


Chap.  I 


TAMC-KINO. 


[BooKlV 


cenioD.  It  will  save  trouble  and  expeote,  if  the  negotiatioM  an  maoaced 
in  the  nation.  Any  person  firom  you  can  be  assured  of  personal  tarety 
and  friendly  treatment  in  this  country.**  It  was  dated  at  Little  TeUassee, 
80  March,  1790,  and  directed  to  "His  Excellency  EAeard  T^air,  Esq.** 
and  signed  >•  wScar.  M*CKUwnn.^ 
This  chief  seems  afterwarns  to  have  met  with  the  censure  of  his  peo- 

Ele,  at  least  some  of  them,  in  a  manner  similar  to  that  of  JlfJWosk  recent- 
J ',  and  was  doubtless  oTercome  by  the  insmuations  of  desipninff  whites^ 
to  treat  for  the  disposal  of  his  lands,  against  the  general  vmee  or  his  na- 
tioa  One  Bowki,  a  white  man,  leid  the  counciki  in  opposition  to  his 
pmoeedings,  and,  for  a  time,  .'^^OSHvm  absented  himseirftom  his  own 
uibe.  In  17ra^  M'GiOivrmft  >  <rty  took  Bowla  prisoner,  and  sent  him  . 
out  of  the  country,  and  solicitbu  the  general  to  return  to  bis  own  nation.* 
To  this  he  consented,  ana  they  became  more  attached  to  him  than  ever. 
He  now  endeavored  to  better  their  condition  by  the  introduction  of 
teachers  among  them.  In  an  advertisement  for  a  teacher,  in  the  suminer 
of  1799,  he  stvles  himself  emperor  of  the  Creek  nation.  Ifis  quiet  was 
Boon  disturbed,  and  the  famous  Jiahn  Wotta,  the  same  Mimmer,  mth  SCO 
warriors.  Creeks,  and  five  towns  of  the  Chldiamai  ga^  committed  many 
depredations.  The  S^nniards  were  supposed  to  je  the  movers  of  tfaie 
hostile  party.  JtPOHkimn  died  in  April,  1793,  and  is  thus  noticed  in  the 
Pc^aeylvnnia  CSazette :— •'This  Idolized  chief  of  the  Creeks  styled  himself 
Ungof  kings.  But,  alas,  he  could  neither  restrain  the  meanest  fellow  of 
bis  nation  from  the  conunission  of  a  crime,  nor  puiush  him  after  he  had 
oeouitiited  it !  He  mif^t  persuade  or  adrise,  all  the  good  an  Indian  king 
or  chief  cmi  do."  Thn  is,  generally  speaKing,  a  tolerably  correct  estimate 
of  the  extent  of  the  power  of  chien ;  out  it  should  be  remembered  thut 
the  chiefi  of  diflbrent  tribes  exercise  veiy  different  ^wav  over  their  peo* 
pie,  according  as  such  chief  is  endowed  With  tfie.^int  of  government, 
by  nature  or  circumstance.  There  is  great  absurai^  in  apidying  the 
name  or  title  of  king  to  Indian  ehie^  as  that  title  is  commonly  un^r- 
Btood.  The  first  Euroiieans  conferred  the  title  upon  those  who  appeared 
most  prominent,  in  their  first  ^Ka«9vori«B,  Aw  w«m*  *#  aKvAci  moivr  ap- 
propriate ;  or,  perhaps,  they  bad  another  reason,  name^,  that  of  magniQ'- 
Mg  tiieir  own  expkiits  <m  their  return  to  their  own  countries,  by  reporting 
their  intervieira  with,  or  conquests  over,  ''many  kings  of  aq  imV>QWit 
■  countty.** 

Contemporary  vrith  Gen.  ^OiBtvn^  was  a  (^ief  cvUed  the  Tmte-tittg, 
whose  rendence  was  amonc  the  Upper  Creeks,  in  1791 ;  and  he  is  noticM 
in  our  public  documents  of  that  year,  as  a  consmcuous  chief  in  matt«ni 
connected  with  establi^ine  the  soumem  boundary.  At  this  time,  ono 
Bovffu,  the  EngKsh  trader,  nad  great  influence  among  the  Lower  Creeks, 
and  used  ^reat  mdeavors,  by  putting  himself  ferwwd  as  their  chief,  t« 
enlist  all  the  nations  in  opposhibn  to  the  Americans.  He  had  made  mtgb 
promises  to  the  Upper  Creeks,  to  induce  thein  not  to  hear  to  the  Ameri- 
can commissioners.  Tbev  so  far  Bstened  to  him,  as  to  consent  to  receive 
his  talk,  and  accordingly  the.chiefe  of  the  upper  and  lo,Wier  towna  met  at 
a  place  called  the  Ht^-tomf-htiuef  where  they  expected 'Batakt  in  person, 
or  some  letters  containing  definite  statements.  Vlhsn  the  chieft  had  as- 
aeraMedi  Thme'kiitg  uoa  Mad-dog,  of  the  upper  tt^  ww^  asked  the  cbiefe 
of  the  lower,  "whether  fftey  had  taken  AotMM't  talks,  and  where  rhe  let- 
ters were  which  this  gnat  mm  had  sent  them,  and  where  the  white  mm 

'■  la  1791,  UiU  Brnfaf,  «(i4i  Sfno  tkitb-  Mfu  ip  Eaglandi  aa4w«  tad  thia  Bolie»«r 
him  in  the  Europenq  Maiputiae  of  tjuil  yew,  vol.  19,  ft.  S68 :  "  Th«  mlf^taMdatg  qmi. 
titled  of  two  Cracks,  and  of  Mr.  Baeut,  (a  native  of  Mar^andj  wiip  w  a.  vjatk  ^k 
adoption,  and  the  pretent  fsaeral  of  that  mUioD.)  and  time  CItmmM. 


Chap.  IV.] 


MAD>DO<J. 


41 


Was  to  read  them."  An  Indian  in  Boxdts's  rinploy  Raid,  "  hn  was  to 
give  them  the  talk."  They  lacghed  at  this,  nnd  said,  "  thev  cniild  hear  his 
mouth  every  day ;  that  they  had  come  there  to  see  those  letters  and  hear 
them  read.*'  Most  of  the  chiefs  of  the  upper  towns  now  leA  the  council, 
Wb!.Ii  was  about  the  termination  of  Boulet^a  successos.  He  was  shortly 
afterwards  obliscd  to  abdicate,  as  we  have  already  declared  .<n  the  life  of 
J^POiiliormf.  He  returned  again,  however,  after  visiting  Spain  and  Eng- 
land, and  spending  some  time  in  prison. 

Mr.  EUieott  observes,*  that,  at  the  close  of  a  conference  with  sundry 
tribes,  held  15  AiisuHt,  1709,  in  which  objerta  were  discussed  concerning 
bis  |MW8«ce  throu^  their  country,  that  "  tho  business  appeared  to  termi- 
nate as  favorably  as  could  be  expected,  and  the  Indians  declared  them- 
selves perfectly  satisfied ;  but  I  nevertheless  had  my  doubts  of  their 
•lincerity,  finm  the  depredations  they  were  constantly  making  upon  our 
horses,  which  began  Lj^^n  tlie  Coeneiick,  and  had  continued  ever  since ; 
and  added  to  their  insolence,  fh>m  their  stealing  every  article  in  our  camp 
they  could  lay  their  hands  on."  Mr.  EUieott  excepts  the  JJf^cr  Creeks, 
geneitdly,  from  participating  in  these  robberies,  all  but  Tame-king  and  his 
people. 

Though  we  have  named  7Vtm«-A»ng  first,  yet  Mad-dog  was  quite  as 
conspicuous  at  this  time.  Hu  son  fought  for  the  Americans  in  the  hut 
war,  find  waa  mentioned  by  Gen.  Jackson  as  an  active  and  valuable  chier 
in  hm  expeditions.  His  real  name  we  have  not  learned,  and  the  general 
mentions  him  only  as  Mad-do^g  eon. 
,  In  the  case  of  the  botrndary  already  mentioned,  the  surveyors  met  with 
frequent  difficulties  ifhim  the  various  trilies  of  Indians,  some  of  whom 
were  influenced  by  the  Spanish  governor,  Folch,  of  Louisiana.  Mad-dor 
appeared  their  fhend,  and  undeceived  them  respecting  the  govemora 
pretensions.  A  conference  was  to  be  hold  about  the  4  May,  between  the 
Indians,  Qovemor  Folkh  Mid  the  American  camraissinners.  Tho  place  of 
meeting  was  to  be  upon  Coenecuh  River,  near  the  southern  estuaiyof  the 
bey  o(  Pensacola.  When  the  An^ericans  arrJved  there.  Mad-dog  met 
them,  and  informed  Col.  Heuokiru,  the  Indian  sgent,  that  two  Indians  had 
just  gone  to  the  Talleseees  with  bad  talks  from  the  governor.  The  colonel 
told  him  it  could  not  be  possible.  Shortly  after,  Mad-dog  asked  Colonel 
Hawkins  and  Mr.  EUieott,  the  commissioner,  if  they  supposed  that  Oov. 
JWcA  would  attend  at  the  treaty;  they  said,  "Most  assr.rfMlly."  "JVo," 
returned  Mad-dog,  "  he  wUl  not  attend,  he  knoioa  what  I  shall  say  to  him 
about  his  crooked  taUcs.  His  tongue  fJt  forked,  and,  as  you  are  here,  he  tmU 
be  ashamed  to  show  it.  If  he  stands  to  what  he  has  tola  us,  you  wiU  be  of- 
fended, and  if  he  ttUs  us  ffuU  the  line  ought  to  he  marked,  he  toiU  contradict 
himself:  but  he  imU  do  neither ;  he  will  not  come."  It  turned  out  as  Mtul- 
dog  declared.  When  it  was  found  that  the  governor  would  not  attend, 
the  chief  went  to  Col.  Hawkins  and  Mr.  EUieott,  and,  by  way  cf  pleas- 
antry, said,  "  fVeU,  the  governor  has  not  come.  I  told  you  so.  A  man  toith 
two  tongues  can  otdy  speak  to  one  at  a  time."  This  oraervation  has  refer- 
ence to  the  governor's  duplicity,  in  holding  out  to  the  Indians  his  deter- 
mination not  to  suffer  a  survey  of  the  boundary,  while,  at  the  same 
time,  he  (iretended  to  the  Americans  that  he  would  facilitate  it.t 

Mad-dog  was  an  uppnr-town  Creek,  of  the  Tuckaabatchees  tribe. 


*  III  hit  Journal,  S14. 


t  Ibid.  808,  &c. 


% 


WEATHERFORD. 


[Book  Vf 


CHAPTER  V 


■A 


WsATHKitroRD— Ait  d^nmuCer  imd  eountr!/—'I%t  eemer-ttmie  ^Ot»  CVcdfc 
pa-yederaaf—Ftpnn  the  deaipu  iff  TfcumatK—CaatufU  Fart  ^IBMm— 
Dnadfid  wuiuam—SMectuM  ^  tkt  Crutka-'WMlktrfmrd  awrrttdtn 
kfrntdlf—Uia  apfelM»—Wliiton»—,9id»  tht  Amtricuiu—BtMU  ^  Jht- 
tttutt—Gnat  tkmghter  ^  the  htdiant—BoUU  nf  Uu  MMrw-akM-Ocnif— 
LaU  troublu  in  the  Cntk  naHan-^M*hUoih  muktt  iUtgal  tak  ^Umd0— 
^eeuUd/or  bnaMng  the  taut  qf  hi$  counliy--MKiuwwAT-^TviT»- 
fDMC— Hawkins— 4Ciaiz.LT  M'Intosb,  ton  (tf  H'Wiam—Maniagt  qf 

AW  tUter — liOTKTT. 


,,Mtlbcr/br((,  one  of  the  moM  eomoicaqua  WW  fchMb  of  the  Cradi 
W^iaoi  demao'IsNi  early  attontion,  in  the  biimphieel  hniory  of  the  tale 
fvar^    Mr.  daSbmne^  in  his  Nov5b  on  thk  War  in  thb  0e«yB,  iofomw 
OS  that,  **  among  the  firat  wlio  entered  into  the  viewa  of  tlie  Biitiah  pom- 
mia^ioneri  waa  the  aince  celelNnted  Wmfftafmri  f  that  be  waa  boro  in 
^Cree|E  nation,  and  whoae  ** father  waa, an  itinerant  pedici,  aordid, 
fn^he^twaand  revenipful ;  hia  nMther  p  flill-blooded  aavage^of  the  tribe 
^f  ^e  SeM^lea*     He  partoolt  (aaya  the  Mme  author)  of  aa  the  bad 
auahties  of  both  bis  parents,*  and  enorafted,  «tO  tlte  motk  he  inherited 
j^fpm  others,  many  tl^t  were  peculwrly  hia  owit    WMi  avarice,  treteh- 
.tfj^i  ;Bnd  a  thirst  fof ,  bJopd,  he  cpmbinea  lust,  gluttoBiy,  and  It  devottim  to 
iqrciy  q>eciea  pf  <;i^in:|t  cwoiiaa].    Fortune,  in  her  fiwLa,  i^metimes 
jivea  to  the  mo«  proftigato  an  elevation  of  mind,  vvbicb  shedeniea  to  men 
tHrooae  prop^naitiea  are  the  most  iticiows.    On  iTcotlie^arlf  she  bestowed 
geniiu,  eioqpen^e  and  coiytige.    The;  finrt  of  theee  qualiliea  elttJbled  him 
,to  Qone^ve  great  derignfi  the  Uwt  to  execute  them ;  ivhil«  eloquence,  b<dd, 
Upprenive  apd  figurative,  fumiahed  him  w<th  a  pisapoft  to  (he  flivor  of 
nia  countrymen  and  followers.    Silrnt  apd  reaerred,  unless  wb^n  excited 
,by  some  great  occaaion,  and  superior  to  the.  weakneai  of  rendering  him- 
^flf  cheap  by  the  frequency  of  hia  iddreeaea,  he  ddivered  his  opinions 
but  seldom  in  council;  but  when  he  did  so,  he  was  listened  to  With.de- 
ligji.v  and  approbation.    His  judgment  and  eloquence  had  seeur^  the 
feapett  of  the  old ;  his  vices  made  him  the  idol  of  the  young  laid  the  un- 
prinei}:!ed.''    "  In  his  person,  tall,  straight,  and  well  proportiaied  \  hia  eye 
.plai^k,  bv«ly  and  penetrtting,  and  indicative  of  courage  and  enterprise ; 
his  nose  prominent,  thin,  and  elegant  in  its  formatioii;  while  all  ths  fea- 
tiij^es  of  bis  fiice,  harmonioudy  arranged,  speak  an  active  aiid  dieeij^neiii 
mind.    Passionately  devoted  to  wealth,  he  had  appropriated  to  himself  o 
pine  tract  of  land,  improved  and  settled  it;  and  fifotn  the  pnifita  of  his  fii- 
^ter'a  pack,  had  decorated  and  eiubellisbed  it.    To  it  he  retired  occasion- 
fJly,  and,  relaxing  from  the  rarea  of  state,  he  indulged  in  pleaaurea  whicli 
.are  but  rarelv  found  to  afford  satisfiictioii  to  the  devotee^  of  ambition  and 
^an».     Such  were  tlieopiiosite  and  sometimes  disgusting  tsaita  of  char- 
acter in  the  celebrated  fVtaUurfordy  the  key  and  corner-stone  of  the  Creek 
confederacy !" 

.  It  is  said  that  this  chief  had  entered  fliliy  into  the  views  of  TVcuawdi, 
and  Uiat,  if  he  bed  entered  upon  his  designs  without  delay,  he  would  have 
been  amply  able  to  have  overrun  the  whole  Mississippi  territory.  But 
Uiis  fortunate  moment  was  lost,  and,  in  the  end,  his  plans  came  to  ruin. 
Not  long  before  the  wretched  butchery  at  Fort  Minims,  Gen.  Clai6orn< 


*Tbe  reader  should  be  early  apprised  that  ihU  wai  wiitlan  at  a  lime  whea  wdm  prejv- 
4iee  m^fA/  have  infected  the  iniiic)  of  (he  writpr. 


Chap.  V.) 


WEATtrcitrORD. 


m 


viwled  tb«t  jmmi,  and  venr  particularly  warned  iu  oomamtn  aninat  • 
furpriae.  After  giving  or Jera  for  the  construction  of  t#o  additional  bioek- 
iiouaes,  he  concluded  tlie  order  inth  these  words: — "Tb  respect  an  Mie- 
ny,  and  prepare  iu  the  best  possible  way  to  meet  him,  is  the  certain  means 
to  ensure  success."  It  .was  expeeted  that  ntatkerlord  would  so«n  attack 
spme  of  the  forts,  and  Qen.  tUmbtmt  iiwrched  to  Fort  E4i^,  as  that  was 
toe  furthest  advanced  into  the  ctnemy's  country.  On  his  way,  he  wrote  to 
Maj.  BtaiUji,  the  conAtmander  of  Hitnms,  infbhding  him  id  the  danger  of 
an  attack,  and,atran(m  as  itminr  appear,  the  next  day  Sfler  the  letter  watt 
received,  (90  Aug.  1813,)  Wtatlurjord,  at  the  head  of  about  1500  warriors, 
entered  ue  ibrt  at  noOn-day,  when  a  shocking  carnage  ensoad.  The  cate 
had  been  left  open  and  unguarded ;  but  before  many  of  the  warrion  had 
entered,  they  were  met  by  Maj.  Btadtv,  at  the  head  of  Ids  men,  and  fltr 
aome  tiite  the  contest  waa  bloody  and  doubtfhl ;  each  striving  Ibr  the 
mastery  of  the  entrance.  Here,  man  to  man,  the  fight  continued  for  a 
quarter  of  an  hour,  with,. tomahawks,  knives,  swordt  and  bayonets:  n 
abbne  theie  presented  itself  almost  without  a  parallel  in  the  annala  of  In- 
dian ivaffare !  The  garrison  consisted  of  375 :  of  these  only  160  \vei«  sol- 
diers ;  the  rest  were  old  men,  women  and  cliildren,  who  had  here  taken 
nfdge.  It  is  worthy  of  very  emphatical  romorii,  that  every  ofBcer  expired 
f^bUQg  at  the  gate.  A  lieutenant,  having  been  badly  wounded,  was  car- 
iti^  hy  two  women  to  a  block-house,  but  when  he  was  a  little  mcovered, 
ne  insMtud  ou  being  carried  back  to  ihu  fatal  scene,  which  Was  done  by 
the  aaino  heroines,  who  placed  him  by  the  aide  or  A  dead  companhxi, 
wheire  He  wa^  soon  despatched. 

Thip  defenders  of  the  garrison  being  now  nearly  all  slain,  the  women 
^0^  children  shut  themselves  up  in  the  block-houses,  and  seizing  upon 
what  weapon^  they  could  find,  began,  in  that  perilous  and  hopeleas  situa- 
tion, ib  defend  themsuh'es.  But  the  Indians  soon  succeeded  in  setdnig 
|tnese  houses  on  fire,  and  all  such  as  refused  t(i  meet  death  without,  per- 
'isbed  in  the  flumes  witJiJn ! !  Seventeen  only  escaped  of  all  the  garrison,  ud 
miany  of  those  wete  deaperatel  v  wounded.  It  was  judged  thio,  during  the 
contest  St  the  gato,  near  400  of  Wealhaford^a  warriors  were  wounded  and 
alun. 

whet)  the  news  of  this  affair  was  circulated  through  the  country,  many 
cried  hloud  for  vengeance,  and  two  powttrflil  armies  were  soon  upon  then* 
march  into  the  Inaian  countrv,  anil  the  complete  destruction  or  the  In- 
dfain  power  soon  fnllowed.  The  Indians  seemff  all  resistance  was  at  an 
end,  great  numbers  of  them  came  forward  and  made  their  submiasion. 
tfeaOierford,  however,  and  many  who  were  known  to  be  desperate,  still 
stood  out ;  perhaps  from  fear.  Gen.  Jackton  determined  to  test  the  fidel- 
ity of  those  chiefs  who  batl  submitted,  and,  thcrefon<,  ordered  them  to 
deliver,  without  delay,  fFeathtrford,  bound,  into  his  hands,  that  he  might 
be  dealt  nith  as  he  deserved.  When  they  had  made  known  to  the  sachem 
what  was  required  of  them,  his  noble  spirit  would  not  submit  to  such  deg- 
radatiun ;  and  to  hold  them  harmless,  he  resolved  to  give  himself  up 
without  compulsion.  Accordingly,  he  proceeded  to  thb  American  camp, 
unknown,  until  he  appeared  before  the  <!ommanding  general,  to  whose 
presence,  under  some  pretence,  he  gained  admission.  Gen.  Jaekaon  was 
greatly  surprised,  when  die  chief  said, "/  am  fftathetford,  the  cMtf  who 
tomiMaded  at  the  capture  of  Fbrt  JiEmms.  Iduire  peace  for  m/  people,  and 
have  comt  to  a$k  it.  Jacl(don  had,  doubtless,  determined  upon  ni&  execu- 
tion when  he  should  be  brought  bound,  as  he  had  duvcted,  but  his  sudden 
and  unexpected  appcan^ncc,  lu  this  manner,  saved  him.  The  general  said 
he  was  astonished  that  he  should  venture  to  appear  in  his  pmeence,  as  he 
wras  not  ignorant  of  his  having  been  at  Fort  Mimias,  nor  of  his  inhuman 
conduct  tliere,  for  which  he  so  veil  deeervt  .1  to  die.    "  I  ordtHred;"  con- 


M'lNTOBH. 


[Bmb  IV, 


tinued  the  general, "  that  you  ahould  be  brought  to  nie  bound ;  and,  had  70* 
been  brought  in  that  mannto,  I  ahould  have  knowa  how  to  have  treaft* 
ad  you."     In  answer  to  thia,  Wudkirfhihl  made  the  fcUowing  ftaMua 
■peech:— 
<*/(imtiiM>ur0oiMr— d(Dtn(4iiiea««0Mj){eaM — I  mm  miMiir.    I  hmt 

irwdv.  If  lhadanwrmM,I%tmU  yajti^ir-IwaMtmdmiUlktUid: 
butlhavenone.  MipeopUwrtMgtm.  /can only «MepMwrtt«an|^ 
tme$  ^  mn  natUni" 

Gen.  Jaauan  was  pleased  with  hia  boldneas,  and  told  luna  that,  though 
he  was  in  his  power,  yet  he  would  take  no  advantage ;  that  he  nugfat  vol 
join  the  war  party,  and  contend  against  die  Amencana,  if  be  chaae,  but 
to  depend  upon  no  quarter  if  taken  afterward ;  and  that  uneonditkiBal 
submisBion  was  his  and  hia  people's  only  nfttr.  WmBtafiri  rqoined,  in 
a  tone  as  dignified  as  it  was  indignantr-"  xou  em  $iffdif  odUnsM  aie  m 
$ueh  ternu  nmd.  Tten  tM$  a  tuu  u^  I  e<ndd  hme  aniiSmd  jftm- -iken 
muatimetphm  I  hadaehoiee — I  have  imu  ttrnt.  /  AoM  no!  even  a  Aape. 
I  could  once  animate  my  totimor*  to  baUU — ftul  leamui  onisMfe  fl«  dead. 
Mf  warrion  can  no  Umger  hear  my  voice.  ITher  ionet  ore  at  TWadtgOf 
Tmlmhtdchet,  Hmuel^ate  and  T\tfwpeka.  I  have  not  namndertd  anprnf 
wiOmut  thought.  ffhUAerewaa  ant^ehaneeqf  t»eeea$flni9erl^mjf 
pott,  nor  at^ieated  peace.  BtdnmpmpUwregone,aild  I  new  aAttJhr 
HUf  nation,  not  for  my»^.  I  hot  b«M  %rkkd^aefrroiv,aad  wiAtoavert 
thll  greater  ccianntitM.  ff' I  had  hem  kn  to  eonund  wilk  Ae  Oeoigia  armm, 
I  would  have  raued  nM  com  onenebaMofAeriaer.aHdfiiugtttStmonme 
other.  But  your  peopU  have  derirojfed  mjf  Hofim.  You  are  a  erave  man.  I 
rely  upon  your  generoaitu.  You  wSi  exaet  no  fersw  iff  a  eonqnered  peepk, 
Int  aueh  as  theu  thouM  aecrde  to.  Whatever  they  majf  he,  U  would  now  fc 
maiaeM  and  foUy  to  oppote  ^.em.  U"  they  are  oppoied,  you  vkall^tid  ait 
aMiong>«f  the  aterneat  tiyarctra  of  obemenee.  TAoee  uho  would  HUI  hold  out, 
eon  M  inftueneed  only  hy  a  mecm  ajnrit  of  revenge.  7\>  ttu  ttey  mntt  not, 
and  ihmnat  aaerjfiee  the  laat  remnant  vjl**^  eountru.  Yon  have  toUowr 
tuiHon  where  we  m^go  and  he  aafe.  Tkia  ia  good  iattt,  and  thof  ought  to 
liaten  to  it.  They  ahaU  liaten  to  iV."  And  here  we  must  eloae  our  {Hcamt 
account  of  fVeaOutford,  and  enter  upon  that  of  a  character  oppoaed  to 
him  in  the  field,  and,  if  we  can  believe  the  writers  of  their  times,  oppoaite 
in  almost  all  the  affUrs  of  life.  This  was  the  celebrated  and  truly  nnfbr- 
tunate 

Gen.  Wmiam  JifMoah,  a  Creek  chief,  of  the  tribe  of  Cowetaw.  He 
was,  like  M'Oittivray,  a  lialf-breed,  whom  he  conmderably  resemUed  in 
several  particulars,  as  by  his  history  will  appear.  He  was  a  prominent 
leader  of  such  of  his  countrymen  as  joined  the  Americans  in  tne  war  of 
1812,  13  and  14.  and  is  first  mentioned  by  General  Ffoyd,*  in  bis  ac- 
count of  the  battle,  as  he  called  it,  of  Autoasee,  where  he  aasiated  in  the 
brutal  destruction  of  200  of  his  nation.  There  was  nothing  like  fif^ting 
on  the  part  of  the  people  of  the  place,  as  we  can  learn,  being  aurpnsed  in 
their  wigwams,  and  hewn  to  pieces.  "  The  Cowetaw^"  says  the  general, 
**  under  AThttoah,  and  Tookaubatchions,!  under  Mad-a^^B'aon,  ftii  in  on 
our  flanks,  and  fought  with  an  intrepidity  worthy  of  any  troopa."  And 
after  relating  the  burning  of  the  piace,  hfl  thus  proceeds: — **  It  is  difficult 
to  determine  the  strength  of  the  enemy,  but  fiwn  the  infbnnation  of  some 
of  the  chiefs,  which  it  is  said  can  he  relied  on,  there  were  assembled  at 
Autossee,  warriors  from  eight  towns,  for  its  defence ;  it  being  their  be- 
loved ground,  on  which  they  proclaimed  no  white  man  could  approach 
without  inevitable  destruction.    It  is  difiicult  to  give  a  precise  account  of 


Chap.  ¥.] 

thaloaaw 

overtlisi 

alakioatl 

8«w  lying 

bjrtiwir 

waoDded, 

aMlTaHai 


t«i 
ffomo  of  I 
valuaUai 
I9I& 

JIPJiilM 
Hone<«lM 
triiwaaf  I 
br  ftftifl« 


againattb 
jSeban, 
wboia  of 
37,  1«14^: 

andtaaui 

the  band, 
they  A 
tiomnieqii 

anorlap 
ainroai^ 
OB  brtht 
galsMlii 
«ranw»st 
isMaOao 
rand 


flMMI^Wa 

doUwtl 
iaattemp 
haTaaaew 
«»Thell 
coBtinaed 
dwthabi 


*  BrannaiCi  oOicial  leilen. 


fTuckabaldw.    JlM<<rMi,in. 


amy  wkl 
•  wt 
1 
Intl 
im 
>i 

foidiaMa 
irouUeav 
ofieaiii 

•Thw 


Oap.  v.] 


milTOBH. 


And 


OMT  tto  field,  togMlMT  with  thow  dwifwywd  in  the  i»wm,  uhTUm 
uUm  on  die  bank  of  the  river,  which  twapeeteUe  otteera  affimi  that  Ihnr 
a«w  lym§  kt  heape  at  the  waten'  edfe,  where  thegr  had  haen  prv'^ipitaliiil 
bgr  their  ninriviDg  flieDd8,{!!)  their  kM  in  killed,  indapeadem  if  theh 
waonded,  oraai  have  bee«  at  laaM  900,  (anMMig  whom  were  tbe  Anteia 
and  TaHanee  kiagi,)  and  ftom  the  ehminmanoe  of  their  nHkiog  ao  aflbiia 
ta  ■aotoat  ewr  return,  prahably  greater.  The  nuadber  of  baild&uaa  bmit, 
pome  of  a  aoperior  order  nr  the  dwelliaga  of  aivagM,  and  flued  with 
vataableaitiele8,iaaipnoaedtobe40a''    "niia  waa  on  tha  S0  Novambaa, 

Jlthkuk  waa  alee  venr  eonapiBBana  in  tho  meoiosabla  batde  of  the 
HorM>aho»4iend,  in  the  "nlbipooae  River.  At  this  plaae  the  diacnnaplaia 
tittwa  ef  the  aouth  had  mada  a  hat  gnat  stand,  and  had  a  lelerBbly  reg»> 
tar  ftatifled  eamp.  b  waa  aaid  that  they  wen  1000  atrona.  Thev  had 
oeaatnMted  thear  watka  widi  aneh  iaganuiqr>  that  Kltle  oauld  he  aflMed 
uafaMt  them  hoi  bjr  atena.  *•  Oetengoined  to  eitenniiiaia  them,"  aaja  Oam 
jSeban,  «I  detached  General  O^  with  die  naaunted,  and  aeailrtha 
vAckb  of  the  Indian  force,  eariy  on  the  aaoaniaa  of  lealerday,  [Marek 
97,  1614^]  Mn  eroaa  the  mar  aboal  two  Bnlea  habiw  their  ancaa^MBenb 
and  ta  aunoiindtha  hend,  in  aueh  a  manneLaB  that  none  af  theaa  Aeiiii 
eaeapa  bgr  alteanptiDg  to  craaa  the  river."  "  jfcoii**  company  of  apie^  who 
had  aerampanied  Cfen.  CMhi,  eaoiad  ever  in  eanoaaietlieailieniityaf 
the  band,  and  act  Are  ta  a  ftw  of  the  bnildkigB  whieh  ware  thaea  ritoaled  I 


they  than  adaanoad  wifk  gaeai  gidlaalry  towaedt  r%a  baeaa>waik»  and 
«onnieqcad  a  spirited  ire  upon  tbaeMmy  behind  it"  ThiaflMcanotha- 
ing  able  to  aflnct  their  ahfM^  bmmt  otnaia  ef  tka  anny  riiawad  graaa 
Mdor  la partidpaia  m  Ae  aaiank  "The  apirifc wMeii  aniiilad  ihw  wca 
a  anra  aiwuiy  of  the  aocR^aa  whieh  waa  la  Adkiw."  ^Tka  »egahu%  lei^ 
on  bfdMir  intnphl  ani  akilAil  owiandH^  CoL  tmiamt,  and  faf  th» 
faliBt  Mq.  JIfaitooaMm  aooB  gafaMd  noaaaawoB,  af  tkawaAaia  lk«aii* 
of  a  meet  twendoua  fci  from  belwad  them,  and  dw-ndllda  af  the  vaw 
nfcia  Gen.  Jkktrtift  briaade  aaanwnaanied  them  ia  iha  dnafa  wkk  a  vi. 
vaelqr  «nA  finiiMM  wkWi  would  haae  daaa  honar  la  regntami.  Tha> 
«Mnnr  waa  eonpletely  ronied.  J%c  hmmdnd  mlMbt-motm* 
dead  aa  lh»  peniuMtak  and  a  graal  Bwnbea  WM«  fafiM  ty  dia  I 
maltaraptiaglaanaB  thaiirflr.  Ilia  baliewed that aolaa 
baTOaaeapel. 

*^  The  flghting  eoatnaed  witk  aoma  avreiaiy  about  five  kaum; 
continued  to  dntiagr  many  of  thann,  who  haa  caaeealad  AenaiehreB  wm- 
dertkabankaof  dn  riaat^aatilwe  were  prevwiadbytfaanighl.  This 
uMmkwwekiBedMwfaahadheenooaaealad.  We  took  abaat  fgOpria. 
oaeta,  mI  women  and  ehUdrsn,  enept  Iwoi  ea  thre»  Our  loaa  ia  IM: 
waandad,aad9((klIMk  M^or  JPAiiMk.tkeOoiwatau,  wkojoinad  mv 
armywkkapa^afhiatBhe,gr«athp£ainguiBkBdhhiiaelf."^  Truly,diac 
a  war  of  eKteimination  r!  The.  frimd  ef  humsiMly  may  nuiiiiina' 
all  thoae  pear  wralchaa  who  had  aacietod  tbemaeiiaa  hem  and 
taktha  ^oavaaand  raed%"  had  dessavedl  death. 

The  moat  malanckolrpavt of  the  Bfe  ef  iha  unfobtuaaia  JlfModk  w^ 
aaupaia  be  meoMiad.  liiA  kite  troublea  ef  the,  Craak  natkiB  haaadmwa 
feitk  ■M*y*iyiBP*<^'^tM' '■'(>''>  ^vyeef  the  phitaiitfanMiisi,  Theaa 
tmuUea  were  oo!y  the  eoaaaquences  of  those  of  a.  higher  (Me.  Theaa 
of  leai^  we  Ifaeught,  eonplelad  the  ckaiBK  af  their  idlictiook  bat  MOI 


•  TheM  are  die  fpwjiatf^iUJtO}  atiiMt^ 


(BotsIT. 


mult  wily  ber  uuiak  with  raeonh  af  tbvfar  amnnkiii  aba  hlatksfcr- 
hmt  period  with  which  our  utiele  bnagi  tm  m  caiMmo,  in  ekMing  thiv 
•eeount.  In  that  year,  the  goTCTnmmt  of  the  U.  Blatea,  by  its  ageatir 
Memed  determined  on  paeraennf  •  favge  tnet  of  their  eauntry,  to  wiMf 
dM  Mate  of  Georgia.  ^  jntaak,  and  a  anaU  part  of  the  nation,  weie  Ant 
ooaeedinj(  to  their  wishes  but  a  large  mqoriqr  of  hia  oawjuyaien  wouM 
not  hobr  to  the  propoaaL  The  eonuniarionetaemphiyed  wwn  wiiafled  of 
the  ftet,  and  oommunieated  to  the  piwilent  the  reauh  of  a  meeting  thej* 
hadhadforthepurpoae.  He  ww  wdl  aatirfed,  aln,  that  ^Madk  eoold 
not  convey  the  bnd%  aa  he  rapreaented  but  a  anall  part  of  hianathw,  but 
■till  the  necotiation  waa  oidered  to  be  renewed.  A  eouneil  wan  called  bf 
the  oomminionera,  (who  were  Ctoonriana,)  which  aaaembled  at  a  placw 
ealhid  htdimn  tpriufn.  Here  the  ehi^  of  tne  Tuekaubateheeae  apeke  to* 
them  aa  foUowa :  '*We  met  yon  at  Btokea  Arrow,  an^l  then  told  yon  we 
had  no  land  to  aelL  I  then  hgard  of  no  elaima  agaioat  the  natioB,  ror 
hare  I  ainee.  We  hare  met  you  here  at  a  vary  ahoit  i;oliee,  and  do  not 
think  that  the  chiefii  who  are  here  have  any  authori^  to  treat.  Gen- 
eral JIThtloik  knowB  that  we  are  bound  by  our  kwa,  and  that  what  ia 
not  done  in  the  public  aquare,  in  the  genoral  council,  ia  not  binding  on 
the  nation.  I  am,  therefore,  under  th«  neceaaity  of  repeatinat  the  aanw 
flOBwer  aa  given  at  Broken  Arrow,  that  we  lukve  no  lana  to  anl.  I  knew 
that  thcve  are  but  few  here  fttrni  the  uppbr  towna,  and  many  are  abaent 
flam  the  lower  towna.  Gen.JirJMoi4knowathatnonartof  thelandcan 
be  aoM  without  a  fiill  council,  and  with  the  conaent  or  all  the  nation,  and 
if  a  part  of  the  natkm  chooae  to  leave  the  country,  thev  caimot  aeH  the 
land  they  have,  but  it  bebnga  to  the  nation."  '^lliia  m  the  only  talk  I 
have  for  you,  uid  I  ahall  return  home  immediately.'*  He  did  ao.  The 
iU-adviaed  commiarionem  informed  M*htmk  and  hia  parqr,  that  the  Creek 
nation  waa  auffieiently  repreaented  fav  them,  and  that  the  United  Staiea 
would  bear  them  out  ui  a  trea^  of  aale.  The  idea  of  receiinng  the  whole 
of  the  pay  for  the  knda  amona  themaelTea^  waa  doubtlcaa  die  eauae  of  the 
oonceaaion  of  JITMofik  and  hia  party.  <*Thirteen  only  of  the  aignei* 
of  the  treaty  were  chieft.  The  reat  were  aueh  aa  had  been  degraded  from 
that  rank,  and  unknown  peraona;  96  chieft  prwent  refiiMd  to  ngn.  The 
whole  party  of  JltMoA  amounted  to  about  900^  not  the  tenth  part  of  tlw 
nation/*  Still  they  «ieeutad  the  artiele%  in  direct  violation  to  tne  lawa  of 
their  nation,  wUen  themaelvea  had  helped  to  form.  It  mnat  be  remem- 
bered that  the  Creeka  had  made  no  incoDnderable  advancea  in  what  ia< 
termed  dviliaation.  They  had  towna,  and  even  jprmted  lawa  by  which 
they  were  to  be  governed,  aimikr  to  thoae  of  the  United  Statea. 

**  M'hliak  vraa  aware,  that,  after  agning  the  treaty,  hia  life  waa  forfeit- 
ed. He,  and  others  of  hia  coacyutoia,  repaired  to  MilledgevBle,  Mated 
their  feara,  and  claimed  the  protection  of  Gosnt^m^  which  waa  pramiied 
bv  Gov.  TVoMp."*  It  muat  be  obaerved  that  the  greater  part  or  the  pur- 
cnaaed  teiiitory  waa  within  the  claimed  limita  of  Georpa;^  and  that  the 
Georffiana  had  no  email  share  in  the  whole  tranaaetion.  It  is  not  atranger 
diat  me  people  of  Georgia  ahould  conduct  aa  they  have,  than  that  ui» 
United  Statea'  government  should  place  it  in  her  power  ao  to  act  To  take,, 
dierefore,  into  account  the  whole  morita  of  the  caae,  it  muat  be  remem- 
bered, that,  by  a  eommot  between  the  two  partiea  in  1809;  the  former,  i» 
consideradon  of  the  latter^  relinquishing  her  claim  to  the  Bliaaisnppi  ter- 
ritory, agreed  to  extingHiah,  at  the  national  expense,  the  Indian  dtw  to  th» 
laada  occupied  by  them,  in  Creorgia,  v^umtttr  d  eouU  ht  done,  lyon  reo- 

•  ThtH  far  iriwtod  from  fiicU  publMwil  by  Mr.  W.  J.  BmlHi^. 
\Perkuu,  Hut.  U.  Slates,  a  work,  by  the  way,  of  great  valiM,aadwlueb  we  an  wi- 
priied  ihoula  have  iiraed  from  the  pren  with  lilUe  or  no  notice. 


tnn. 


▼1 


mimMH. 


Who  wa  to  decide  i«*m  tli«  praetkiMe  tkM  bad  wriTed. 
we  beUere  wm  not  mentkMed.  Howover,  prevhMw  to  ISKL  the  United 
States  had  auceeeded  in  eztiofuiiliing  the  aboriginal  title  of  lifiOOfiOO 
aena,aiid  there  wen  jret  about  lOiOOOiMO  to  be  bmightoCf  Theebange 
of  UA  flonn  waadeiiog  to  aatioaary,  wbieh  the  arts  of  cMBiatioa  had 
eflbeted  aoMiig  the  Indiana,  made  then  prise  their  potarioai  hr  mora 
highly  tlun  hereiofcre,  and  henoe  their  rriuetaaeeand  oppoaitioa  to  i«li»> 
quiah  theas. 

Thua  much  it  seemed  neoeawry  to  premiae,  that  the  true  eauae  of  die 
Ale  of  JUFhtatk  aheuld  be  undentood.    It  appean  that  when  the  whole 
of  the  natkm  mw  that  the  traaqr  Mhiatk  and  hia  party  had  nade  eoold 
not  be  abrogated,  fcrty-nino  flraetha  of  them  were  violent  againM  then: 
and  thetefere  reeohred  that  the  aentenoe  of  the  bw  abould  be  executed 
UfKm  him.    The  executioii,  and  cireumatanees  attending  it,  are  thua  r»- 
lBted4    **  About  two  houia  befbie  dav,  on  Sunday  morahig,  1  May,§  the 
houae  of  Gen.  JIthtatk  waa  aurrounded  by  Mmiw-wag,  and  about  100 
Oakfliakee  warriors.    Jtfhink  waa  witUn,  aa  likewise  were  hia  women 
and  children,  and  some  white  meik    Mhuhcvmhi  directed  an  interpreter 
to  re^neat  the  whitea,  and  the  women  and  children,  to  come  out,  aa  the 
wamors  did  not  wish  to  harm  them ;  that  Gen.  JlPhUiuk  had  broken  the 
law  that  he  himself  had  long  since  made,  and  they  had  come  to  execute 
him  accordingly.     They  came  out  of  the  house,  leaving  J^PMoA  and 
Etomi-tiutmuggef  one  of  hia  adherents,  therein.    The  warriors  then  set 
fire  to  the  houae ;  and  tmJIfhletk  and  hia  comrade  [TVsleiMuwe]  attempt^ 
ed  to  come  out  at  the  door,  they  shot  them  both  down.    The  same  day, 
about  I'ioVskick,  they  hung.iSni  UomMm,  a  half  breed,  in  the  Huckhoa- 
seliga  Square.    On  Mondav.  the  9  May,  •  puty  of  Halibee  Indiana  fired 
on  and  wounded  Ben  Uuumiu,  another  hair  breed,  veir  badly.  The  chiefii 
stated,  at  the  time,  that  no  danger  whatever  vras  to  be  apineheiMled  by 
persons  travelling  through  the  nation ;  that  they  were  fiienda  to  the  whites^ 
and  wished  them  not  to  be  ahurmed  by  tbia  execution,  which  waa  only  a 
compliance  with  the  laws  that  the  great  cbiefii  of  the  nation  made  at  Pole- 
cat SpriM.    CMkfAPhdtuk  eacaped  from  the  house  with  the  whites,  and 
was  not  nredat  or  wounded."  He  is  now  chief  among  the  western  Creeks, 
and  some  time  rince  increased  his  notoriety  by  beating  a  member  of  Con- 
gress, in  Wnahinpiton. 

The  sreat  agitation  which  the  execution  of  the  bead  chiefs  of  the 
JVthUoM  party  caused  was  allayed  only  by  the  interference  of  the  United 
States*  government.  Gov.  TVotipof  Geor^a  declared  vengeance  against 
the  Creek  nation,  denouncing  me  execution  of  the  chiefs  as  au  act  of 
murder;  however,  he,  by  some  meana,  learned  that  his  judgment  was 
l^catuitous,  and,  by  adoiee  of  President  Adamt,  desisted  firom  acts  of  hoa- 
tUity,  the  survey  of  the  disputed  lands,  &c. 

We  have  not  learned  much  of  the  fiunily  ofM*ktta$h.  On  14  Ausust, 
1818,  Jennjh  his  eldest  daughter,  was  married  to  ffiUiam  S.  Mitehd,  Esq., 
assistant  Indian  aoentfl^  the  Creek  nation.  They  were  married  at  a  place 
called  Tlitacatclt£ah  near  Fort  Mitchel,  in  that  nation.j| 

Gren.  JWhtbuh  participated  in  the  Seminole  campaigns,  as  did  another 
chief  of  the  name  of  LovtU,  with  about  9000  of  their  warriors.  They 
joined  the  American  army  at  Fort  Scott  in  the  spring  of  1818.K 

*Amer.  An.  ResT.  i.  (Ibid. 

^  Id  the  Annual  Regiiter.  ttf  Mupra. 

f  SO  April  it  mentimied,  m  another  part  of  the  namt  work,  as  the  date  of  the  execu- 
tion, and  to  it  it  tet  down  by  Mr.  Ptriitu,  in  bit  Hitt.  U.  8. 
I  iVt/e*'«  Reguter,  U,  407.  V  N.  Y.  MealMy  Msf .  ni.  7i. 


BIOGRAPHY  .two  ffOTORY  OF  THE 


(■»«ttlf>. 


CHAPTBR  VI. 


mm^rf  Cm.  Jmtknm  wdini  md  tgaimil  Ikmn  RtUtnt  OmtmAmT— 
>tiiOETA-~'PAT»'«iMJW  •Xk^lmt  ^f  JM^^tkt  1%t  lUhMMdkw 
iutnmd  h/u  Oen.  CoJIkt—BaMt  of  Talkukga  %»rrihln  Mumkn  «r 
IMIWHtwi  l\irthtraetmmt»fJhdmmM»t  BaUk  ^  Omm  D^ 
mm—Tiuwmcua-^BaUk  tf  ItdhoMM*— Poamamata— PrMM0>- 
M4-4m  Vtru-^BaHk  tf  hmk/im  .«  Mcmrf  AoNfe— J|ll'«  iiKre- 
fmv—MttU,  fi  Emta€ktfk»-~'Mtftka    Bud  ^  Me  Cmk  lia^~ 

PiOHiNVO— £b  wytetfi    .ItwwMi    Joan  Norms  wMrrfcitrf    MewH 

ALATOBBC— POtMAMAfA— ^bMcA  ^  AiHi)WlliOl6w  OlUf  ^  pHtikaiMlta  to 

ftq^lwRMe  «(  ir—Wi^ii  Piwfcamati  iNw  llk«r^o-Hn.uaBAao  vMto 
JSNgftmd— iScmlM  M«  Stmbuki  to  nor— «4  iMrfem  Pftowlw  He»- 
woTiiniKD— Jfcwffctw  «  Iwflff  tretf  in  .^afwjtfetfa  nMr->-Jir  Mgdmtf 
tnM  HiLLiiHAOo,  (Mrf  AoMfMf— NBAa'A'rai>A-»Aeiii«M(  a/"  tibe  JlmiiB 
AiiJMi*— TlUtr  wrrtok«d  «oNdt(»M»— MXloBBif-^JIJeA  m  knrft  ontf 
itefa*— #1Jee  to  Ftorida^  and  lMt$  Mi  ffbeto. 


Ta*  horrid  calamity  at  Port  Mimmi  mui  not  the  commcneement  of  the 
liloodT  war  with  tlie  Creek  Indiaiw.  The  moriana  of  the  Shawonee 
Ihvpitt  had  been  Mmtiirized  hr  people  opon  l^e  firontiera  of  aeYeral 
■taieiL  and  meiooriahi  (hmi  IndkuM  and  IIliBob  liad  been  aent  to  the 
prNideat  of  the  United  States  by  mme  of  rtwir  princi^  inhabitant!,  in 
1811,  calling  on  him  to  Mod  out  an  armed  ibree  rar  their  aeeurity. 

In  the  aummer  at  1819,  aome  fhmiliea  were  cut  off  near  the  month  of 
the  Ohio,  and  aoon  after,  upon  the  bonier  of  Tenneaaee^  two  other  Ami' 
Ilea,  oonaietinc  of  women  and  children,  w^re  butchered  in  a  manner 
too  ahocking  ror  deaoription !  Georgia  was  also  a  auflererin  the  aamo 
kind. 

We  have  already  given  the  particulara  of  the  moat  prominent  maaaacre, 
namely,  that  of  the  garriaon  under  Maj.  BeaaUy,  in  tlie  Tenaau  aettle- 
ment ;  but  since  we  penned  that  article,  we  Have  read  Judge  MarHiCa 
account  of  it,  which,  out  of  deftrence  to  such  high  anthoritv,  we  thought 
it  proper  to  add  aomething  ftora  him,  forasmuch  aa  it  aets  the  matter  iuu 
tittle  oifierent  Hgbt  It  casta  considerable  more  rimde  upon  the  conduct 
of  the  unfortunate  Bttuky.  Not  only  had  that  officer  been  warned  by 
Gen.  Clat&WTM  of  hia  danger,  aa  already  stated,  but  a  Creek  Indian  in- 
formed him  in  a  IViendly  manner  that  he  must  expect  an  attack  in  less 
than  two  days.  When  he  had  made  hia  communication,  he  left  tlic 
plane,  "  and  waa  hardly  out  of  aight,  when  SO  or  30  of  his  countrymen 
came  in  riew,  and  forcibly  enterra  the  fort  In  the  attempt  to  shut  the 
gate,  BeaaUjf  waa  killed :  the  garriaon  revenged  hia  death  by  that  of  all 
tlie  assailants.  This  first  party  waa,  however,  aoon  followed  by  a  liody 
of  about  800 :  the  garriaon  waa  overpowered,  the  fort  taken,  and  every 
man,  woman  and  child  in  it,  slaughtered,  with  the  exception  of  fotii- 
privates,  who,  though  severely  wounded,  eiiected  their  escape,  and  reach- 
ed Fort  Stoddard.*^  Beaaley  himself  was  carried  into  the  kitchen  ofioiio 
of  the  houses  within  the  fort,  and  was  there,  with  many  others,  eonsiuntd 
in  the  burning  ruins !  f 

At  this  period  the  Creek  Indians  occupied  a  eoontry  containing  abont 
900 aqoaie  miles;  bounded  on  the  north  by  Tenneaaee,  eaat  by  Georgio, 


on. 


*  Hill.  Looifiana,  ii.  316. 


t  Perkmi't  Late  War,  198. 


CN*r.  VI.) 


SOUTHBEN  fKHMANS. 


Ih  by  tbe  Floridw,  and  wmi  by  ihe  Miwiwippi  s  Um  mil  Mid  clioMto 
of  which  rouhi  not  be  coMUerfnl  inferior  to  any  in  the  t'niled  Sutcib 
ThflM  Indiam,  cotiaintinf  of  Crroka,  properly  ao  called,  Chikaakwa, 
Choktawa  and  Chorokf!«>N  tmil  fur  a  long  iiiii«  been  on  amicable  tenna  with 
ilieir  while  neigtitmra,  ^xc-hanginR  their  Aira  and  other  artielea  with  Umn 
for  B«ich  othera  a*  their  wanta  required.  Thia  alale  of  thiofa,  but  for  tha 
iireakinf  out  of  the  war  in  ('anida,  ininhi,  and  would,  in  reaaon,  hvn 
continued,  and  the  ^at  Creek  nation  wouhl  liave  increaaed.  and  at  thia  day 
have  gained  vaatly  in  population  and  importance,  inalead  of  being  dia- 
iiieinliered,  ita  inhabiuinta  aent  into  baniahment,  and  finally  ruined.  In* 
tormarriagea  between  Indiana  and  whitea  had  become  iVvqaentj  dnm 
which  a  race  of  half-breeda  were  apringing  up,  and  inatead  of  aiavery, 
the  Indian  women  were  taking  their  proper  plaeca  in  aociety,  and  tfe* 
men  were  cultivating  the  flelda.  And  notwithatanding  the  PnphH  and 
Teeunueh  had  used  all  their  eloquence  to  engage  them  in  an  early  ouar- 
rel,  it  was  not  until  they  heard  of  the  aiicceaa  of  the  Britiah  al  Maideii, 
that  they  deciiied  on  taking  up  the  hatchet,  geneiwlly.  Such  waa  tbe 
alacrity  among  tbe  northern  Indiana  on  the  capture  of  Gen.  HuU,  on  the 
10  August,  1H13,  that  ruunem  arrived  fnim  among  them  to  the  Creeka 
Home  time  before  it  was  known  to  their  white  neigbbora. 

For  the  horrid  butcherv  at  Tcnsati,  the  foflowers  of  Wt(Marfordt 
Monhoe  and  ^'Qutn,  or  AT  Queen,  were  shortly  to  atone,  in  the  moat 
Hummary  manner.  There  was  a  great  encampment  of  Creeks  under 
ffealher/ord,  at  the  Tallahaaee,  or  Talluabatches  towns,  on  tbe  Cbosn 
river,  a  northern  brooch  of  the  Alabama.  The  eyes  of  the  south 
seemed  to  centre  upon  Oen.  Jaekton  to  execute  vengeance  on  the  Indiana, 
and  notwithstanding  he  was  confined  to  his  room,  from  a  wound  in  tbe 
arm,  which  he  hod  lately  received  in  a  private  quarrel,  when  the  newa  of 
the  massacre  arrived  in  Tennessee,  the  governor  of  that  state  issued  an 
order  to  him  to  raise  3000  men  with  all  possible  despatch,  and  rendezvous 
at  Fayctteville.  Col.  Coffee  was  already  in  tbe  fiekL  Jackson's  march 
into  the  enemy's  country  was  hastened  bv  a  false  alarm,  and  when  he 
had  got  into  the  Indian  country,  he  found  himself  almoat  destitute  of  pro- 
visions for  his  army,  which  caused  considerable  delay.  At  a  place  on 
the  Tennessee  River,  called  Ditto's  Landing,  Oen.  JaektoH  met  with  Col. 
Coffee^a  regiment.  Here  be  remained  several  days,  but  despatched  Ct\/^ 
with  700  men  to  scour  the  Black  Warrior  River.  At  Ten  Islands,  i>\i> 
the  Coosa,  was  a  band  of  friendly  Creeks,  at  whose  head  was  a  chief 
named  Chiimalnf.  This  chief  httd  a  kind  of  fort  there,  and  was  now 
blockaded  in  it  by  the  war  party.  CAtnnoiy,  hearing  of  Jaekton^M  poai- 
tion,  sent  his  son,  Shdokta,  also  a  principal  chief,  to  the  general's  camp, 
for  relief,  who,  without  loss  of  time,  marched  up  the  river,  out  was  obliged 
to  encamp  at  the  distance  of  24  miles  from  DtUai'a,  from  the  failure  of  bia 
supplies.  While  here,  Patk-kiUer,  a  Cherokee  chief,  sent  two  runners  to 
him,  confirming  the  former  news,  and  that  without  immediate  relief,  they 
said,  they  ^ouTd  be  immediately  cut  off,  for  the  hostile  Indians  were  as- 
sembling in  great  force  (torn  nine  towns.  Jaekton  now  resolved  to  move 
on,  and  told  the  messengers  of  Pttth-kiUer  to  speak  thus  to  their  chief 
fivin  htm : — 

"  Jlu  hoatUe  Creeka  wiU  not  attack  you  untQ  thiy  have  had  a  bru^ 
unih  me,  and  that,  I  think,  vfiU  put  them  out  of  the  notion  (^  fighting  far 
aoTne  time." 

When  the  army  had  arrived  within  a  few  miles  of  the  Ten  Islands,  it 
was  met  by  Chinnabu.  This  old  chief  had  succeeded  in  capturing  two 
hostile  Creeks,  which  he  gave  up  to  Oen.  Jaekaon.  The  army^as  ^et 
about  16  miles  from  the  Indian  encampment,  and  in  a  lamentable  condition 
for  want  of  provisions ;  insomuch,  that  almoat  any  one  but  Jaekton 
5 


.# 


59 


BIOGRAPHY  AND  UfS'rORY  OP  THE 


(Boos  IV. 


would  haye  despaired,  and  given  up  the  campaign :  bat  his  rcsokitioo 
was  not  to  be  shaken,  and  he  happily  diffused  his  spirit  into  his  inen. 
He  said,  in  a  letter  to  Gov.  Blount,  that  lohilgt  they  could  proam  an  ear  of 
corn  apiece,  they  would  not  give  up  the  expedition. 

On  the  28  Oct.  Col.  Dyer  loturned  from  the  capture  of  a  town 
called  Litta^tche,  on  the  bead  of  Canoe  Creek,  which  empties  into  tbe 
Coosa  from  the  west.  His  force  consisted  of  200  cavalry,  and  they 
brought  in  29  prisoners,  chiefly  women  and  children. 

The  Indians  were  now  drawn  off  from  Ten  Islands,  and  had  taken 
post  at  Tallushatches,  on  the  south  side  of  the  Coosa.  Coffu  was  imme- 
diately despatched  with  900  men  to  attack  them.  This  he  did  on  the  3 
Nov.,  sun  altout  an  hour  high  in  the  morning.  A  number  of  men  in  ad- 
vance of  the  main  h  ily,  sent  forward  for  the  purpose,  drew  out  the  war- 
riors from  their  cabins,  who  made  a  fierce  attack  upon  them.  The 
Americans  gave  way  by  falling  back  upon  the  main  body,  agreeably  to 
iheir  preconcerted  plan,  which  bad  the  good  effect  of  bringing  the 
Indians  at  once  into  their  power.  Having  fired  upon  them,  they  made  a 
successful  charge,  and  soon  obliged  them  to  shelter  themselven  in  their 
wigwams.  Col.  Coffee  says,  "The  enemy  retreated  firinv,  until  they 
got  around,  and  in  their  buildings,  where  they  made  a!l  the  resistance 
that  an  overpowered  soldier  could  do — they  fought  as  long  as  one  existed, 
but  their  destruction  was  very  soon  completed.  Our  men  rushed  up  to 
the  doors  of  the  houses,  and  in  a  few  mmutes  killed  the  last  warrior  of 
them.  The  enemy  fought  with  savage  fury,  and  met  death  with  all  its 
horrors,  without  shrinking  or  complaining — not  one  asked  to  be  spared, 
but  fought  as  long  as  they  could  stand  or  sit.  In  consequence  of  their 
flying  to  their  houses,  and  mixing  with  the  families,  our  men,  in  killing 
tlie  maJes,  without  intention  killed  and  wounded  a  few  of  the  squaws  and 
children."  In  this  sanguinary  affair,  186  Indians  were  killed ;  and  the 
commander  thought,  that  there  were  enough  others  killed  in  the  woods, 
which  they  could  not  find,  to  make  up  in  all  200.  Tliis  calcvlaiion,  he 
observed,  he  thought  a  reasonable  one.  They  took  captive  84  women 
and  children,  and  "not  one  of  the  warriors  escaped  to  carry  the  news ;  a 
circumstance  unknown  heretofore!"  The  whites  had  5  killed  and  41 
wounded ;  "  none  mortally,  the  greater  part  slightly,  a  number  with 
arrows :  this  appears  to  form  a  very  principal  part  of  the  enemy's  arms 
for  warfare ;  every  man  having  a  bow  with  a  bundle  of  arrows,  which  is 
used  after  the  first  fire  with  the  gun,  ^until  a  leisure  time  for  loading 
Affers." 

The  destruction  at  Tallushatches  was  rendered  the  more  complete  by 
their  being  entirely  surrounded  on  every  side  by  the  troops.  Some  have 
said  that  even  the  women  united  with  the  warriors,  and  contended  in  the 
battle  with  fearless  bravery.  This  may  account  for  many  that  were 
killed ;  but  (Sen.  Coffee  does  not  mention  it. 

Meanwhile  Gen.  ffhUe  had  been  detached  to  Turkeytown,  for  the  re- 
lief of  Path-killer,  ond  he  was  now  ordered  to  join  the  main  army,  with 
as  much  expedition  as  he  was  able.  This  request  was  transmitted  on  the 
4,  and  renewed  on  the  7  November,  181.3 ;  and  on  the  evening  of  the 
same  day,  an  Indian  brought  news  to  the  general,  that  Talladega  was  be- 
seiged  by  a  great  body  of  the  enemy,  and  would  certainly  be  destroyed, 
unless  immediately  relieved.  Talladega  was  a  fort  occupied  by  friendly 
Creeks,  about  30  miles  below  Ten  Islands. 

Without  loss  of  time.  Gen.  Jackson  marched  to  relieve  Tallade{»ti. 
His  operations  were  conducted  with  such  promptitude,  that  by  midnight 
following  the  same  day,  he  was  within  six  miles  of  his  enemy.  Here  ho 
encampM  until  about  daylight.  Then  moving  on,  at  sunrise  he  came 
within  half  a  mile  of  the  Indian  encampment,  which  was  only  about  80 


-*: 


CBAr.  VL] 


SOUTHERN  IlfOUNB. 


rods  from  Fort  Talladega.  The  general,  having  formed  bis  line  of  battle 
like  the  Spanish  Armada,  moved  on  to  the  attack.  The  Indiana  were 
not  taken  by  auipriae,  but  rushed  upon  tlieir  adversaries  with  such  impet- 
uosity that  they  made  considerable  impreaaion  in  one  part  of  the  tine ; 
insomuch,  that  a  considerable  body  of  militia  gave  way.  Their  places 
being  immediately  supplied  by  the  mounted  men,  the  Indians  fought  but 
a  short  time,  before  they  were  obliged  to  fly  for  the  mountains,  about 
three  miles  distant.  In  their  flight  they  were  hard  pressed  by  the  right 
winff  of  the  Americans,  and  great  numbers  were  cut  down.  In  the 
whole  affair,  399  were  killed,  that  were  found,  of  the  Indians ;  and  the 
whites  k)8t  15  in  killed,  and  85  were  wounded,  several  of  whom  after- 
wards died.  Over  1080  Indians  were  said  to  have  been  engaced, 
and  some  of  them  afterwards  said  their  loss  at  the  battle  of  Talmdega 
was  600. 

It  was  expected  that  a  supply  of  provisions  would  arrive  at  Camp 
Strother,  at  Ten  Islands,  before  the  army  should  return  there ;  but  on  its 
arrival  a  total  failure  was  experienced  by  the  hungry  soldiers ;  even  what 
had  been  left  behind  of  the  general's  private  stores  had  been  distributed — 
it  was  a  melancholy  time,  indeed,  and  reminds  us  of  the  suflerings  of 
c^itives  in  the  old  Indian  wars,  who  were  obliged  to  subsist  upon  berries 
and  roots.  It  was  during  thia  campaign  that  a  circumstance  occurred 
which  has  been  variously  related ;  and,  as  it  is  an  excellent  anecdote,  we 
will  lay  it  before  our  readers. 

One  mominr,  a  soldier,  with  a  doleful  countenance,  approached  Glen. 
Jaeluon,  and  toid  him  he  was  almost  iimiished,  and  knew  not  what  to  da 
The  ceneral  was  seated  at  the  foot  of  a  tree,  and  was  observed  by  the 
poor  half-starved  soldier  to  be  eating  something.  This  no  doubt  caused 
nim  to  make  his  complaint,  thinking  it  a  favorable  time  to  have  his 
wants  relieved.  The  general  observed,  that  it  was  never  his  custom  to 
turn  away  a  hungry  person,  when  he  had  it  in  his  power  to  relieve  them ; 
then,  putting  his  hand  into  his  pocket,  took  out  a  handful  of  acorns,  and, 
dfferiii';  them  to  his  astonished  guest,  observed,  that  such  was  his  fiure, 
and  all  he  had,  but  to  that  he  was  welcome.  The  soldier  went  away 
contented,  and  told  his  companions  they  ought  no  more  to  complain,  so 
long  as  their  general  was  obliged  to  subsist  upon  nothing  but  acoms. 
Out  of  this  grew  the  story,  that  the  general,  having  invited  his  officers  to 
dine  with  him,  set  nothing  before  them  but  a  tray  of  acorns  and  some 
water. 

Meanwhile  mutiny  after  mutiny  took  place  in  Gen.  Jaekton'a  army, 
and  the  campaign  came  near  beine  abandoned.  A  circumstance,  too, 
occurred  about  this  time,  ever  to  be  lamented.  Gen.  Cocke,  of  East 
Tennessee,  considering  himself  possessed  of  a  command  independent  of 
Jacksotif  gave  his  orders  to  some  brigadiere,  at  the  same  time  that  Gen. 
Jackson  did.  Gen.  fVhite  chose  to  act  under  Gen.  Coeke't  orders,  and 
this  occasioned  some  conftision,  and,  in  the  end,  the  lamentable  aflair  to 
which  we  have  just  alluded,  and  of  which  we  now  proceed  to  give  an 
account 

The  Hallibee  Indians,  who  had  been  the  principal  sufferers  at  Talla- 
dega, had  despatched  ambassadors  for  Gen.  Jackaon^a  camp,  to  sue  for 
peace,  which  they  would  accept  on  any  terms  he  might  please  to  grant 
them.  At  the  same  time  these  proposals  were  out,  Gen.  WkUe  marched 
against  their  towns,  and  on  the  18  Nov.  completely  surprised  them ;  killed 
60  warriors,  took  Sili6  prisoners,  and  made  good  his  retreat  without  the 
loss  of  a  man. 

The  Indians  thought  they  had  been  attacked  b^  Otn.  JaekamCa  army, 
and  that  therefore  tney  were  now  to  ex|)ect  nothmg  but  extermination ; 
and  this  was  thought  to  be  the  reason  why  they  fought  with  such  desper- 


■•>* 


BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Book  IV. 


•tioa  afterwards.  And  truly  they  hod  reoaon  for  tbeir  foora :  they  knew 
none  but  Jackton^  oiid  supposed  now  that  nothing  short  of  their  total 
destruction  would  satisfy  hiiii,  as  their  conduct  exemplified  on  every  oc- 
eaaion.  They  knew  they  had  asked  peacr  on  any  terms,  and  their  im- 
mediate answer  was  the  sword  and  bayontst.  A  company  of  Cherokeea 
aided  not  a  little  in  this  affair. 

We  have  given  the  chief  features  of  the  battle  of  Autoasee,  when 
drawing  a  sketch  of  the  life  of  M'Moah.  Here  may  be  added  some 
other  matters  of  history,  for  the  better  understanding  the  events  of  the 
memorable  Creek  war. 

Autossee  ia  situated  on  the  south  bank  of  the  Tallapoosie,  18  miles 
from  the  Hickory  Ground,  and  SW  above  the  junction  of  that  river  with 
the  Coosa.  With  Gen.  /loyd**  white  troops  were  four  companies  of 
friendly  Indians.  M'Intoah  led  the  Cowetaus,  and  Madrdoga'8on  the 
Tookaubatchions  or  Tukabatchies.  The  names  of  the  other  leaders  are 
not  set  down,  but  there  were  doubtless  several  of  them,  as  there  Wo-e  about 
350  warriors  who  accompanied  the  expedition.  That  sure  work  was  in- 
tended, will  not  be  doubted,  when  it  is  known  that  the  force,  exclusive  of 
Indians,  was  950  men.  When  the  array  arrived  near  the  place  where  it 
was  expected  Indians  would  be  found,  and  having  discovered  one  small 
town  before  it  was  light  in  the  morning,  the  general  was  surprised  im- 
mediately after  by  the  discovery  of  another.  This  was  filled  with  men 
who  had  been  apprized  of  his  approach,  and  were  prepared  for  battle ! 
The  order  of  battle  was  inomedialely  changed,  and  the  army  proceeded 
in  two  divisions  to  attack  both  towns  at  once.  The  beseigers,  being  pro- 
vided with  artillery,  soon  accomplished  their  work,  and  all  the  resistance 
the  Indians  seem  to  have  made,  was  in  endeavoring  to  efiect  •  retreat 
into  caves  and  other  hiding  places.  Nevertheless,  the  Georgians  had  11 
killed  outright,  and  54  wounded.  Among  the  latter  was  Gen.  FUiyd  him- 
self severely,  and  Adj.  Gen.  JVetoman  slightly. 

M'Intosh  and  Mad-doga-»<ttC8  loss  was  considerable,  but  was  not 
thought  of  importance  enough  to  be  communicated  by  their  allies,  who 
were  greatly  indebted  to  them,  if,  indeed,  destroying  their  .own  country- 
men made  them  so.  They  did  not,  however,  do  so  much  butchering  as 
tbey  intended,  or,  rather,  as  they  agreed  to  do ;  for  the  day  before  the 
massacre,  they  agreed  to  post  themselves  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river, 
and  to  kill  all  who  should  attempt  on  escape.  Had  they  done  this,  very 
few  would  have  escaped. 

After  resting  a  few  days.  Gen.  Floyd  marched  to  Camp  Defiance,  50 
miles  directly  into  the  Indian  country,  and  westward  of  Autoasee. 
Here,  earlv  in  the  morning  of  2  January,  the  hostile  Indians  killed  his 
sentinels  before  they  were  discovered,  and  then  with  great  fiiry  attacked 
his  camp,  and  for  a  quarter  of  an  hour  continued  to  &ht  with  bravery. 
By  this  time  the  anny  had  got  formed  in  order  of  batde,  and  soon 
obliged  the  Indians  to  ny.  One  company  of  whites,  under  Capt  Brotd- 
nox,  had  its  retreat  cut  off  by  the  assailants,  and  escaped  only  by  cutting 
its  way  through  them. 

In  this  fight,  Timpoodue-harnudy  or  Barnard^  a  half-breed,  chief  of  the 
Uchies,  commanded  a  company  of  them,  and,  in  the  language  of  the 
general,  *'  greatly  distinguished  himself."  It  was  owing  to  his  prompt- 
ness, that  Capt  Broadnax  was  enabled  to  effect  a  retreat  The  enemy, 
in  that  matweuvre,  had  advanced  within  50  yards  of  the  artillery.  All 
the  other  part  of  the  Indian  army  took  shelter  within  the  lines,  and 
looked  on  during  the  contest 

AJler  this  battle,  37  Indians  were  found  dead  on  the  field,  as  the 
whites  reported ;  and  of  their  own  number  17  were  killed  and  130 
wounded.    At  the  fint  onset,  Gen.  JVnmum  had  three  boUft  shot  into 


Chap.  VI.] 


SOUTHERN  INDIANS. 


him,  which  prevented  bis  further  service ;  and  several  of  the  principal 
officers  had  their  horses  shot  under  them.  How  the  Indians  under 
T\nmooehie  fared  in  these  particulars,  we  have  not  yet  learned. 

Ifeaiher/ord,  DrancU,  Sinquisturs-son,  with  some  Sbawanese,  had  es- 
tablished themselves  on  the  Alabama,  above  the  mouth  of  the  Caliaba, 
and  there  built  a  town,  which  they  called  Eckanakaka.  Its  name  sisni- 
fied  that  it  was  built  upon  h^y  ground ;  an<l  hence  the  prophets  told  their 
followers  that  they  had  nothing  to  fear,  as  no  polluted  and  murderous 
whites  could  ever  enter  there.  However,  Gen.  Claibome,  at  the  head  of 
a  small  army,  accompanied  by  a  band  of  Choktaws  under  PusAomata, 
their  chief,  resolved  to  make  a  trial  of  the  virtue  of  the  Indiaii  prophets' 
pretensions. 

WeaUurford  and  his  followers,  being  apprized  of  the  approach  of  the 
army,  hadf  put  themselves  into  an  attitude  of  defence.  On  23  Dec.  1813, 
as  the  army  approached,  they  were  met  by  the  Indians,  and  a  short  en- 
gagement rollowed.  As  usual,  the  Indians  gave  way,  and  were  pursued ; 
but  as  their  town  was  surrounded  by  fastnesses,  few  were  killed  in  the 
pursuit.  Thirty  were  found  dead,  of  the  enemy  Indians,  and  of  the 
army,  two  or  three  were  killed,  and  as  many  wounded.  This  was  quite 
an  Indian  depo^  the  captors  having  found  here  '*a  large  quantitv  of 
provisions,  and  immense  property  of  various  kinds."  It  was  all  de- 
stroyed with  the  town,  which  connstcd  of  200  houses :  die  women  and 
children  had  only  time  to  escape  across  the  Alabama.  The  next  day, 
another  town  was  destroyed,  8  miles  above,  consisting  of  60  houses. 
We  will  now  proceed  with  Gen.  Jackson^  until  be  puts  an  end  to  the 
Creek  war. 

On  the  17  January,  1814,  Gen.  Jackson  marched,  at  the  head  of  930 
men,  from  near  Fort  Strother,  for  the  heart  of  the  enemy's  country.  In 
his  route  lay  Tollpdega,  the  residence  of  Fife,  a  noted  warrior,  and  firiend 
of  the  whites ;  and  here  he  joined  the  army  with  200  of  his  men.  The 
Indians  were  supposed  to  ne  assembled  in  great  numbers,  at  the  Great 
Bend  of  the  Tallapoosio,  from  14  or  15  of  their  towns  upon  that 
river ;  and  it  was  daily  expected  that  they  would  attack  Fort  Armstrong, 
in  their  vicinity,  which  was  in  no  state  to  meet  them.  It  was  the  news 
of  its  situation,  that  caused  Jackson  to  march  to  its  immediate  relief. 
When  he  had  arrived  at  Hallibee  Creek,  the  general,  from  the  accounts 
of  his  spies,  supposed  he  must  be  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  enemy, 
and  he  soon  after  encamped  at  a  small  HallitH;e  villnge,  called 
Enotochopko.  Here  he  discovered  thiit  he  was  12  miles  from  tlie 
enemy,  who  were  upon  an  island  in  the  Tallapoosie,  near  the  mouth  of 
a  creek  called  Emukfau.  The  next  day  the  army  encamped  very  near 
Emukfau,  and  had  every  sign  of  being  hard  by  the  adverse  Indians. 
The  order  of  encampment  was  that  of  battle,  and  every  precaution  was 
token  to  guard  against  suiprise.  About  6  in  the  moming  of  the  22d, 
the  warriors  from  Emukfau  fell  with  great  force  upon  Jackson^^  left 
flank,  and  the  lefl  of  his  rear ;  and  although  the  attack  was  made  in 
full  confidence  that  they  should  rout  their  adversaries,  yet  they  were  dis- 
apfiointed,  and  no  ground  was  gained  by  the  onset.  The  assailants 
fought  with  a  determined  bravery,  and  it  was  near  half  an  hour  before 
they  could  be  made  to  retire.  The  Amcriean»,  having  encamped  in  a 
hollow  square,  met  the  attack  at  advantage,  but  it  was  only  at  the  point 
of  the  bayonet,  that  the  Indians  were  put  to  flight.  Fife,  at  the  head  of 
his  warriors,  ioined  in  the  pursuit,  which  continued  about  two  miles,  with 
considerable  havoc. 

Matters  did  not  end  here ;  for,  in  a  short  time,  the  In<lianB  returned 
again  to  the  attack,  and  with  greater  success  than  before.  They  attacked 
o  picket  at  advantage,  at  a  anaall  distance  from  the  main  body,  and  G^Q« 

-^-  -T.ii^-..  r-^— .-.,—'    1-,  5*  -  --^-  -'■-    -    -' "    ■  -»  ■       ■    ^  •    -^^-- -■'  • 


BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Book  IV. 


Oiffftt^  in  his  turn,  attacked  the  left  flank  of  the  attacking  party.  As  bis 
number  of  men  was  small,  he  soon  found  himself  in  imminent  danger  of 
being  bstirely  cut  ofl;  Gen.  Jacksein,  seeing  this,  ordered  lyi  to  ad- 
vance to  his  rescue,  which  he  did  with  the  utmost  promptitude.  This 
attack  of  the  enemv  was  upon  the  right  flank,  and  was,  as  it  turned  out, 
only  a  feint  to  weaken  the  left  by  drawing  the  force  from  that  quarter  to 
its  support ;  but  the  general  was  not  to  be  outwitted  by  such  a  mancBuvre. 
He  kept  the  left  flank  firm,  and  the  alarm  gun  soon  gave  notice,  that  that 

Eart  was  assailed.  The  general  here  met  the  enemy  in  person,  seconded 
y  Col.  CarrMf  who  ordered  the  charge,  and  led  on  the  pursuers.  The 
friendly  Indians  were  successful  at  this  time  also,  slaying  many  of  their 
countrymen  as  they  fled. 

Meanwhile  Qen.  Coffu  had  got  deeper  into  difficulty,  and  was  con- 
tending at  fearfiil  odds  with  a  brave  band  of  warriors,  and  was  again  re- 
lieved ny  the  Indians  under  Capt  Fife.  This,  ^r  was  enabled  to  do, 
only  by  charging  them  with  the  bayonet  The  enemy  seemed  determined 
to  wrest  their  country  from  the  invaders,  and  retired  slowly,  at  first,  as 
men  driven  fi»tn  their  country  will  always  do.  F^e  and  his  comrades 
pursued  theni  about  3  milesj  killing  45  of  them,  which  they  found  after- 
wards. The  rpjson  of  Coffee*»  great  peril,  was  this,  Fife  having  been  or- 
dered to  his  rescue  before  the  attack  on  the  left  was  made  the  secotid 
time ;  and  now,  hearing  the  firing  in  that  direction,  supposed  his  aid  was 
more  nevided  in  that  quarter ;  and  thus  Coffee  was  left  without  support 
He  was  severely  wounded,  and  his  aid-de-camp.  Col.  ^.  Donaldion,  and 
three  others,  were  slain. 

Qen.  Jackson,  not  having  provisions  for  a  longer  stay,  and  being  con- 
siderably crippled,  began  a  retreat  to  Fort  Strother.  The  most  memora- 
ble part  of  this  expedition  is  vet  to  be  related.  The  Indians  now  sup- 
posed the  Americans  were  beaten,  or  they  would  not  retreat.  They 
therefore  resolved  to  pursue  and  harass  them.  Jackton  expected  this, 
and  marched,  in  order  of  battle,  through  one  dangerous  defile  after 
another.  At  length,  on  the  morning  of  the  24,  after  having  nearly  passed 
one  of  the  most  dangerous  places,  at  Enotcchopko  Creek,  his  rear  wp  j 
attacked  in  a  spirited  manner ;  and  although  it  was  not  at  all  unexpected, 
yet  the  columns  gave  way,  and  a  good  deal  of  confusion  and  slaughter 
euKued.  At  lengui,  a  six-pounder  was,  with  gn>at  difficulty,  dragged  up 
a  <.<naU  eminence  which  commanded  the  tattle  ground,  and  being 
charged  with  grape  shot,  did  great  execution,  and  was  a  principal  means 
of  putting  the  enemy  to  flight. 

The  Betting  the  cannon  up  the  hill  was  done  at  the  greatest  peril ;  the 
men  who  undertook  it  being  sure  marks  for  the  enen  /,  having  nothir  j 
to  screen  them  in  thn  least.  By  the  time  they  had  discharged  it  once', 
Lieut,  •/fmutrong,  Capt  HamtUotty  of  East  Tennessee,  Capt  Bradford 
and  AfOavodif  nad  all  fallen.  Bradford  exclaimed  as  he  la  v.  "  My 
brave  fettowt,  tome  of  you  may  fall,  but  you  must  save  the  cannon.'" 

The  army  having  meantime,  recovered  f/om  their  panic,  attacked  in 
their  turn,  and  the  Indians  were  every  where  put  to  flight,  and  pursued 
about  two  miles.  The  Indians'  loss  iu  this  battle  was  189,  that  were 
jfbund.  The  Americans  had,  in  both  davs'  fights,  24  killed,  and  71 
wounded.  It  was  evident  now,  that  the  Indians  were  satisfied  tliat  they 
were  not  victors,  for  in  their  flight  they  th  rew  away  tlicir  packs  and  arms  in 
abundance,  and  the  array  met  with  no  further  molestation  during  their 
return  march. 

We  have  now  arrived  to  the  termination  of  the  Creek  war.  It  ended 
in  the  battle  of  the  Great  Bend  of  the  Tallapoosie,  as  we  have  related,  in 
the  life  of  JVPMoih.  This  bend,  usually  called  the  Horse-Shos  by  the 
wUtei,  WW  colled  by  the  Indians  Toliopeka,  which,  in  their  language,  it 


IV. 


Caif.  n.] 


SOUTHERN  INDIANS. 


is  sah),  ricnified  a  hot  -^^ve :  therefore  the  hattle  of  Tohopeka,  die 
Great  Bend,  and  the  Horae-Shoe,  are  one  and  the  nme. 

'  Nothhiff  could  be  more  dimstrous  to  the  deluded  Creeka  than  ttaii 
battle.  1  he  loss  of  their  great  prophets  was,  howeVor,  the  least.  Three 
of  them,  and  the  h<4  upon  the  Talhipooaie,  fell  among  those  whom  (hey 
had  made  believe  that  no  wounds  coidd  be  inflicted  upon  them  by  the 
whites ;  and  incredible  as  it  may  seem,  that  although  they  had  witnesaed 
a  total  fiiilure  of  all  their  prophecies  hitherto,  such  was  the  influence 
those  miserable  impostors  neld  over  the  minds  of  the  warriors,  that 
they  still  believed  in  their  sootfasayinss,  and  that  their  incantations  would 
at  last  save  them ;  and  that  they  should  finally  root  out  the  whites  and 
possess  their  country.  Such  are  the  errors  or  delusions  in  all  ages — it  is 
visible  in  all  history,  and  will  continue  to  be  m  until  a  knowledge  of  the 
iviture  of  things  shall  diffuse  itself,  and  the  relation  of  cause  and  effect 
bo  more  extensively  known. 

Mormhoe  was  one,  and  we  believe  the  son  of  Shuyittur  wac  another, 
who  feH  in  the  great  bat*1e  of  Tohopeka.  In  one  of  liis  accounts  of  the 
battle,  Qen.  Jackson  bbb^/ves :  "Among  the  dead  was  found  their  famous 
prophet,  Monohooe,  shot  in  the  mouth  by  a  grape  shot,  as  if  heaven  de- 
signb.i  to  chastise  his  impostures  by  an  appropnate  punishment."  The 
manner  in  which  he  was  killed,  required  but  little  aid  from  the  whites  to 
satisfy  the  Indians  that  he  was  a  false  prophet,  and  it  was  socii  generally 
believed  among  them. 

These  prophets  were  decorated,  says  Col.  Eaton,  "  in  the  most  fantaa* 
tic  manner — the  plumage  of  various  birds  about  their  heads  and  shoulders ; 
with  savage  grimaces,  and  horrid  contortions  of  the  body,  they  danced  and 
howled  their  cantations."  Monohot,  in  the  very  act  of  divination,  mutter- 
ing to  the  sun,  with  eyes  almost  strained  fmni  their  sockets,  and  his  limbs 
distorted  in  every  possible  unnatural  direction,  received  his  death  wound. 
The  faith  of  the  warriors  in  such  alraminable  fooleries  must  now  have 
l)eeri  shaken ;  but  the  Hallibee  massacre  was  alone  suflicient  to  account 
for  their  desp^ntition — as  we  have  seen,  their  most  submissive  offers  of 
peace  had  been  met  by  the  sword—all  confidence  therefbre  in  the  hu- 
manity and  integrity  of  the  whites,  had,  in  their  minds,  been  forfeited. 
From  every  appearance  it  was  evident  that  they  had  determined  to  con- 
Quer  at  Tohopeka,  or  never  to  survive  a  defeat ;  for  they  did  not,  as  on 
former  occasions,  send  away  their  women  and  children :  about  300  of 
these  were  taken. 

Whether  the  famous  prophet  HUliahago,  or  fVanet*,  were  in  this  battle, 
is  not  known.  On  18  April,  1814,  Gen.  Jatkaon  wrote  fVom  his  camp,  at 
the  junction  of  the  Coosa  and  Tallapoosie,  saying,  **  Peter  JITQutn  has 
been  taken,  but  escaped;  he  must  be  taken  again.  HiUitharee,  their 
great  pro[)het,  has  also  absconded  ;  but  he  will  be  found."  In  this,  how- 
ever, as  will  be  seen,  the  general  was  no  prophet;  for  jfhincit  and 
JTQween  were  both  alive  in  1817. 

The  friendly  Indians  rendered  the  Americans  most  efficient  aid  in  this 
battle,  and  their  loss  in  killed  and  wounded  was  greater  in  proportion  to 
their  numbers  than  that  of  the  whites.  In  all  23  were  killed  and  many 
more  were  wounded. 

It  was  supposed  by  Gen.  Hoyd,  that  in  the  battle  of  Autossee  he  had 
killed  the  famous  prophet  and  king  of  Tallassee,  but  it  turned  out  not  to 
be  "o,  for  he  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Americans  afVerwards.  He  was 
'^.a^posed  to  be  a  hundred  years  old,  his  head  being  entirely  white,  and 
bowed  almost  to  the  ground.  His  name,  we  believe,  was  Eneah-thltMm- 
hopoiee.  He  was  token  about  the  time  of  WtaihierfwnPa  surrenrler ;  and 
but  for  the  protection  afforded  him  by  the  whites,  their  friends,  the 
Creeks,  would  have  put  him  to  death  without  mercy.    But  Weatker/ord 


08 


BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Book  IV. 


bad  nothing  to  fear  from  them :  they  carefully  avoided  meeting,  and  when 
any  by  accident  or  neceoBity  came  into  his  presence,  they  were  obaerved 
to  tremble  with  fear.  Such  is  the  difference  in  the  carriage  and  aspect 
of  men. 

We  will  close  the  present  chapter  by  detailing  some  porticulara  in 
the  lives  of  several  distmguished  chiefs. 

It  was  very  seldom  that  the  names  of  any  chieft  appeared  ui  the  ac- 
counts of  the  late  war,  but  they  were  many,  especially  m  the  south,  and 
deserved  as  much  notice,  and  ollen  more  than  many  that  did  receive  it 
When  the  war  was  over,  some  of  them  occasionally  visited  Washington, 
and  the  novelty  of  their  appearance  sometimes  caused  them  ;  o  receive 
such  notices  as  follows:  "On  the  8th  ultimo,  [Feb.  1816,]  arrived  Col. 
RUum  J.  Meigt,  the  agent  of  the  U.  States  in  the  Cherokee  nation,  with 
a  deputation  m>m  the  nation,  consisting  of  Col.  Lowry,  Maj.  WaUur^  Maj. 
Ridge,  Capi.  Ihylor,  Adjt.  Rota,  and  Kunnesee.  These  Indians  are  men 
of  cultivated  understandings,  were  nearly  all  oiiicers  of  the  Cherokee 
forces  which  served  under  Gen.  Jackson  during  the  late  war,  and  have 
distinguished  themselves  as  well  by  their  bravery  as  by  their  attachment 
to  the  U.  States." 

In  June  following,  another  deputation  visited  the  capital  of  the  U. 
States,  of  whom  it  was  said,  their  ap|iearance  was  such  as  entided  them 
to  the  highest  respect.  The  delegates  were  from  the  Chika^taws,  and 
consisted  of  Gen.  Wm.  Colbert,  the  great  war  chief  of  that  nation,  Miy. 
Jamt$  Coiburt,  interpreter ;  EUianu ;  JMt'ngo,  the  great  warrior ;  Appaaan- 
tubhee,  a  chi«^f ;  Chastawny  and  CoUettchee,  warriors.  Most  of  these  fought 
for  the  whites  in  the  south.  Gen.  Colbert  was  now  aged,  having  fought 
with  the  Americans  in  St.  Clair's  anny,  with  seven  others  of  his  country- 
men; one  of  whose  names  was  PionUngo,  or  the  Mountain-laderf  of 
whom  we  shall  presently  speak. 

In  the  late  war,  while  his  men  were  preparing  to  join  the  Americans, 
CoUtert,  im|Nitient  to  be  unemployed,  joined  the  third  regiment  of  the 
U.  S.  infantry.  When  he  had  served  with  them  nine  months,  he  re- 
turned to  his  nation,  collected  his  warriors,  and  marched  to  Fort  Mont- 
gomery on  the  Alabama,  from  thence  against  Pensacola,  crossed  the 
Esanibia,  and  pursued  the  hostile  Creeks  almost  to  Apalachicola,  killing 
many  of  them,  and  returning  to  Fort  Montgomery  with  85  prisoners. 
He  and  his  comrades  were  now  at  Washington  to  obtain  a  setdement  of 
the  boundaries  of  their  country.  Acconlingly  commissioners  were  sent 
into  their  country,  and  on  the  20  Sept.  following,  [1816,]  a  treaty  was 
entered  into.  In  this  treaty  Colbert  is  styled  Maj.  Gen.,  and  by  the  sixth 
article  of  it  he  was  allowed  an  annuity  of  100  dollars  durins  life.  His 
name  is  not  to  the  treaty  of  Hopewell,  made  10  Jan.  1786,  but  that  of 
Piomingo  is.  To  that  of  Chikasaw  Bluffs,  24  Oct.  1801,  instead  of  his 
mark,  we  find  W.  C,  which  shows  that  he  had  been  paying  some  atten- 
tion to  learning ;  but  in  subsequf  nt  treaties  his  mark  again  appears. 

From  the  circumstance  that  t'  le  name  of  Piomingo  is  not  seen  to  any 
of  the  treaties  afler  that  of  Co.oert  appears,  induces  the  belief  that  he  is 
the  same  person,  and  that,  from  his  attachment  to  the  whites,  he  took  one 
of  their  names. 

Piomingo  is  thus  mentioned  by  Gen.  i^.  Clair,  on  his  arrival  at  his 
quarters.  "  Oct.  27.  Pnyamingo  arrived  in  camp  with  his  warriors.  I 
was  so  unwell,  could  only  see  him  and  bid  him  welcome."  "Oct  29. 
Payamingo  and  his  people,  accompanied  by  Capt  Sparks,  and  four  gooil 
riflemen,  going  on  a  scout;  they  do  not  propose  to  return  under  10 
days."  We  have  no  account  of  the  success  of  the  excursion,  but  they 
did  not  join  the  army  again  until  afler  the  defeat  which  took  place  six 
days  after.    As  they  were  proceeding  to  Fort  Jefferson,  one  of  the  ene- 


Chap.  VI.] 


SOUTHERN  INDIANS. 


my  mistook  them  for  hfai  companhma,  and  wu  oaptiir«d  before  he  di^ 
covered  his  mistake.  Piomingo  accosted  him  whh  hanrii  language,  ny* 
ing,  "  Rtueal,  you  have  hem  ktuing  tokite  Men/"  He  then  ordered  two  of 
hie  men  to  extend  his  arms,  and  a  third  to  shoot  him.  When  tfals 
done,  and  his  scalp  taken,  they  proceeded  to  join  the  army. 

We  learn  the  name  of  one  other  who  waa  with  iSL  Clan*.  He 
called  JamtB  Jhndenon,  and  was  brother  to  the  chief  />Ati  JMbrrit,  wIks 
33  June,  1798,  was  murdered  not  above  600  paces  flrom  Gov.  Atotoifa 
house  in  Knoxville.  He  waa  shot  by  some  unknown  persona.  The 
governor  ordered  him  to  be  buried  in  the  burying  ground  of  the  w'-He 
people,  with  military  honors.  A  procession  was  formed,  headed  by  him- 
salf,  and  he  was  interred  with  great  respect 

lu  1793,  the  Spaniards  of  Louisiana  made  large  offeis  to  the  Chika- 
saws,  to  induce  them  to  forsake  the  Americans ;  but  their  oflen  were 
treated  with  contempt,  enpecially  by  Piointiwo. 

Mdahalatvbee  was  a  Chikasaw  chief,  with  whom  Gen.  iMtfoMe^  be- 
came acquainted  in  his  last  visit  to  this  country.  His  first  knowledge  of 
him,  as  will  appear  from  the  following  extracts  out  of  JIf.  Laoutw^t 
work  "  Lafayette  kn  Amxrkide,"  &c.,  waa  at  Uie  reaidence  of  the 
•'  Base  of  Monticella" 

Muahalatvbecy  and  Puf^mato  a  Choctaw  chief^  already  mentioned,  were 
at  Washington  when  the  general  arrived  there,  in  December,  lSt4,  being 
there  at  the  meetins  of  congress,  according  to  custom,  vrith  many  other 
chiefs,  to  brighten  ue  chain  of  friendship,  receive  presents,  ana  make 
known  the  wants  of  their  countrymen.  At  this  time  ^tuAoIafM&ee  made 
the  following  agreeable  speech  to  Gen.  L/tfaydte. 

"  You  are  one  of  ourfatkera.  You  have  fought  by  the  aide  <if  Ac  gmd 
Washington,  fre  wilt  receive  here  your  hand  M  that  ^  a  friend  «md 
fathtr.  We  have  atwaya  walked  in  the  pure  fkeUnga  qf  peaety  and  it  ia  tkU 
feehfg  '.vhich  has  cauaed  ua  to  viait  you  litre,  Wemreatnt  you  pun  kanda— 
hands  that  have  never  been  stained  wOK  the  Uood  ^f  Americana.  We  Um  m 
a  country  far  frovi  thxs^  uJUre  tAe  »un  darta  hia  ptfpendieular  rw/a  upon  ut. 
We  have  had  me  fVene^  the  Spaniarda  and  Out  Enffiahfor  neigUmra ;  ftuf 
now  we  fume  only  the  Amerwana;  in  the  midat  and  wSk  tehom  we  iwe  at 
friends  and  brotheraJ* 

Then  PtwAamoto,  the  first  of  their  chiefi^  beoan  a  speech  in  his  tun, 
and  expressed  himself  in  these  words:  "  Tnere  haa  paaaed  ntarh  90 
«notM  «tnce  you  drew  the  aword  at  a  companion  <f  Washington.  Wi^ldm 
you  have  combated  the  enemies  qf  America.  Thou  haat  genermuily  mingled 
thy  blood  Ufith  that  qf  the  enemy,  and  hast  proved  thv  dev^edneaa  to  tke  cohm 
umeh  thou  defendedst.  4^er  thou  hadat  fmshed  that  war,  ttou  kmdal 
returned  into  thf  covmtry,  and  now  tikou  comett  to  revisit  that  land  where 
thou  art  honoreaand  beloved  in  the  remenibranee  tf  a  numerous  omf  jm>mk 
erful  people.  mTiou  aeest  everywhere  the  chUdren  if  those  for  whom  A  ■ 
host  atfended  liberty,  crowd  around  thee,  andpreaa  Om  kanda  taUhJUiid  ef- 
fection.  We  hauehtard  related  all  theae  thinga  in  the  dqptha  «f  vie  rfutenf 
foresta,  and  our  hecurta  have  been  ramthed  wi&.  a  deiire  to  btMd  thee.  Wa 
are  come,  toe  haue  preaaed  thy  hand,  and  we  are  aatiaSed.  This  is  At  first 
time  that  we  have  seen  thee,*  and  it  wUl  probably  be  me  last  We  have  no 
more  to  add.    Ute  eterth  will  part  ua  forever.^ 

"  In  pronouncing  these  last  woras,  the  old  Indian  had  in  hia  manner 
and  voice  something  very  solemn.    He  seemed  agitated  by  some  sad  pre* 

*  TiMy  michl  not  hay«  beea  ialroduced  to  tte  MMnil  whaa  ha  mm  them  at  Mr.  Jlif 
/er»on'$.  M.  tjmustur  says,  in  speaking  of  the  Indian  depulaliaa.  "  A  hmr  me 
4taietU  deux  ehe/i  que  notu  aviant  wmi  t'uteoir  uniowri  !»  (oM*  4*  M.  J^trmn,  pm- 
dcait  noire  tifow  &  Monticello.  Je  Ut  recowm*  i  uwr$  artUiu  dtcaugiu  <■  lot^pttt 
iaiiiira,gwmiudelot^puMUmudtpUmb.'' 


96 


BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY  OF  THE 


(Book  IV. 


^■ 


■entimenn.  We  heard  of  his  death  a  few  daya  after ;  ho  was  taken  aick, 
and  died  before  be  could  set  out  to  return  to  his  own  people.  When 
satisfied  that  bis  end  was  approaching,  be  caused  all  his  companions  to 
be  assembled,  and  he  desired  them  to  raise  him  up,  and  to  put  upon  him  all 
his  ornaments,  and  bring  to  him  his  arms,  that  nis  death  should  be  that 
of  a  man's.  He  manifested  a  desire  that  at  his  interment  the  Americans 
would  do  him  military  honors,  and  that  they  would  discharge  cannon 
over  his  grave.  They  promised  him  that  it  should  be  done ;  he  then 
talked  freely  with  his  friends,  and  expired  without  a  groan  in  the  midst 
of  conversation."  His  monument  occupies  a  place  among  the  great 
men  in  the  cemetery  at  Washington.  Upon  one  nde  is  this  inscrip- 
tion:— 

**  Pdsh-ma-taha,  a  Choctaw  chief,  libs  here.  This  MONimcifT  to 
UI8  memory  is  erected  by  his  brotoer  chiefs,  who  were  associ- 
ated WITH  HIM  IN  A  DEI.EOATION  FROM  THEIR  NATIOIT,  IN  THS  TEAR 
1824,  TO  THE  OENBRAIi  GOVERNMENT  OF  THE  UnITED  StATBS." 

And  on  the  other : 

"  PU8H-HA-TAHA  WAS  A  WARRIOR  OF  OREAT  DISTINCTION.  Hb  WA9 
WISE  IN  COCNCIL,  ELOqOENT  IN  AN  BXTRAORDINART  DEOREB  ;  AND  ON 
ALL  OCCASIONS,  AND  ONOER  ALL  CIRCCMSTANCBS,  THE  WHITE  HJN's 
FRIEND.  He  DIED  IN  WASHINGTON,  ON  ■)  HE  24tH  OF  DbCBHBBR,  18S4, 
OF  THE  CRAMP,  IN  THE  60tB  TEAR  OF  HIS  AOE." 

That  Puahamata,  or  PuahmatahOf  was  a  warrior,  has  been  said.  In  the 
late  war  with  England,  he  assisted  in  subduing  his  countrvmen  at  the 
south.  In  Gen.  Claibome'a  army  he  distinguished  himself,  particularly 
in  the  battle  of  the  Holy  Ground,  (called  by  the^  Indians  Eccanacbaca,) 
upon  the  Alabama  River,  80  miles  from  Fort  Claiborne.  Here  the  cele- 
brated tVtatherford  resided,  also  HiUiihe^  the  prophet 

In  the  treaty  which  the  chiefi  and  warriors  of  tne  Choktaus  held  with 
the  U.  S.  commissioners,  18  Oct.  1820,  "at  tlie  treaty  ground,  in  siud  na- 
tion, near  Doak's  Stand,  on  the  Natcbes  Road,"  the  following  passage  oc- 
curs. "  Whereas  the  fiither  of  the  beloved  chief  Jlfu«Atifafu6ee,  of  the 
lower  towns,  for  and  during  his  life,  did  receive  from  the  United  States 
the  sum  of  150  dollars,  annually ;  it  is  hereby  stipulated,  that  his  son  and 
successor,  Muahulabibeej  shall  annually  be  paid  the  same  amount  during 
his  natural  life."  Hence  it  would  lead  us  to  suppose,  without  further 
investigation,  that  both  the  father  and  son  had  rendered  the  country  very 
important  services. 

//tUisAogo,  it  appears,  rarvived  Gen.  /acJbon*«  campaigns,  and  not  long 
after  went  to  England,  still  hoping  to  piin  assistance  from  that  nation  to 
enable  him  to  operate  with  emct  against  the  Americans.  He  was,  upon 
his  return,  the  immediate  instigator  and  cause  of  the  Seminole  war,  hav- 
ing taken  up  his  residence  among  them,  unable  to  stay  longer  in  his  own 
country.  The  belief  was  imposed  upon  him  by  some  abandoned  Eng- 
lish traiders,  that  there  was  a  provision  in  the  treaty  of  Ghent  for  the  res- 
torrtion  of  their  country.  He  received  much  attention  while  in  England, 
and  some  encouragement,  but  nothing  absolute.  An  E'^glish  ioumal 
thus  mentions  his  arrival : — "  The  sound  of  trumpets  announced  the  ap- 
proach of  the  patriot  Drancia,  who  fousht  so  gloriously  in  our  cause  m 
America  during  the  late  war.  Being  drest  in  a  most  splendid  suit  of  red 
and  gold,  and  wearing  a  tomahawk  set  with  gold,  gave  him  a  highly  im- 
posing appearance." 

About  the  end  of  November,  or  beginning  of  December,  1817,  a  war 
party  of  Seminoles  captured  an  Amencan,  and  conveyed  bim  immedi- 


Omkt.  VL] 


SOUTHERN  INDIANS. 


•lely  to  their  prind|)al  village,  called  Mikaaauky.  Here  it  appean  dwelt 
FVmeiM  and  hia  family.  The  American,  whose  name  was  JfAnaiinoN, 
was  ordered  to  be  immediately  burnt  to  death.  The  stake  was  set, 
MKrimmon,  with  his  head  shaved,  was  bound  to  it,  and  wood  was  pled 
up  about  him.  When  they  had  finished  their  dance,  an  1  the  fira  was 
about  to  be  kindled,  a  daughter  of  the  chief,  who  had  h«en  witnessing 
the  preparations  with  a  sad  countenance,  flew  to  her  fither,  and,  upon 
her  knees,  begged  that  he  would  spare  the  prisoner's  life ;  and  it  was  not 
until,  like  the  celebrated  Poeahontcu,  she  showed  a  determination  to  per- 
ish with  him,  that  her  father  consented  to  prolong  his  life  for  the  present 
It  was  still  his  intention,  that,  if  he  could  not  sell  the  victim  for  a  certain 
sum,  to  have  carried  his  former  purpose  into  effect ;  but  on  offering  him 
to  the  Spaniards,  the  demanded  sum  was  paid  for  him,  and  thus  his  liber- 
ation was  efiected. 

After  FVaneiM  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Americans  and  was  hanged, 
liis  family,  consiBtin|(  of  a  wife  and  several  daughters,  surrendered  them- 
selves to  the  Americans  at  St.  Mark's.  The  youngest  daughter,  about 
fourteen  years  of  age,  was  treated  with  great  attr^'^on  by  all  the  officers 
for  having  saved  the  life  of  JlfiSHmmon.  She  \  ..  st*'^  to  have  been  very 
handsome. 

Mikasauky  was  the  chief  rendezvous  of  the  war  ^  ~.  'y,  and  had  been 
known  at  least  a  century  by  the  name  B&toi.  Roukti.  This  name  was 
given  it  by  the  French,  and  the  Anglo-Americaps  calTed  it  the  Red  Sticks, 
to  avoid  the  use  of  the  same  name  in  French.  Hence  the  Indians 
who  made  this  their  quarters,  were  called  Re>  Sticks.  At  this  period 
they  had  revived  the  practice  of  setting  "p  poles  or  tiicka,  and  stripinj; 
them  with  red,  which  was  only  when  the  >ntended  war.  The  Ameri- 
cnns,  not  knowing  their  practice,  supposed  .iCse  poles  were  painted  with 
red  stripes  in  dension  of  their  liberty  poles.  Mikasauky,  now  Red  Sticks, 
was  upon  a  border  of  Mikasauky  Lake. 

HomoUimed  was  another  principal  Seminole  chief,  whose  residence 
was  at  Foul  Town  in  the  begmning  of  the  war  ;  but,  being  driven  from 
thence,  he  repaired  to  Mikasauky.  Three  vessels  having  arrived  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Apalachicola  on  the  30  November,  1817,  with  military 
stores  for  the  supply  of  the  garrison,  were,  from  contrary  winds,  un- 
able to  ascend.  Lieut  iSScott  was  despatched  for  their  assistance,  in  a 
Iwat  with  forty  men.  The  old  chief  HomoUimed,  who  had  just  before 
been  driven  from  Foul  Town,  by  a  detachment  of  Oen.  Gaines's  army, 
with  a  band  of  his  warriors,  had  concealed  themselves  in  the  bank  of 
the  river ;  and  when  Lieut.  Scott  and  his  men  returned,  they  were  fired 
upon,  and  all  except  six  soldiers,  who  jumped  overboard  and  swam  to 
the  opposite  shore,  were  killed.  Twenty  of  the  soldiers  had  been  le.H 
for  the  aid  of  the  ascending  vessels.  And  about  the  same  number  of 
women  and  sick  were  in  their  places.  These  fell  into  the  hands  of  Hor- 
noUimed  and  his  warriors,  who  dashed  out  their  brains  upon  the  sides  of 
the  boat,  took  off  their  scalps,  and  carried  them  to  Mikasauky,  where  they 
exhibited  them  upon  their  red  poles,  in  memory  of  their  victory.  This 
chief  and  his  companion,  HiUishago,  were  doomed  shortly  to  expiate  with 
their  lives  for  this  massacre. 

The  Mikasauky  town  was  soon  after  visited  by  the  arm}',  but  the  Indi- 
ans had  all  fled,  their  rod  pole  was  lel\  standing,  and  the  scalps  upon  it  ; 
many  of  which  were  recognised  as  having  been  taken  from  Lieut.  ScoWs 
men.  At  length  a  vessel  cruising  near  the  month  of  Apalachicola  River, 
to  prevent  the  escape  of  the  Indians  in  that  direction,  with  English  colors 
displayed,  decoyed  on  board  the  famous  chiefs,  HomoUimed,  and  the 
prophet  Drancis.    These  the  Americans  hanged  without  trial  or  delay. 

JSTeamtUhla  was  a  warrior  of  note  and  renown,  before  the  war  of  1812 


BIOQRAPHY  AND  HISTORY  OF  THE 


{Book  IV. 


wWi  Graal  Britaio.  He  wm  •  Seminole  ehief  { but  where  hie  nwidenew 
wee  previoue  to  tiMU  war  we  beve  not  beerd ;  but  after  tbe  Seninolc  war, 
he  Uved  upoo  a  good  eatate,  at  TallabaHee,  of  whieh  eeuue  a  mile  aquam 
waa  uader  imiNrovement.  Tfai%  in  1883,  MammOtia,  at  the  bead  of  the 
cbiefii  of  hia  nation,  gave  ufi,  with  other  land%  ibr  the  beaeAt  of  the  V. 
8taia%  by  a  tiea^  which  they  made  with  ila  ageala  at  Moukiia  Oreeit,  in 
Florida,  on  the  18  September  of  that  year. 

lo  an  additional  artioh)  of  Mid  traaly,  we  read— **  Whereea  .Vea 
Matkia,  John  BUmnt,  Tiuki  H190,  AMfato  Kiitg,  EmaUdoelut,  ond 
Econehatimieo,  mx  of  tbe  prineipal  chiefa  of  the  Florida  Indiana,  and  par- 
tiea  to  the  treaty  to  which  thia  article  baa  been  annexed,  have  warmly  ap- 
pealed to  the  commianonera  for  permiaeion  to  remain  in  tbe  diatrict  of 
country  now  inhabited  by  them,  and  in  conaideration  of  their  friendly 
diapoeition,  and  past  aervicea  to  the  U.  Statea,"  it  waa  agreed  that 
J\fk<unaMa  and  hia  foUoweia  ahould  have  four  aquare  milea,  embracing 
Tupbulga  village,  on  Rocky  Comfort  Creek;  BtomA  and  H^jo  a  tract 
on  Apalocbicola  River ;  MvUaio  IRng  and  EimaMttku  upon  the  raniu 
river ;  and  Eamekatimieo  on  tlie  Chatahooehie.  With  N^amaOda  then; 
settled  30  men,  with  BUtvaU,  43 ;  ^uttolo  JRty,  30 ;  with  EimaMochet,  08 ; 
with  Econchattmico^  38 ;  the  other  Florida  Indians,  by  the  same  treaty, 
were  to  remove  to  the  Amazura,  or  Withlahuche  River,  upon  the  penin- 
sula of  Florida. 

The  U.  Statea  agreed  by  the  same  treaty  to  award  500  dolhtra  to 
^tumaMa,  as  a  compensation  for  the  iminrovementa  abandoned  by  him, 
as  well  as  to  meet  the  expenses  of  hia  removaL 

A  word  more  of  the  countrymen  of  J^t^amaMa,  who  emicrated  to  the 
weatem  coast  of  the  peninsula,  before  we  proceed  to  other  subjects. 
"The  land,"  says  Mr.  fftUimu,*  to  whieh  they  are  "^kgaOy  bamahed, 
consists  of  drjr  sand  ridges  and  interminable  awampa,  dmost  wholly 
unfit  for  cultivation ;  where  it  has  coat  the  U.  Statea  more  than  their 
land  was  WQrdi  to  support  them.  They  are  now  in  a  starving  condi- 
tion ;  they  have  killed  the  stock  of  the  American  settlers,  in  every  part 
of  (he  territory,  to  support  themselves,  already ;  and  there  is  no  present 
prospect  of  dieir  situation  becoming  improved."  What  is  calculated  to 
add  to  their  miserable  condition,  is  the  limits  within  which  thev  are 
rtatricted ;  they  do  not  allow  them  to  go  nearer  than  within  15  miles  of 
the  aea.  A  garriaon  waa  eatabliabed  at  Tampa  to  supply  them  with 
neceasaries,  aqd  keep  them  in  order. 

<ir^iie«n,  we  have  bad  oceasioa  to  notice  in  the  oourse  of  tbe  present 
chapter;  but  without  aaying  all  we  had  to  say  then,  we  pasaed  him  over 
for  a  more  convenient  opportunity ;  however,  the  remainder  of  what  we 
Imow  of  him  will  ref  uire  but  few  wosds. 

Peter  M*  Queen  was  a  Creek  chief,  of  the  fomily  or  tribe  of  Tukabat- 
chie,  whose  re«dence  was  at  a  place  upon  the  Tallapooeie,  of  the  same 
name  as  that  of  the  tribe.  When,  in  1814,  he  chose  flight  rather  than  sub- 
mission, he  fled  from  Tukabatchie,  and  with  a  few  other  desperate  spirits, 
took  refuge  in  Florida.  In  1817  he  resided  on  the  Okolokne  River.  He 
waa  a  chief  of  consequence,  poeaeased  a  valuable  property,  in  lands  and 
negroes.  His-eflbcts  were  seized  upon  as  lawful  booty,  arout  tbe  time  of 
his  escape.  A  half  breed,  by  the  name  of  Barney,  Mi  10  negroes  that 
had  belonged  to  him,  and  a  chief  called  ^ttcki'hakhe,  alias  (Jmnel,  bad 
90  more.  To  the  peraotis  who  had  made  plunder  of  his  slaves,  he  pre- 
tested, they,  could  hare  no  claim  upon  him,  and  that  he  had  never  injured 
them.  He  therefore  applied  to  a  Mr.  R.  ,MnithnoU,  to  intercede  with  the 
officer  at  the  U.  States  military  post,  Fort  Ckiines,  for  soine  relief;  this  he 


*  Account  of  Florida,  Tft,  73. 


Ill 


■^ 


Seminole  War  Ctiier 


!#. 


m 


'«. 


UH*r.  Vt] 


flOUTHKEN    INDIANS. 


did  in  •  vw|r  napMtAil  totler,  but  with  whM  mttc^m,  wvmj^t  ua|if»> 
parad  tonfitk. 

Kmtffttm  WW  ■  ebkf  who  mifiit  Imv*  dMModwl  awly  •ttentkia, 
but  who.  not  havini;  be«u  vory  ooMpkiMNM  but  in  ■  aiiif le  alHur,  hM 
bran  deforml  to  thb  pkeo.  Early  in  181il,  al  lbs  bawl  of  iundry  banda 
of  Seminolea  and  neRroaa  wliu  tiaii  ran  away  flrooi  tbek  Anwrican  maa* 
tan,  Kimg-fmnt  iawcd  forth  in  qucat  of  binod  and  plunder.  Thara 
tvera  aerenl  oihor  ehiefr  at  the  aanw  time,  (unoag  whom  B«i0-Ug»  waa 
•MNiapieuoua,)  who  aasiated  in  making  war  on  the  fVontien  of  Ueortia. 
Whether  either  or  both  of  the  above-named  chiefii  commanded  tlie  oar* 
ing  party,  wlio,on  11  Sept.  1813,  attacked  and  deftated  a  amall  force 
under  Capt  M'UUttmi,  we  are  not  certain ;  but  it  ia  certain  that  they  con- 
manded  a  large  force  aoon  after,  when  Oen.  ^/hmman  marched  againat 
them,  and  fought  him  with  deaperation.  Capt  fViUiiuiu,  with  about  90 
men,  waa  oonvoyinc  aome  loaded  wa^na  towarda  Davia  Creek,  and 
whan  within  about  10  milea  of  their  destination,  they,  were  attacked  by  a 
party  of  Indiana  and  negroea,  suppoaed  to  be  50  in  number.  Although 
the  whitea  were  fow,  they  protracted  the  fight  until  all  their  ammunition 
waa  expended,  their  captain  mortally  wounded,  and  aix  others  slightly. 
They  then  effected  a  retreat,  leaving  their  wagooa  in  the  hanqa  of 
their  enemiea.  Two  of  the  Americans  were  killed,  and,  it  waa  supposed, 
a  much  greater  number  of  the  enemy. 

Expeedng  a  force  would  be  soon  «ent  againat  tbeno,  Kmg-pamt,  with 
Btuhltgt  as  hia  lieutenant,  marched  out  from  the  Lotchway  towns,  at  the 
head  of  150  warriors,  aa  was  supposed.  They  were  not  disappointed 
with  regard  to  a  force  being  sent  against  them,  for  in  the  mean  time  Oen. 
JVhpmtm,*  of  the  Georcia  volunteers,  marched  with  117  men  to  destroy 
the  Lotehwav  towoa.  When  he  bad  arrived  within  about  six  miles,  M, 
fell  in  with  the  Indians,  all  of  whom  were  mounted.  It  appears  the  |Mr- 
ties  met  unexpectedly,  and  no  time  waa  lost  on  either  side  in  preparing 
for  battle.  Having  diamounted,  the  Indians  advanced  a  few  paces, 
lioping  thereby  to  intimidate  their  adversaries ;  but  ^/htwum,  at  the  same 
time,  ordered  nia  men  to  charge,  which  being  promptly  obeyed,  the  Indi- 
ans were  put  to  flight  The  battle  ground,  oeing  skirted  with  swamp* 
upon  three  aidee,  was  advantageous  for  the  operations  of  the  Indiana ;  nev- 
ertheless, before  gaining  these  coverts,  a  well-directed  fire  noppeid  the 
flight  of  many,  among  whom  was  Kmr-jHiiuu  himself,  and  Bow-itga  waf 
severely  wounded ;  but  this  was  only  the  commenoeroentof  the  flf^t ;  for 
no  sooner  was  the  fiill  of  the  great  chief  known  anuMiff  his  men.  tlwn  they 
returned  and  chan^  in  their  turn,  but  were  agaiu  forced  to  fly,  leaving 
the  body  of  their  leader  in  the  bands  of  the  white*.  This,  itior{>.|nan  any. 
or  all  considerations  together,  wrought  up  tb^ir  minds  to  desperation,  and 
th«v  determined  on  its  recovery,  or  to  SMrifice  themselves  in  the  attempt ; 
and  they  accordingly  returned  to  the  charge,  which,  it  is  said,  was  met 
with  firmness  by  the  whites,  who,  after  enconntering  several  shocks, 
a(|ain  succeeded  in  routing  them ;  but  they  immediately  returned  again, 
with  greater  fiiry  tluw  before,  and  with  greater  vucceas;  for  they  obliged 
the  Americans  to  give  ground  in  their  turn,  and  after  some  time  spent  in 
this  most  desperate  work,  they  succeeded  in  recovering  the.  body  cfJiSng- 
Sonne,  and  eafried  it  ofi*.  Thpr  loss  in  the  several  cbprna  was  unknown, 
out  supposed  by  the  whites  to  bava  been  about  90 ;  wbUe  on  their  own 
wide,  they  lepotf  but  one  killed  i^mIbIim  wounded.    I^diis  fight  waa  on  the 

after  this  fight,, ibr  the  Indians 

-w tr- 

tinman;  but  Brammm,  P*r 


96  September,§|d  lasted  abpuUpie 
The  whites  f^re  greiAf  dwdwli 


*  71k«M«0N  (Hilt  War,  01 )  wide* 
Urn,  aad  Bmitimriilgt,  aU  wnia  it  ai 


m 


thuoOear't 
iatiwiBst 


BIOQRAPHY  AND  HISTORT  OF  THE 


[B«ox  IV, 


were  tvitiibrced,  and  baraased  them  until  the  4  October,  when  tbey  cave 
up  the  iiUBinees  and  retired.  Gen.  JWtmum,  having  thrown  up  a  mgbt 
work,  waa  able  to  prevent  being  entirely  cut  o^  and  at  length  retreated 
out  of  the  country.  The  Indiana  did  not  give  up  the  siege  undl  they  bad 
been  pretty  mverelv  cut  up.  The  whitea,  by  coDeealins  themaelves  on 
the  night  of  the  Sd,  made  them  believe  they  bad  abandoned  their  fort; 
nnd  they  came  up  to  it  in  a  body  without  ap|H«hending  danger ;  when  on 
a  Budden  they  received  a  most  deadly  fire,  and  immedutely  withdrew. 


CHAPTER  VII. 


Retrospectivk— (^  ike  Cteek  huHaiu—MudiMHea— Prohibit  fheute  0/ 
Ardent  ^rU$ — fTuir  rite  and  tn^iorlcmce — Their  origin — Catatobaa— 
Ckikasaui — C%en»ftee« — A  mode  of  JUMetMig  their  hMd» — Complexion 
lighter  than  other  Indiana — SemitMUt — Rmu  at  Oaknadge  FielA — Ex- 
pedition of  Soto — KiUa  9000  Indiana — Laudonniere — Qow^^,  expedi- 
tion—Ornedva— Voyage  of  lyMlon — Carriea  off  huMana  to  adt  for 
slavea — Mottot,  muk  Emperor  of  the  Cherokeea — Sir  Alexander  CSim- 
miitg — Hia  traeela  among  me  Cherokeea — Seven  ChMa  aceompany  him  to 
En^^hmd — AtttdcuUakulta — Skijaoustah — Hia  apeeeh  to  the  king — Tom- 
oehehi — IS»  dtathr—War  with  Oui  Cheroikua — Emibtbrsioo — ma  expedi- 
tion and  death — Oranodla-kopak,  Jirat  advocate  of  temperance. 

Iif  the  preceding  chapters  of  this  book,  much  has  been  narrated  of  the 
southern  nations  in  general ;  and  in  particular  of  many  prominent  indi- 
viduals and  events.  It  is  designed,  in  the  present  chapter,  to  speak 
more  particularly  upon  the  events  of  the  great  nation  of  Creek  Indians ; 
in  doinsr  which,  something  of  retrospection  will  appear. 

It  will  be  proper,  in  the  first  place,  to  give  some  general  account  of  the 
nation,  whose  men  of  eminence  have  b«en  and  are  to  be  noticed ;  for 
there  are  some  fiictii  that  will  not  necessarily  fall  in  otherwise ;  but  in 
such  digression,  if  so  it  should  be  termed,  our  chief  axiom  is  not  over- 
turned, which  is^  that  to  w^te  a  history  of  the  men  of  a  country  is  to 
write  the  history  of  such  country.  The  reader,  however,  should  be  re- 
minded that  a  general  histonr  of  a  people  at  one  peiiod  will  not  exactfy 
apply  to  them  at  another.  This  observation  is  not  only  true  with  regiud 
to  their  political  and  civil  history,  but  also  in  regard  to  the  manners  and 
customs  of  the  same  natioas :  those  facts  are  true,  both  as  they  reeard 
people  called  civilized  and  savage.  Hence  descriptions  of  tribes  or  nations 
by  one  observer,  at  one  time,  differ  from  those  of  another  at  a  differ- 
ent period ;  and  yet  both  may  be  true  in  the  n^ain  particulars.  Students, 
therefore,  not  aware  of  this  net,  may  be  disposed  to  discredit  writers  for 
such  disagreements,  which,  in  fiict,  are  altogether  imaginarr.  But  it  is 
time  to  commence  upon  the  more  immediate  business  of  the  present 
chapter. 

The  Creek  Indians  take  their  name  thm  that  of  the  country  in  which 
thev  live ;  that  h^  the  English  gave  them  the  name  of  Oreeks  because 
their  country  is  fifll  of  liireeka. 

The  nitCton  of  matt  importaiMw^^^ng  the  Creeks  wairt,  in  1775,  the 
Muskogees.  That  community,  or '^hotiob,  like  the  Irotiaois,  was  more 
politic  than  their  neighbors,  and  vastly  iiicreatfed  their  strength  nnd  im- 
portance by  enconrofpng  small  decHinng  tribes  to  incorporate  themselves 
with  them.  At  one  time,  another  most  w&n  resolution  Mras  adopted 
among  them,  which,  above  all  othefs,  shoukl  be  mentioned ;  th4t  was  a 


» 


chap^  vn.] 


80imi£BM  INDIANS. 


prohifaitioo  of  the  importation  of  all  kioda  of  ardent  ipiiiti  into  their 
countiy.  How  looc  tnis  reeolutioa  ww  maintained,  or  at  what  period, 
cannot,  at  this  time,  m  Mated.  It  was  very  probably  at  the  period  of  their 
sreateat  proeperity,  which  was  just  before  the  breaking  out  of  the  revo- 
lutionary war.  The  Muakogeea  bad  another  excellent  regulation,  name- 
ly ;  the  men  asoiated  their  women  in  their  planting  before  setting  out  on 
their  warlike  and  other  expeditions.  This  was  caJled  the  Creek  nation, 
which,  in  its  best  days,  about  1786,  contained  17^000  souk.*  They  have 
aince  been  reckonea  at  90,000. 

Some  have,  latteriy,  given  the  name  of  Creeks  only  to  a  part  of  the 
nations  of  wlucb  we  have  begun  to  treat ;  i>ut  it  is  here  intended  to  in- 
clude under  that  head,  all  the  tribes  between'  the  Savannah  on  the  east, 
the  Mississippi  on  the  west,  and  the  country  bordering  on  the  Ohio  on 
the  north. 

It  was  some  time  after  the  Natchez  massacred  tlie  Frenchf  that  tlie 
principal  nation  of  Creeks,  the  Muskogees,  began  to  rise  into  importance. 
For  a  time  after  that  memorable  event,  the  country  of  the  Natchez  was 
desolate ;  but  when  some  years  had  ekpsed,  a  tribe  seated  tliemselves 
there,  and  it  became  the  seat  of  a  powerful  nation ;  and  this  was  the 
Muskogeea  That  nation,  like  the  ancient  Romans,  had,  in  about  30 
years,  extended  their  dominions  over  a  fertile  country  near  300  miles 
square ;  had  3500  bow-men,  and  50  considerable  towns.  They  had  domin- 
ion also  over  one  town  of  the  Shawancse.  Their  chief  places  were  upon 
the  branches  of  the  Alabama  and  the  Apalachicola  rivers ;  the  people 
upon  the  latter  being  called  the  lower  Creeks.  This,  as  well  as  the  other 
nations  whom  we  call  Creeks,  are  generally  supposed  to  have  originally 
come  firom  the  south  or  south-west ;  but  the  Indians  themselves  lielicvc,  or 
petend  to  believe,  that  they  came  from  the  east,  or  place  of  tin-  sun's  ris- 
mg;  copcemiuff  which  opinion  we  may  observe  once  tor  all,  that  it 
most  probably  had  the  same  origin  among  all  ignorant  peopU>,  which 
arose  ftom  no  other  than  a  desire  that  othere  should  think  them  descended 
from  the  *-jn  ;  that  being  the  most  fflorious  and  noble  origin  of  which 
they  could  conceive.  Indeed,  such  w  not  altogether  unnatural ;  for  that 
luminary  ouickens  and  enlivens  every  thing  that  has  Ufe,  whether  animal 
or  vegetable. 

Beside  the  Muskogeea,  the  Kataubahs  or  Catawbas,  Cherokees,  Chok- 
taus  and  Chikasaus,  were  other  numerous  tribes  spread  over  the  great 
country  of  which  we  have  spoken. 

The  Kataubahs  and  the  Chikasaus  were  very  warlike ;  but  their  vicinity 
to  Europeans  was  as  detrimental  to  them,  and  even  more  so,  than  their 
own  exterminating  wars ;  for,  as  in  other  cases,  as  soon  as  ap.  intercourse 
commenced,  degradation  and  ruin  folk;wed. 

The  Cherokees  h^ve  withstood  the  deletery  eflects  of  civilization 
much  beyond  what  can  be  said  of  any  other  tribe  of  Indians.  Their 
country  is  chiefly  in  Alabama,  Mississippi  and  Tenne^ee ;  but  they  occupv 
also  the  western  part  of  the  state  of  Georgia.  Before  the  war  of  1811^ 
their  country  covered  34,000  square  miie84  Numben  of  this  tribe  have 
emijnrated  to  Aritansaw. 

The  Choktaus  possessed  a  country  not  so  filled  with  creeks  and  rivers 
as  the  Muskogees.  This  circumstance,  it  is  said,  was  a  great  hinderance 
to  their  proaperitjr ;  for  in  their  ware  with  their  neighbors,  they  suffered 
greatly  from  their  ignorance  of  swimming.  There  were  Upper  and 
Lower  Choktau  towns ;  the  former  were  situated  about  160  miles  from, 
the  Chik$sauB,  and  tlie  latter  aboi^t  900  above  N.  Orleans.    The  people 

*  It  i(  coamoa  to  rackon  a  third  warrion. 

i  Id  ITSSk  u  raltled  cksp.  iv.  p.  36, 37,  ante.      " 


t  Dr.  Mortt't  Report. 


0 


64 


BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY  OF  THE 


[Book  IV. 


of  this  nation  flattened  their  heads  l^  weuring  bam  of  sand 

I  of  all  the  Indians  upon  the 


„    _„-  _. on  them,* 

and,  according  to  Father  Henncpm,f  the  heads  i  ' 

Missixsippi  are  flatter  than  thorn  of  Canada.  It  is  said  also  that  they  are 
of  a  lighter  complexion ;  but  this  has  reference  only  to  the  Muskogees, 
accprdiiiff  to  some  writers.  The  Choktaus  principeily  inhabit  Missis- 
sippi. They  were,  in  1890.  «et  down  at  25,000  soub,  and  are  rather  in- 
creasinff. 

The  Chikaaaus  are  suppotied  to  have  come  ftvm  the  west  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi, and  as  it  was  a  custom  among  the  Creeks  for  their  unoccupied 
lands  to  be  taken  by  any  that  came  among  them,  as  emigrants,  the  Chika- 
saua  found  no  obstacles  in  the  way  of  establishing  themselves  on  this 
side  the  Mississippi.  Where  they  first  establish^  themnlves  is  un- 
known, but  in  1770  they  were  a  powerful  and  warlike  nation,  and  were 
seated  upon  the  western  branches  of  the  Mobile.  The  tribe  of  Yazoos 
bebnjfed  to  this  nation.  The  Chikaaaus  reside  in  Miateippi,  Kentucky 
and  Tennessee.    They  do  not  exceed  4900  in  number.  - 

The  Seminnles  were  a  nation  made  up  siviiilar  to  many  others,  and 
chiefly  of  Muskogees.  The  Creeks  called  them  Beminoles,  which  signi- 
fied vnldf  because  they  had  estranged  themtolves  fivm  their  former 
country.  This  nation  was  principafiy  seated,  40  years  ago,  upon  the 
rivera  Apalachicola  and  Flint,  and  had  a  large  town  dii  dabs  Bay,  on 
the  west  side  of  E.  Florida.  They  now  reside  in  Florida,  a  scattered 
remnant  of  about  1200. 

The  names  alone  of  the  diflbrent  dans  <»■  tribes  of  these  nations  v^ould 
fill  several  pages,  and  it  is  not  necessary  here  to  enumerate  them;  we 
shall  thererore,  after  some  general  observations,  pass  to  the  consideration 
of  those  chiefi  who  have  been  constMcuons. 

There  are  upon  the  east  bank  of  the  Oakmulge,near  its  confluence  with 
the  Ocone,  beautiful  fields,  extensively  known  as  the  Oakmulge  (Fields ; 
they  are  upon  the  rich  low  lands  of  tiie  river,  ud  upor  uie  elevated  part 
of  them  are  yet  vimble  remains  of  a  town.  These  ne'  e:^nd  20  miles 
along  the  river.  The  Creek  Indians  give  this  accou  ef  ^^hem,  namely, 
that  here  was  the  place  where  thev  -firat-set  down  afte.'  crossing  the  Mis- 
sissippi ;  that  their  journey  firom  n:e  west  had  been  attended  with  incredi- 
ble suffering,  and  that  they  were  opposed  at  every  step  by  various  hostile 
bands,  and  that  on  reaching  this  place  they  fortified  themselves,  and  could 
proceed  no  further,  and  at  length  gMii^  ground  and  became  conquerors 
m  their  turn. 

There  are  few  greater  curiosities  iti  the  south,  than  the  great  highways 
or  roads,  which,  50  ywrs  agO}'  struck  the  traveller  witfi  surprise.  In 
Florida  they  are  still  easily  traced  for  near  50  miles  in  a  straight  line 
upon  the  Ocklocknoy  River.  AH  history  is  silent  about  them ;  and  it  is  a 
singular  ftct  that  the  Indians  will  make  no  use  of  them,  but  studiously 
maKe  their  paths  in  any  other  direction.} 

The  country  of  the  southern  Indians  has  suffered  in  some  respects  as 
much  OS  some  parts  of  South  America;  it  having  been  traveraed  and 
overrun  from  time  to  time  by  bands  of  mercenary  whites.  In  the  year 
]538,  Ferdinand  De  Soto,  with  a  commission  from  the  Emperor  ChaHa» 
v.,  sailed  with  a  considerai^le  ^eet  for  America.    He  was  a  Portuguese 

gmtleman,  and  had  been  with  Ptzarro  in  the  conquest  (as  it  is  called)  of 
em.    His  commission  constitutQd  him  governor  of  Cuba  and  getleral 


ico. 


years; 


*  Adair. — "  As  soon  as  the  child  ■«  born,  the  nurse  provide*  a  cradle  or  wooden  case 
uuiiowed  and  fashioned,  to  receive  the  '  '        '  ° 
the  ease  whnre  the  head  reposes,  beiiij 


I  i«  wiUf  Mia  UU19C  pivTiuovo  \'i«Mic  vt   nrutfuvu  VUBQ. 

hollowed  and  Tashioiied,  to  receive  the  infant,  lyinr  prostrate  on  its  back,  that  part  of 

^einir  fashioned  like  a  brick  mould.    In  this  portable 


the  little  boy  is  fixed,  a  bar  orsand  beinr  laid  on  his  forehead."— Barfram, 6I5> 
t  New  Diicovery,  176.  )  mtfioMt't  W.  Florida, «. 


machine  \ 


#. 


IV. 


CHAf.  VII.] 


SOUTHEIIN  INDIANS. 


es 


scattered 


i>f  Florii)n.*  Althotigit  lie  sniied  from  St.  Lurwr  in  1538,  he  did  not  laoil 
i;i  Floridaf  until  Mny,  I5o9.  With  about  1000  men,  313  of  whom  were 
provided  with  horaeis  ho  undertook  the  conquest  of  Florida  and  coun> 
tries  adjacent.  After  cutting  their  way  in  yarious  directions  through 
numerous  tribes  of  Indians,  traversins  nearly  1000  miles  of  country, 
losinff  a  great  part  of  their  army,  their  general  died  upon  the  biuilia  of 
the  Mississippi,  and  the  survivors  were  oblised  to  build  vessels  in  which 
;o  descend  the  river ;  which  when  they  had  done,  they  sailed  for  Mex- 
ico. This  expedition  was  five  yean  in  coming  to  nothing,  and  bringing 
riiin  upon  its  performers.  A  populoiis  Indian  town  at  thn  time  stood  at 
or  near  the  mouth  of  the  MoDile,  of  which  Soto'i  army  had  possessed 
themselves.  Their  intercourse  with  the  Indians  was  at  first  friendly,  but 
at  length  a  chief  was  insulted,  which  brought  on  hostilities.  A  battle 
was  fought,  in  which,  it  is  said,  2000  Indians  were  killed,  and  83  Span- 
iards. 

We  shall  not  attempt  here  to  go  more  into  detail  concerning  the  band 
of  nuu:auding  Spaniards  under  iSofo,  as  it  will  answer  the  present  purpose 
to  observe,  that  what  has  just  been  related,  is  but  one  of  the  many 
butcheries  committed  by  tKat  band ;  and,  moreover,  our  accounts  are 
rather  indistinct  upon  the  whole  affair,  and  savor  much  of  exaggeration. 

The  French,  under  Rent  At  LaudonnUre,  settled  in  Florida  fn  1564, 
near  where  Penaacola  was  since  bniSt  The  Spaniards  claimed  the  coun- 
try, and  hence  the  bIt)ody  wars  which  followed.  This  first  settlement  of 
the  French,  projected  by  Admiral  Colignij  was  soon  broken  up  by  the 
Spaniards :  tney,  in  the  baseat  and  most  savage  manner,  murdered  the 
whole  colony. .  A  religious  war  at  thitoperiod  distracted  the  French  na- 
tion, and  this  outrage  would  have  remained  unrevenged,  but  for  the  indig- 
nation of  an  individual.  In  1567,  Dominique  de  Gowrgts  sailed  to  Flori- 
da, took  three  forts  fhwn  the  Spaniards,  put  the  men  to  the  sword,  and 
hanged  all  the  other  settlers  he  could  find.^  A  French  garrison  was 
Again  established,  but,  being  left  without  protection,  wa«  soon  retaken  by 
the  Spaniards,  who  remained  masters  of  the  country  for  more  than  a 
hundred  yearB.§ 

We  will  here  take  occasion  to  add  a  paragraph  to  our  chapterjj  upon 
kidnapping. 

Voiqiua  IfAyHttn  settled  in  Florida  in  ViHd,  and  remoined  there  four 
years;  at  the  end  of  which  time  diflSciiltiea  with  the  Indians  caused  him 
to  leave  the  country.  In  15S4,  he  sailed  again  for  the  continent,  and 
made  land  on  the  coast  of  what  is  now  S.  Carolina.  He  had,  it  is  8aid,1I 
fof  his  object,  in  bis  setting  out,  the  atrocious  design  of  mnking  slaves  of  the 
Indians.  At  the  mouth  of  the  River  San  tee,  (w'uich  he  discovered  and 
named  the  Jdurdain,)  he  was  received  and  treated  with  great  kindness  by 
the  Indians.  Having  in  a  short  time  succeeded  in  getting  a  large  num- 
ber of  them  on  board  his  ships,  he  banqueted  them,  and,  by  means  of  ar- 
dent spirits,  benumbed  their  faculties,  and  in  this  situation  sailed  with 
them  for  Hispaniola,  where  he  intended  to  sell  them  to  his  countrymen. 

*  Chaudon  el  Delandint,  Nouveau  Diet.  Historique,  art.  Soto. 
t  "  So  called,  because  it  was  first  discovered  b^  the  Spanianls  on  Palme-Sunday,  or, 
as  the  roost  interpret,  Easter-dav,  which   "  '  ~  —    ■  ■ 


they  call  Patqua  Florida,  and  not,  as  "flieue't 
;of.''    Purehas,  769.    Modern  writers  of  di*- 


writelh,  for  the  flourishing  verdure  thereof.' 

coveries  would  do  better  were  they  to  look  more  to  the  sources  of  information. 

X  See  an  anit.iated  account  of  these  bloody  affairs  in  Johnt&n's  Life  of  Gen.  Ortene, 
i.  480,  t.c. 

^  Duprets.  i.  1—^.  Jtian  de  Orijalva  discovered  the  country  upon  the  Gulf  of  Mexi- 
co in  lal8,  [Herrera,  ii.  1^,)  and'  some  report  that  he  carried  ofl  Indians  as  slaves. 
(Sec  Wiliiamt'*  Florida,  90.)  But  we  are  not  aware  that  the  faci  is  elsewhez-e  recorded. 
Herrera,  tbouKh  very  minute,  does  not  name  it.    Purehas  (812)  agrees  with  him. 

I  Book  ii.  chap.  i.  M  Martin'*  Hist.  Louisiana,  i.  4. 

6« 


BIOGRAFhV  AND  MlSitJ/iY  or  THE 


(Book  IV. 


Justice,  however,  did  not  long  permit  b:m  to  eactpe  her  iron  hmndti 
One  of  hia  sliipe  foundered  in  a  atorin  and  was  kwt ;  the  capdvei  in  the 
other  refused  to  take  food  until  disease  broke  in  upon  tbem,  which  put 
an  end  to  moat  of  their  number.  Neither  did  the  Spaniuds  escape  ita 
ravages. 

From  these  transactwns  of  antiquity  we  must  de>  cend  to  tiroes  nearer 
oar  own.  In  the  year  1790,  Sir  ^zander  Cumaing  travelled  among  the 
southern  Indians,  and  from  whose  account  we  are  u>le  to  give  several  in> 
teresting  particulars.  At  thiu  period,  hn  relates  t^«t  the  Onerokee  natioo 
was  governed  by  seven  Mother  Towns,  each  o(  which  chose  a  king  to 
preside  over  them  and  their  dependants.  He  was  elected  out  of  certaiD 
families,  and  the  descent  was  cenrded  only  on  the  mother's  side.  These 
mother  towns  were,  according  to  Sir  Alexsnder,  Taunaasie,  Kettooah,  Us- 
tenary,  Telliquo,  EBtaot9wie,  Kejrowee.and  Noeyeote,  Four  of  diese 
towns  were  without  kings  at  this  time,  they  having  died.  Some  towns 
had  princes,  as  our  author  called  them;  niatnely,  Tomaaao,  one; 
Settecho,  one ;  Taasettch'  e,  one ;  IwaHsee,  one  ;i  Telliquo,  two ;  Taonaa- 
sie,  two ;  Cannostee,  one ;  Cowee,  one. 

The  chief  Mogtoy  was  called  emperor,  and  pfennded  over  the  seven 
towns,  in  1730.  His  residence  was  at  Telliquo.  On  the  3  April,  this 
year,  deputies  from  nil  parts  of  the  nation  met  at  Nequaasie,  and  in  pres- 
ence of  Sir  AUxandtr  Camming  and  iS  other  Englishmen,  declared 
Mautoy  em|)oror;  he  liavin^  been  nomiiatfMl  by  Sir  Mexander.*  The 
nation  consented  to  receive  MoyUmj  as  tlicir  king,  provided  he  was  held 
accountable  to  Sir  Akxavder.  At  the  ct^r.^^viony  of  declaring  Moytaif  king 
or  emperor,  by  whose  order  Sir  ./Ikxande:  was  placed  in  a,  chair,  iiimseff 
and  the  coiyiirers  standing  about  him,  ami  a  throng  of  warriors  "  lAroked 
him  with  13  eagles'  tails,  and  tboir  dingers  sung  from  morning  till  night." 
After  tliis  wns  done  with,  he  made  u  g|>etich  to  the  great  concourse  of  In- 
dians ;  in  wliifsh,  among  a  good  deal  'u<;8ide8,  he  displayed  the  power  and 
goodness  of  the  king  beyond  the  groat  witter ;  and  "  required  Mnfloy  and 
all  the  head  warriors  to  acknowledg«>  th^^wselvea  dutiful  subjects  and  sons 
to  King  George,'^  "  all  which  they  did  o»  tl»eir  knees,  calling  upon  every 
thing  that  was  terrible  to  them  lo  destroy  them,  and  that  they  might  be- 
come no  people,  if  tiMy  violated  their  promise  and  obedience." 

The  ne^t  aay,  4  ApHI,  "  the  crown  was  brought  from  great  Tannassie, 
viiiich  -'•'•*h  five  eaglss'  tails  and  four  scalps  of  their  enemiesy  Meytoj/ 
prer«5.  y  (3ir  JUtxander,  impowering  him  to  lay  the  same  at  his  majes- 
ty's ft  '^he  conjurers  were  well  pl'jased  with  the  English  baron,  ami 
told  hii.i  vliey  would  follow  ail  his  ilirentions.  "  That  when  he  left  th«in 
Uiey  would  still  consider  him  as  j)re8ent  in  the  person  of  JMoytoy  of  Tel- 
liquo, who  would  punctually  do  what  he  had  bid.''  Sir  Alexander  wuk 
now  at  Tannassie,  400  miles  from  Cliarlestown,  according  to  his  reckon- 
ing, and  had  but  15  days  to  arrive  there  in,  to  go  for  England  in  the  Fox 
man-of-war,  which  was  then  to  anil.  He  therefore  asked  Moyivu  if  the 
Indians  could  travel  there  in  so  short  n  tin^e  on  foot>  The  chiei  said  it 
might  be  done,  and  thut  he  would  have  accompanied  him,  but  for  the 
dangerous  illness  of  his  wife,  and  requested  him  to  choose  sueh  as  he  de- 
sired from  among  his  people,  to  go  with  hirii.t 

Accordingly,  Sir  JUexander  chose,  as  evidences  of  what  bad  happened, 
SSc^agit3ta,\  the  head  warrior  of  Tnssetchie,  "  a  man  of  great  power  and 

*  This  part  of  the  sentence  is  upon  the  authority  of  a  good  writer,  (//eicflM,  Hitl. 
Carolina,  i*.  6)  but  Sir  AUxan-drr  does  not  soy  quite  as  much  in  his  Recount. 

t  Moytoy  was  a  bitter  ennmy  aftcrwnrds.  '  In  1768  he  wont  with  his  warriors  to  a 
plaee  calit^il  Statiquo,  and  killed  several  whites,  wiihoat,  as  was  said,  any  provocation. 
JflntaU,  ii.  230. 

X  Or  KitagutUi.    This  chief  was  one  oft'-  ..»''c.i,  as  will  appear  immediately  onwaid, 


4  J 


chiA?.  vn.] 


SOUTHERN  INDIANS. 


9 


intrrost,  who  had  a  ri^t  to  be  a  king,"  JMahtUakviUi,  and  OtoMtite,  or 
Outacite,  a  third  wamor,  Colkmnah,  a  fourth  ;  "  and  from  Tannawie,  llie 
avmoteat  town  of  the  country,  he  toiok  CHogoiUali  and  Oukanatkak,*  war* 
riors."  About  93  milea  from  Cbarlestown  they  met  with  the  warrior 
Khmakamiowint,  a  friMid  of  tlieae  chiefe,  **  who  had  juf«  come  from  the 
Kattarbe  nation,  and  deeired  to  go  along  with  his  countrymen,  to  which 
Sir  .Macander  conwMei'^ 

They  went  on  board  the  Fox,  a  man-of-war,  and  sailed  from  Charles- 
eown  Bay  4  May,  and  arrived  at  Dover  5  June ;  thiia  performing  a  paa- 
sage  acroas  the  Atlantic  in  a  month  and  a  day,  in  1730,  not  much  inferior 
to  what  is  done  now-«>d8yB.  At  Dover  Sir  AUxamdtr  "  took  post  to  London, 
with  the  crown  of  the  Cherokee  nation,  leaving  the  Indians  behind  to  come 
up  with  the  man-of-war.  He  let  the  secretary  of  state  immediately  know 
that  he  had  full  power  from  that  nation  to  lay  their  crown  at  his  majesty's 
feet,  and  that  be  had  brought  over  seven  Indian  chiefs,  as  an  evidence  of 
the  truth.  His  majesty  was  graciously  pleased  to  order  Sir  Mexander  to 
bring  in  his  people  to  the  installation,  the  13th  of  June,  where  they  were 
extremely  surprised  at  the  magnificence  of  every  thing  al)out  them :  they 
compared  the  king  and  queen  to  the  surty  the  princes  to  the  stars^  and 
themselves  to  nothing.  On  the  22d  of  June,  Sir  Mexander  was  intro- 
duced to  his  majesty,  and  upon  his  knee,  in  precenee  of  the  court,  declared 
the  full  power  he  bad  received,  the  Indian  chiefs  all  knecline  at  the 
same  time,  as  a  testimony  of  their  submission  and  approbation.  Sir  Akx- 
ander  laid  the  crown  of  the  Cherokee  nation  at  his  majesty's  feet,  with 
the  five  eagles'  tails,  as  an  emblem  of  his  majesty's  sovereignty,  and  foiu* 
scalps  of  Indian  enemies ;  all  which  his  majesty  was  graciously  pleased 
to  accent  oC" 

The  king  now  proceeded  to  make  a  treaty  with  the  Cherokee  chiefs, 
every  article  of  which  was  accompanied  witn  presonts  of  some  sort  or 
Other :  such  as  cloth,  guns,  vermilion,  hatchets,  knives,  &c.  After  the 
treaty  was  finished,  a  certified  copy  was  presented  to  the  chiefs  by  Sir  Al- 
exander Cummin^ ;  upon  which  Skyag^tstah,  in  the  name  of  the  whole, 
made  the  following  speech : — 

"  ff^e  an  come  hilher  from  a  mountrntious place,  where  rwthing  but  ^Wk- 
rteBs  is  to  be  found ;  bxU  we  are  now  in  a  place  where  there  is  light.  '1  here 
was  a  person  in  our  country,  he  gave  us  a  yellow  token  of  warlike  ho>\t,, , 
which  u  10  wUh  Moytoy  o/'  Temquo,  and  as  toarriors  u)c  received  it  JLr 
came  to  us  like  a  warrior  from  you.  A  man  he  is ;  his  talk  is  uprig  :  i  id 
Ute  token  he  Ufl  preserves  his  memory  among  us.  We  look  upon  you  .. «  }f 
the  great  king  were  present ;  we  hve  you  as  representing  the  great  kii.^. 
We  shall  die  m  the  same  way  of  thinkuig.  The  croton  of  our  natimi  u  thf- 
ferent  from  that  which  the  great  King  Georof.  wears,  and  from,  tha!  wc  Kfut< 
in  the  tower.  But  to  us  it  is  all  one.  The  ch(  i  ^friendship  shall  hr  ir- 
ried  to  our  people.  fVe  look  upon  the  great  King  George  as  the  sun,  ana  as 
our  father,  ana  upon  ourselves  as  his  children.  For  though  we  are  icd,  and 
vou  are  white,  yet  our  hands  and  hearts  are  joined  together.  When  we  shall 
nam  acquainted  our  people  utith  what  we  heme  seen,  our  children  from  gener- 


wUho\igyiS\r  Alexander,  \n  his  communication,  docs  not  name  him.  Neither  (ioco  he 
name  AtlakuUaktUla  or  Out<u$ile  :  vet  it  is  rtrtain  they  were  both  in  England,  and  we 
believe  at  this  lime  :  they  make  up  the  number  aet>en,  witli  those  named  in  his  own  na.- 
ralive.  That  AttakuUakuUa  was,  see  HeviaU,u.  221,  mid  H^yntie,  ii.  280.  n.  We 
can  only  account  for  the  blani<s  in  the  narrative,  by  supposing  that  Sir  Alexander' n 
amanuensis  did  not  understand  him,  (for  he  did  not  write  himselT,)  and  the  cnumerniion 
of  the  chiefs  which  he  took  with  him,  is  very  blundering.  Tlius,  afternaming  one  only. 
it  is  set  down,  "  and  -  a  third  warrior,"  &.c. 

*  Perhaps  Ockonottota,  wlw)  was  called  the  grt>at  warrior  of  the  Cherokee  nation. 
He^U,  ii.  217. 


68 


BIOOftAPHY  AND  HttTORIT  OF  THE 


(Boob  IT, 


aUbtt  to  gmtftHim  teiU  alwHiB  rttnemher  iL  M  mir  mi  thatt  abmau  h»  __ 
wiikyou.  7%e  memie$  Iff  ike  gnat  kmg  ihaU  he  0ur  tmmiu.  m»f*opk 
and  mora  ehall  be  one,  and  thou  die  to^^thar.    We  earn  hiUmr  naked  and 

Cr  as  the  wonu  tf  the  ettiih,  but  you  have  every  IM^,  mnd  %ee  that 
t  naming  mutt  hvejfou,  and  witf  never  break  tke  eham  ^fnmdeka 
»kieh  it  between  u».  Hm  Honda  the  governor  o^  CaroHnoy  wkom  imAhow.* 
Thia  amall  rope\  tM  ahow  you  ia  aSthat  we  have  to  biatd  our  davu  wUk^ 
and  it  may  be  broken.  But  have  iron  cAotiM  for  yemn.  However  tf  we 
eoMiymir  atavea,  we'will  bind  them  aa  %eeU  aa  we  can,  and  ddiver  Hum  t»> 
ourjriendat  and  take  no  pay /or  it.  We  have  looked  round  fir  the  penam 
that  taaa  in  our  country— -he  ta  not  here  i  However,  we  m»iat  mw  he  talked 
vq/righUyto  ua,  and  we  ahall  never  firgH  him.  Your  white  people  may  very 
aimbf  buUd  hmaea  near  u».  We  alum  hurt  nothing  that  oeUmga  to  them, 
fir  we  are  children  qf  one  fither,  the  great  king,  tmd  ahedl  live  and  die  to^ 
gtther." 

When  Skyaguatah  had  proceeded  thus  far,  he  kid  his  ftalhei*  apoa  m 
table,  and  closed  as  folloWR : — 

"  i^ia  ia  our  way  of  talking,  which'ia  the  aame  Uung  touaaa  your  lelterr 
in  the  hook  are  to  you,  and  to  }fou,  beloved  men,  we  ddiver  theae  fiathera  m 
confirmaHon  of  aUwe  have  aaul." 

In  October,  the  Indians  embarked  at  Portsmouth  with  Mr.  Johnean^ 
the  governor  of  (yuroiino,  for  their  own  country,  and  in  the  same  sliip  in 
which  th<!y  went  over. 

Sk^Uigustak,  or,  as  he  was  sometimes  called,  ISttaguala,'*  was  brother  of 
Oiuconnoslota,  or  the  ^reat  \yaiTior,  and  also  chief  of  Chote.  He  lived  to 
be  very  old,  and  died  m  May,  1768. 

These  events,  in  the  history  of  the  southern  Indians,  would  have  been 
properly  related  hnfore  those  m  a  prenedin<r  chapter,|  as  th^  were  ante- 
nor  in  the  order  of  time ;  but  ns  they  were  not  altogether  so  prominent^ 
we  chose  s  let  them  fall  in,  whun  we  had  thrown  some  others  off  our 
hands.  A  few  details  belonging  to  the  same  chapter,  not  then  within  our 
reach,  must  not  be  jj-a-ssed  over. 

The  chiefs  who  v.-.^nt  over  to  England  with  Gen.  Oglethorpe,  arrived 
there  16  June,  17'M,  in  the  Aldborough  man-of>war,  at  St.  Hellens,  in 
the  Isle  of  Wight.  Immediately  after  their  arrival,  orders  were  given  fbr 
preparing  proper  habits  for  them,  in  order  to  their  being  introduced  at 
court.  This  having  been  done  Sir  Clement  Colterel,  Kt.,  master  of  tho 
ccremouioB,  was  sent,  August  1,  with  three  of  the  kine's  coaches^  drawn 
by  six  horses  each,  to  the  Gleorgia  offtte,  where  the  chiefs,  all  except  one, 
were  taken  up  and  carried  to  Kcnsii^gton,  where  their  introduction  to 
the  king  took  place.  The  one  left  at  the  Georgia  office  was  sick  with 
the  small-pox,  of  which  he  died  the  next  day. 

When  the  Indians  were  introduced  at  court,  his  majesty  received  them 
upon  hid  throne,  in  the  presence  chamber,  attended  by  the  officers  of 
state,  and  a  numerous  court.  They  were  introduced  by  the  Duke  of 
Graflon,  chamberlain  of  his  majesty's  household  ;  and  after  Tomo  Chiehi, 
or  ^mo  Chach',,  and  the  king  had  made  each  a  short  speechjjj  the  carri- 
ages returned  with  them  to  their  apartments  at  the  Georgia  office. 

The  first  thing  attended  to  after  their  i-etum  was  the  burial  of  their 
coniuaninn,  which  took  place  with  great  ceremony,  in  the  burial  ground 
of  St.  John  the  Evangelist,  Westminster,  according  to  the  custom  of  the 
"  Cherokee  Creeks."  "  The  deceased  being  sewwi  up  in  two  bhrnkets, 
with  xtne  deal  board  under  and  another  over  him,  and  tied  down  with  a 

*  There  was  nl  this  lime  no  ftovernor,  though  Robert  Johtuon  was  aominally  such. 
Tn  1729  the  ((overnmenl  of  Carolina  was  delivered  lo  the  crown  of  England,  for  about 
,Cl7,000.    Jo/tfunn  was  reappointed  in  1731.  f  Strino^  of  wampum,  probably. 

t  Before  chap.  iii.  b.  iv.  ^  .See  antt,  b.  iv.  chap.  iii.  p.  26. 


CHkf.  vn.i 


SOCrmElN  DflHANS. 


eord,  WM  pfamed  upon  a  bier,  and  earried  to  the  phwe  cf  intennaat 
There  were  only  preaent  at  the  time  of  hia  being  put  mto  die  grave,  King 
TWm,  and  some  of  the  ehieft,  the  upper  cbineh  warden  of  the  par- 
iah, and  tlie  grave  digger.  When  the  ccHrpaa  waa  laid  in  the  earth,  the 
elothes  of  the  deceased  were  thrown  into  the  gnve  J  •Aw  tfaia  a  qoandty 
of  giaaa  beada  were  oaat  in,  and  then  aome  ^Mea  of  aihrer;  the  ouatom  of 
thooe  Indiana  being  to  burj  all  the  deceaaed^  eflbeta  with  him.** 

Although  we  have  the  naniM*  of  all  the  ohieA  given  ua  tint  went  over 
vrith  Mr.  (Methorpt,  we  have  not  the  nieana  of  Knowing  which  it  waa 
that  died.  Indians  often  died  on  their  viaita  to  Europe.  One  of  the  five 
Iroquois  chieft  died  in  England,!  in  1710^  and  of  his  name  too  we  are 
ignorBnt4 

Mr.  OgiicMorpc**  chieft,  after  having  been  showed  the  chief  curioaitiea 
in  and  about  London,  were  taken  to  Spithead,  where  the  Enriiah  fleet 
lay,  that  they  might  go  on  board  and  view  the  tremendous  ahipAilamiui, 
and  some  others  of  great  magnitude.  On  the  90  October,  1794,  a  little 
past  noon,  they  embarked  at  Gnvesend,  on  board  the  Prmee  of  Walea, 
ibr  Georgia. 

Of  TbmoeUeM,  who  was  the  moat  prominent  character  among  them,  vre 
have  yet  a  little  to  add.  He  lived  until  he  had  attained  hia  97th  year,  and 
died  15  October,  1799,  five  years,  wanting  15  days,  after  he  sailed  ftom 
England.  He  reaided^  at  the  time  of  his  death,  about  fi>ur  mUea  ftom 
Savannah.  He  was  highly  beloved  by  the  English,  having  alwajra  been 
their  particular  fiiend,  Tought  for  them  in  war,  and  aided  them  by  hia 
eounael  in  peace.  He  was  aware  of  the  approach  of  death,  and  ex- 
presaed  but  little  deaire  to  live  longer,  as  he  should  be  unable  to  aid  hia 
alliea  any  more  agauMt  the  Spanianls.  For  Gen.  OgUthorpe  he  expresar  1 
the  sreatest  tendemees,  and  entreated  the  Indians  to  bear  m  remembrance 
the  kindnesses  with  which  the  king  of  England  had  treated  him,  and 
hoped  they  would  alwaya  remain  his  mil^t9.  Having  expreaaed  a  vrish 
that  hia  body  noight  be  buried  among  the  English  in  Savannah,  accord- 
ingly, Iiis  corpae  was  there  interred  m  Pereival  Square,  with  militanr  pa- 
rade, and  Gen.  OglMorpe  ordered  a  pyramid  lo  be  erected  over  it,  with  an 
appropriate  inscriptioii.$ 

We  shall  close  this  chapter  with  aome  revolutionary  uid  other  mat- 
ters. The  Cherokees  had  encaged  not  to  operate  with  the  British, 
towards  the  close  of  the  war,  and  what  is  very  singular,  all  the  time  that 
the  greatest  successes  attended  the  British  arms,  they  atrictly  adhered  to 
their  engagement ;  and  it  was  not  until  the  fortune  of  war  had  changed, 
and  the  Americans  bad  become  masters  of  nearly  all  the  country,  that 
many  of  the  ill-fiMed  Indians,  instigated,  no  doubt,  by  abandoned  white 
desperadoes,  fe*'  upon  the  settlement  called  Ninety.  Six,  killing  many  per- 
sons, and  burning  several  houses.  Upon  this.  Gen.  Pieknu  took  the 
field,  at  the  head  of  a  band  of  mounted  men,  and  in  about  5  weeka  ft4- 
lowiog  the  10  Sept  1781, ||  finished  this  Cherokee  war,  in  which  40  In- 
dians were  killed,  13  towns  destroyed,  and  a  great  number  of  men,  wo- 
men and  children  talien  priBoners.f  A  white  man  by  the  name  of  Wa- 
tsn  was  supposed  to  have  been  the  prime  muver  of  the  lndiam^  who 
with  a  few  m  them  fled  through  the  Creek  country  into  Fk>rida,  and 
made  good  their  escape. 

On  17  October,  13  chiefs  and  200  warriore  met  Gen.  Pieien*  at  Long 

■    ■         ■  .^      I     -         ■.!- I  II  ■.—     ■■  ■        I  ■■...■.  I.  I  ■       ■         I  ,  ■         ,.-     ■ 

•  See  amU,  p.  26.  t  Kalm!*  Traveb  in  Amenca,  i,  210. 

X  The  author  poMeMes  beautiful  full  length  portraits  of  four  of  thoie  chiefs,  from  fine 
mexzotinto  engraving*,  which  he  Intends  taking  off  on  steel  for  future  editions  of  this 
work.  Perhaps  the  one  that  died  had  not  his  portrait  taken,  be  probably  having  died 
ianiediately  aAer  his  arrival  in  London.  6  M'Call,  Hist.  Georgia,  i.  196, 197. 

1  Johuim'i  Life  of  Orem,  u.  M7.  IT  Lit't  MMMin,  Stt,  383. 


BIOGRAPHY  AND  imTOftY  OF  THE 


[Bmk  nr. 


Swwnp  Oiwk,  Mid  a  nvaty  wm  oaadUided,  by  wkioh  Georgia  acquired 
a  kume  aaeoMioa  oftenkoty." 

Mh  have  ima  to  ralaie  the  boM  eipkiila  of  a  Creek  warrior,  of  the 
MBfie  Ounalamtfo.f  TIm  Britidb  held  poaeeaiion  of  Savaonali,  id  June, 
1789,  aad  Gen.  Wojfne  waa  aeot  there  to  wateh  their  nmtione.  On  the 
31  M^,  Col.  AiwMm  raaicbed  out  of  SaTannah  to  laaet^  aceording  to  ap- 
pointment, a  faaad  af  Indiaaa  uader  EmiiU$mg»,  or  Owitttnig:  But 
eome  diflkultjr  aanaag  the  indiane  had  debyed  their  march,  and  the 
movement  of  Bretm  waadiiMKrous  in  the  extreme.  Geo.  Ifij/it».  by  • 
bold  manoBuvfa,  cut  off  hi*  retreat,  fell  upon  hiia  at  midnight,  killed  40 
of  hie  men,  took  90  priaoa«fa,.aad  the  reat  eaoajped  only  uoder  cover  of  < 
darknen.  In  this  fight  /Payne  wouki  not  permit  a  gun  to  be  fired,  and  the 
Mwoutiea  waa  eflected  wholly  with  the  aword  and  bayonet ;  the  ftota 
having  been  previoudy  taken  firena  the  aoldiere'  giwai 

MeanwbUe,  Emiitasngo  waatfavening  the  whole  tranavene  extent  of 
Georgia,  (atnmge  a»'  it  may  aeem,)  without  being  di8eevered«exoept  by 
two  Mys>  wIm  were  taken  and  killed.  It  waa  the  94  June,  liowe?eiv  be- 
fore he  arrived  in  the  neighborhood  of  Gen.  ffayne,  who  was  etwamped 
about  five  milea  fibm  Savannaib  Wtyne  did  not  expect  an  attack,  eape- 
oially  by  Indiana^  and  eoiueqoently  was  eomplecely  nirprieed.  But  bemg 
well  seeooded  by  hie  oflkere,  :?nd  happily  reaorting  to  ois  fiivorite  plan  a 
fightings  extricated  himself  from  imminent  danger,  and  Imm  tlie  Indiana  to 


flicht,  aiker  a  hard<feught  battle. 
The  pis  -..--. 


)lan  adopted  by  the  Indian  chief,  thouf^  simpWi  waa  wiae ;  but  iit 
its  exeeutkm  he  kwt  aome  time  which  wasfittaltohins.  Ha  captured 
two  of  Wiyns^aeannont  and  while  endeavoring  |p  tinm  them  upon  the 
Amevieane,  they  had  time  to  rally.  And,  aa  the  sword  and  bayonet  were 
only  need  by  them,  no  obanee  was  left  the  Indiana  to  take  advantuM  of 
poaition  from  the  iaahea  of  the  gunt  of  their  ndversariea.  If  Iriafm 
merited  oenamre  for  being  taken  thus  onprepaiedthe  deserved  it  quite  as 
much  for  expoaing  himself  in  the  fight  beyond-  what  prudenee  required  i 
but  nMWB  Aaoi  alL  ibr- putting  to  desuui  19  prisonem  who  had  been  decnyeil 
into  Ina  power,  after  the  fight 


life.  Seventeen  of  hia  warriors  fell  by  hiaside,  beaidea  hia  while  guides 
Hereoeived  a  a|^eav  andi  two  bayonets  in'  his  body  befbre  he  fell,  and  en- 
aoukaged  his  warriora  to  tiie  last.  When  he  began  to-  Aint,  be  redied  a 
fiiw  steps,  and  calmly  kying  himself  down,  hraatbed  his  last  witliout  a 
groan  or  struggle. 

This  ehief  was  six  feet  three  inehes  high,  weighing  about  390  ponmk, 
bearinc  a  manly  and  expressive  eountenanee^  and  30  years  of  age;  and 
Gen.  £ee  adds(  *  Ourutowilfo  died^  as  he  liad  lived,,  the  reaowed  warrior 
of  the  OverhilkCreeka"  In  this  singular  aiair  but  Id  Americans  were 
killed  and  wounded.  Among  the  plunder  taken  Stem  the  Indiana  Were 
117  paekhorses^  laden  with  peltry.  Baertiona  wem  nMde  to  capture 
thoae  warriosa  that  esoaped  irom  the  attack -on  JFqyiM**  caup^  but  so 
wall'  dfai  they  understand  the:  oountry^  that  not  one  at  them  wwt 
taken. 

Althourii  not  in  the  order  of  time,  we  will  introdoM  bees  one  of  th» 
earliest  sdvooatea  finr  temperwice  that  im  have  met  with  aimm^  the  Indi- 
ans. This  persoaj  though  a  Greekywaaa  desoendant,  by  hie  own  aeeouat, 
of  the  renowned  Chnif^ifK  His  name  was  Onughkauydmowt/^fprnunia- 
jtepojt    AU  we  know  of  hUs  history,  can  be  told  m  a  few  worae,  and  but 


•  Mmmm!0  IMotOnen,  ii.  348. 

tlm    Ik.Httlmm  ynitot  EmitUttigffi    A«HiJlf)ii..a<Pt 


cbap.  vn.] 


SOUTHERN  INOIANB. 


n 


■oqulred 

or.  of  the 
,  IB  iuiM, 
On  Uw 

OR  to  UK 

But 
the 

• 
40 


fbr  ooe  apeeeb  of  his  wtiich  happeirad  to  be  prawnred,  eren  b«  Mune  we 
bad  never  perbape  beard.  Tbat  be  lived  in  1748,  and  waa  eminent  fbr 
bia  good  morala,  except  the  apeeeb,  before  mentiooed.  ia  all  we  know 
of  him.  Aa  to  the  aueecb,  which  ia  ao  higbiv  extolled,  it  baa,  like  numar- 
oua  othera,  we  are  or  opinion,  paaaed  througn  too  many  handa  to  be  eoo- 
aiderad  by  all  who  may  meet  with  it  aa  aanuine ;  nevertbeleaa,  throwing 
aaide  all  the  unmeaniug  verbiage  with  wuch  it  ia  encumbered,  an  lodkin 

rich  mi|^t  remain  that  would  be  read  with  pleaaure.  Aa  it  «aoda  in 
work  before  u%*  ita  length  exoludea  it  from  our  pagea,  and  we  ahall 
aeleet  but  few  aentencea.  It  waa  delivered  in  a  great  council  of 
<he  Creek  nation,  and  taken  down  in  abort  band  by  aome  white  ureaent, 
and  about  (bur  yew*  after»came  Into  the  handa  of  an  agent  of  Sir  mUiam 
Mnaoti,  thence  into  the  handa  of  aundry  othera. 

<*  FaTBUJI,  BBBTHMUf,    AMD   CoURTaTlUXI. — Ife  Vt  MUl  io  .ddSbtTOU. 

UpM  ul^at9-~thm no  Uu  a  iuUedf  than  iahtther  vt  aAoB,  or  AaUnat  be 
upeopUP*  **  I  da  nat  itand  vp,  O  countrymen  I  to  mropoHtktpUmuifftamr, 
or  to  dired  OU  Mwe  experience  ^  this  atnmbl]/  in  the  rtpiUUion  <(f  our  attt- 
onccf :  uour  wimmh  renden  wu  unneeeaearu  for  mc."— "  Tkt  Uttitor,  or 
rather  the  tgrant,  I  arraign  brfbre  yoi^  O  Creau!  i$  no  naUce  iff  our  «o(l ; 
6iii  ratiier  a  lurijmg  auaowmt,  on  emuaary  qf  the  evil  principle  qf  darknua. 
'SfVt  that pemitioua  li^^iid,  whidKnar  pretended  whitc  raiiifoa  arf/ntfy  m- 
irodueed^  and  ao  pknMuUy  pow  in  among  ua  !" — "  O,  ye  Creeka !  when  1 
tkunder  m  your  eara  Vkia  aenuneiaHon ;  tnod  tf  thia  em  qf  perdition  anUin- 
ueato  rule  among  ua.  with  away  aoinlenuterate,  nwiUceaae  to  he  a  nation! 
Ye  win  have  tiewwr  heada  to  dtreet,  nor  handa  topnUeet  you^^WiUe  thia  di- 
^Mieai  juiee  underminu  oB  the  powera  qfyour  oodiea  and  minda,  with  inqf- 
fenaive  xeal,  the  toarrioi*a  et\ftdled  arm  wHl  draw  the  bou,  or  lamuh  Me 
apeor,  «n  the  dm  iff  batOe,  h  the  day  «f  eouneil,  when  national  aafely 
atanda  auapniiJkd  on  the  Kpa  iff  the  hoary  aachem,  he  wUl  ahtdu  hia  head 
wUh  uneduded  apirUtt  and  ikiotl  the  babbtvitga  of  a  aeeond  chitdhood." 

The  above,  though  not  a  third  of  the  apeech,  containa  chief  of  all  tbat 
waa  intended  to  be  conveyed,  in  several  peges.  A  true  Indian  speech 
need  not  here  be  presented  to  show  the  dinerence  of  style  between  them ; 
but  aa  we  have  a  very  good  one,  by  the  famous  Big-UHtrrior,  not  else- 
where noticed,  it  shall  be  laid  before  the  r^t'^'^r.  It  was  delivered  at  the 
time  Gen.  Jaekaon  waa  treating  with  the  Creeks,  about  the  close  of  the 
last  war  with  England,  and  was  in  reference,  as  will  be  seen,  to  the  con- 
ditions demanded  of  the  vanquished.  And,  although  the  Big-toarrior  wus 
the  friend  of  the  Americans,  yet  he  now  felt  for  his  counUrymen,  and  after 
saying  oMny  other  things,  concluded  as  follows : — 

"  The  preaident,  ourfa&er,  admata  ua  to  honeaty  andfaimeaa,  and  jprom- 
iaea  thatjualiee  ahall  be  done :  /  hope  and  trxut  it  u)Ul  be!  I  made  thta  toar, 
which  haa  proved  ao  fatal  to  my  eounin/j,  that  the  treaty  entered  into  a  long 
time  ago,  with  faUur  Washington,  might  not  be  broken.  To  hia  frien(mf 
arm  lluddfaat.  I  will  never  break  that  bright  chain  qf  friendahip  we  moot 
together,  and  which  bound  ua  to  atand  to  the  U.  States.  He  waa  a  father  to 
Uta  Muaa^ee  people ;  and  not  only  to  them,  but  to  all  the  people  beneath  the 
aim.  At*  tow  I  now  hold  in  my  hand.  There  aita  the  agent  he  sent  among 
ua.  J^ever  haa  he  broken  the  treaty.  He  haa  lived  with  tia  a  long  time.  He 
haa  wen  our  children  bom,  who  now  have  children.  By  hia  direction,  doth 
waa  wove,  and  clothea  were  made,  and  spread  through  otur  country ;  but  the 
Red  Sticks  came,  and  deatroyed  aU ; — we  have  none  now.    Hard  is  our 


Sermons,  &c.,  by  Rev.  WiUiam  Smith. 


n  BIOflRAPHY,  k*.  or  THC  MHrniEIN  INDIANS.    [Iluoi  IT. 

aiivatian :  imdifou  oughtlo  eamUkr  iL  I  date  tckal  M  tht  naUim  htatm : 
ttetkmg  witt  I  Step  nerH. — Tknt  dmdi  Utt  liUU  wanw.  WktU  we  wtrt 
hMm  fe  ftw  •oKiAcfivii  fur  the  mmritn  fkai  had  htm  eommttteif,  ht 
fnatda  mudtitfrnmir ;  Ac  mimI  to  ttc  BritUk  on  tkt  Ut$t ;  Af  ranie  tact, 
«Mf  6rt)i^Af  a  poefti^  to  tk»  fl^nHtn^  wUeh  vKnaatd  ih*  mmrderi  hen. 
T%UeofUhidhaatinadywiadtOkwarpat1gton^gnalbi:  huLalUuna^ 
ahnut  Jkttnytd,  tktg  vnU  not  ytt  open  their  «we«,  M  ore  Ml  M  otMry  ly 
the  BrUiik  at  PeHtaecla.  JVwMimttfa.  We  letre  raliomi,  a$td  had  «ur 
eentee.  We  yet  an  $o.  Mthe  mot  ^fthe  remdtdtuuoyr  jmer  hegmd  the 
waten  memSagei  «•  to  ^om  Mm,  mm  tee  (M  m.  We  md  no  aaue  then. 
T%e  mrminaee  St  made  wen  neter  ke/4.  We  wen  yemeg  mad  foelULmd 
Jbmght  with  kha.  The  BrUiekeaaaa  man  per$ka£ua&  do  wrong.  They 
haae  deceived  ue  ohm,  and  cam  do  it  no  More  Yoa  an  two  great  people. 
(TyoMfe  to  war,  we  will  heme  no  oonecm  ui  tl;  for  we  an  not  Me  to  fight. 
Weww^UthetdpeaeewUkeeanineiAon.  ^thiji  tffir  me  arma,  I  mm  $m 
tottteat,  Youpvtawindai^t&waragamdapeoplehorkinourowHkma. 
Thm  ehedl  never  Jbree  u$  mto  danger.  You  ahaU  never  $ee  that  our  cM^ 
anoaj^ineounedyt^wiUheJbnedtodoaniftidnK.  I  talk  thue.  knowing 
that  jmher  WASHiNeroN  adamd  tw  never  topdeifin  m  wort.  He  told  ue 
thed  thoet  in  peau  wen  the  happieet  veopte.  He  Ud  ue,  that  \f  an  enemy 
attacked  Am,  he  had  warrion  enoiWK,  and  did  not  wieh  hie  red  ckHdrtn  to 
help  Mm.  ffthe  Britieh  adviee  uelo  any  tkkut,  I  will  tdl  you-^not  hide  U 
Jiromyou.    ff'theyeaywemudJlght,IwiatMthem,f/b.*'  '^ 

Ha  bad  prerioiMly  opoken  of  the  cauiea  of  the  war,  and  of  the  BuiTer- 
incH  it  had  brought  upon  them,  but  aaked  iodulfenee  tinm  companion. 
The  tiue  tract  of  country,  now  the  otate  of  Alabama,  waa  argued  for  by 
iSketoAto,  another  famoua  enie^  who  had  larie  claima  on  the  whiten,  but 
Jaekeon  would  not  concede.  Thia  chief  batf  rendered  them  the  fpreateat 
aervices  in  the  war,  and  appealed  to  Jaekaon^a  feelings,  by  portraying  the 
dangers  they  had  paiaed  together,  and  his  faithfiihieai  to  him  in  the  moot 
trying  aceu«>9r  out  all  availwl  nothing. 


Porfieiitori 

French  § 

atroyaa 

laiTTLE- 

Sa-oa-y 

HO-PROV 

Aeirres 

1 

interviei 

THEgn 

styled  by 

Ab/tone,  a 

. '«» 

pellations 

ftf« 

we  proce 

•  "  Ces  / 

roU  Us  no"i 

■>»i. 

iiont  partof: 

In  Onoyoui 

tuna  some 

an  to  ttbde 

BOOK    V. 


rhef 


BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY  OF  THE  HIOQUOW 
OR  FIVE  NATIONS,  AND  OTHER  NEIGHBOR- 
ING NATIONS  OF  THE  WEST. 


.!•, 


CHAPTER  I. 

Pttrtiaiari  rupeeting  the  Inmioia — Granoola — His  famoiia  spetth  to  a 
Frtitdi  gtntJti — ^Adario — /fw  auceeasful  wcart  against  the  Frentk — Dt- 
atrwft  a  Ihoxuand  inhabikmts  in  one  expedition — Hia  real  nantr — Black- 
icBTTLK — Hit  wars  against  the  Dtneh — ^TE-fEE-NEEN-iio-OA-niow — 
Sa-ga-tb-an-qda-prah-ton— E-low-oh-ka-om--Oh->ee-ye-atii-tow- 
HO-PROW — GAN-A-jOH-rio-KE — Thcir  miit  to  England— Partictdars  oj" 
Ouir  residence  there — Treated  xoUh  great  attention  oif  the  noinlifti — TTieir 
interview  with  tlie  queen — Speech  to  her — Their  return  to  Jlmtrifa. 

The  great  western  confederacy  of  Indian  natiuim  lias  generally  been 
styled  by  the  French,  Iroquois,*  but  generally  by  the  English,  tlie  Five 
Nations,  and  sometimes  the  Six  ATations ;  but  either  of  the  two  latter  ap- 
pellations must  be  considered  oidy  as  such,  because  we  shall  show,  as 
we  proceed,  that  they  are  not  uuniericnlly  true  nmv,  if  fhey  ever  were. 

•  "  Ces  harbares  ne  soni  qu'nnt  aeule  nation,  et  qu'un  i:ul  interSt  pttilie.  On  pour- 
roil  Its  nommer  pour  la  distribution  da  terrain,  tes  Buities  de  re  continent,  Les  Iroquois 
font  partager  m  cinq  cantons,  tqaroir  let  TsononloUanr,  let  Goyosroans,  les  Onnotagues, 
les  Onoyouts,  et  lea  Afptit*."  (Lahontan,  i.  35.)  Thus  comprehending  in  \nt  five  na- 
tions some  nations  which  the  English  never  have,  and  met  versa.  By  the  Agnies  we 
are  to  uudertland  Mohamii. 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


1.0 


I.I 


^1^  Ui 

^  lii   12.2 


us 

111 


uo 


IL25  ii.4 


1.6 


"^14 


Photographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


23  WIST  MAIN  STRUT 

WiBSTiR,N.Y.  14SM 

(71«)  •73-4503 


^> 


.<^^.^ 


GRANGULA. 


[Boob  V. 


Five  may  have  been  the  number  which  originally  leasued  together,  but 
when  that  happened,  if  indeed  it  ever  did,  can  never  be  known.  It  ia  a 
tradition  that  these  people  came  from  beyond  the  lakes,  a  great  while  ago, 
and  subdued  or  exterminated  the  inhabitants  of  the  ;<j>untiy  on  this  side. 
Even  if  this  were  the  cose,  it  proves  nothing  of  their  origin ;  for  there  may 
have  been  a  time  when  tlrair  ancestors  went  from  this  side  to  the  country 
beyond,  and  so  on.  The  Mohawks  are  said  to  have  been  the  oMeat  of 
the  confederacy,  and  that  the  '•Onayants"  (Oneidas)  were  the  first  thai 
joined  them  by  putting  themselves  under  their  protection.  The  Onon- 
dagos  were  the  next,  then  the  '*Teuontowanoe,or  Sinikers,"  (8enecas,\ 
then  the  "  Cuiukguos,"  (Cayugas.)  The  Tuscaroras,  from  Carolina,  joined 
them  about  1712,  but  were  not  formally  admitted  into  the  confiederaey 
until  about  10  years  after  that.  The  addition  of  this  new  tribe  trained 
them  the  name  of  the  Six  Nations,  according  to  most  writers,  but  it  will 
appear  that  they  were  called  the  Six  Nadons  lone  before  the  last-named 
period.  The  Shawanese  were  not  of  the  conwderaey,  bat  were  called 
Drothere  by  them.    This  nation  came  from  the  south,  at  no  verv  remote 

S3riod,  and  the  Iroquois  assigned  them  lands  on  the  west  branch  of  the 
usquehannah,  but  looked  upon  them  as  inferiors.  They  occupied,  before 
the  French  wars,  a  great  extent  of  country,  some  of  their  towns  being  80 
miles  asunder. 

The  Six  Nations  did  not  know  themselves  by  such  names  as  the 
English  apply  to  them,  biu  the  name  Aquanuscbioni,*  which  signified 
unSedpeopk,  was  used  by  thero.f  This  term,  as  is  the  case  with  moet 
Indian  words,  is  defined  by  a  knowledge  of  itsetvmology.  A  knowledge 
of  the  Indidn  languages  would  enable  us  to  know  what  almost  every 
place  in  the  country  has  been  noted  for ;  whether  hill  or  mountain,  brook 
or  river.  It  is  said  by  CoUlen^  thai  New  England  was  called  JEtiuAon, 
by  the  Indtons,  which,  he  says,  means  a  fish  ;§  and  that  the  New  England 
Indians  sent  to  the  Iroquois  a  **  model  of  a  fish,  as  a  token  of  their  adhering 
to  the  general  covenant"  The  waters  of  New  England  are  certainly 
abundantly  stored  with  fish.  From  these  cursory  oMervations  we  must 
proceed  to  details  in  the  lives  of  the  most  noted  men. 

Perhaps  we  cannot  present  the  reader  with  a  greater  orator  than  Ga- 
rmgvia,  or  Grangula,  as  Lahontan  writes  his  name,  and  that  writer 
knew  him.  He  was  by  nation  an  Onondaga,  and  is  brought  to  our  notice 
by  the  nunly  and  magnanimous  speech  which  he  made  to  a  French 
general,  who  marched  into  the  country  of  the  Iroquois  to  subdue  them. 

In  the  year  168'',  Mr.  de  la  Bam,  governor-general  of  Canada,  com- 
plained to  the  English,  at  Albany,  that  the  Senecas  were  infringing  upon 
their  ririits  of  trade  with  some  of  the  other  more  remote  nations,  (gov- 
ernor Dongan  acquainted  the  Senecas  with  the  charge  made  by  the 
French  governor.  They  admitted  the  fact,  but  justified  their  course, 
alleging  that  the  French  supplied  their  enemies  with  arms  and  ammuni- 
tion, with  whom  they  were  then  at  war.  About  the  same  time,  the 
French  governor  raised  an  army  of  170C  men^  and  made  other 
"mighty  preparations"  for  the  final  destruction  of  the  Five  Nations.  But 
before  he  had  progressed  far  in  his  great  undertaking,  a  mortal  sickness 
broke  out  in  his  arm^,  which  finally  caused  him  to  give  over  the  expedi- 
.  tion.  In  the  mean  time,  the  governor  of  New  Yon  was  ordered  to  lay 
no  obstadea  in  the  way  of  the  French  expedition.    Instead  of  regarding 

•  LoMd,  Hitt  Mis.  i.  S. 

t  At  a  great  uMmblafv  of  chiefs  and  warriors  at  Albany,  in  Avg.  1746,  the  chief 
■peaker  of  the  Six  Nations  informed  the  English  commissioners  that  ihey  had  taken  in 
the  Messesagnes  as  a  seventh  nation.    Colden,  Hist.  F.  Nations,  ii.  175. 

t  Hist.  Five  Nations,  i.  109. 

\  Kieiotu,  ia  Algonkin ;  Ktgonce,  in  Cbippeway.     Limi^t  Voy^fn,  dtc.  SOS.  4ti>. 


QiAPfl 

this 

prate 

Dt 

>Ogi< 

•■  w 

high- 

bad< 

oath 

they 

That 

badi 

hash 


you. 


€taAr.  L) 


OEANGULA. 


iooa  we  muRt 


thb  order,  which  ww  fW>in  his  maiter,  the  duke  of  York,  he  wnt  intar- 
praten  to  the  Five  Nations  to  eocourage  them,  with  oflhn  to  aniat  them. 

De  la  Bam,  in  hopes  to  efl^t  something  by  thia  expensive  undertake 
iog,  crossed  lake  Ontario,  and  held  a  talk  with  such  of  the  Five  Nations 
as  would  noeet  him.*  To  keep  up  the  appearance  of  power,  he  made  a 
high-toned  speech  to  Grongwa,  in  which  he  obaerved,  that  the  nationa 
had  often  infringed  upon  the  peace ;  that  he  wished  now  for  peace ;  but 
on  the  condition  that  they  should  make  foil  satisfaction  for  all  the  iqiuries 
they  had  done  tha  French,  and  for  the  foture  never  to  disturb  them. 
That  they,  the  Seoecas,  Cayugas,  Onondagoa,  Oneidas,  and  Mohawks, 
had  abuaad  and  robbed  aJl  their  traders,  and  unless  they  gave  satisfoetion, 
he  shouU  dechve  war.  That  they  had  conducted  the  Engiidi  into  theur 
country  to  get  aMrav  their  trade  heretofore,  but  the  past  he  would  over- 
look, if  they  would  o&nd  no  more ;  yet,  if  ever  the  like  should  happen 
again,  he  had  exfweas  CHrders  from  the  King,  his  master,  to  declare  war. 

Onmgvla  listened  to  these  words,  and  manv  more  in  the  like  strafai, 
with  that  contempt  which  a  real  knowledge  of  the  situation  of  the  French 
army,  and  the  rectitudo  of  his  own  course,  were  calculated  to  inspire ; 
and  after  walking  aeveral  times  round  the  circle,  formed  by  his  peo|rie 
and  the  French,  addressing  himself  to  the  governor,  seated  m  his  elbow 
chair,  he  benn  as  follows : — f 

**  YoffUcmdio  ,*}  I  honor  you,  and  the  warriors  that  are  with  me  likewise 
honor  yon.  Your  interpreter  has  finished  your  speech.  I  now  begin 
mine.    My  words  make  haste  to  roach  your  ears.    Harken  to  them. 

"  FemuMifio ;  You  must  have  believed,  when  you  left  Quebeck,  that 
the  sun  had  burnt  up  all  the  foreats,  which  render  our  country  inaccessi- 
ble to  the  French,  or  that  the  lokes  had  so  far  overflown  the  banks,  that 
they  had  surrounded  our  oastlen,  -  Jid  that 't  was  impossible  for  us  to  gel 
out  of  them.  Yes,  surely,  you  must  have  dreamt  so,  and  the  curioei^  of 
seeing  ao  great  a  wonder  has  brought  you  so  far.  Now  you  are  unde- 
oeivM,  rince  that  I,  and  the  warriors  here  present,  are  come  to  assure 
you,  that  the  Senecas,  Cayugas,  Onondagas,  Oneidaa  and  Moliawks  are 
yet  alive.  I  thank  you,  in  their  name,  for  bringing  back  into  their  country 
the  calumet,  which  your  predecessor  received  from  their  hands.  It  was 
happy  for  jou,  that  you  left  under  ground  that  murdering  hatchet  that 
has  been  so  often  d^ed  in  ^e  Mood  of  the  French. 

"  Hear,  Yowundu ;  I  do  not  sleep ;  I  have  my  eyes  open ;  and  the 
sun,  which  enlightens  me,  discovers  to  me  a  great  captain  at  the  head  of 
a  company  of  soldiers,  who  speaks  as  if  he  were  dreaming.  He  ana, 
that  he  only  came  to  the  lake  to  smoke  on  the  great  calumet  with  tne 
Onondagas.    But  Chnmgula  says,  that  he  aeea  the  contrary ;  that  it 


*  As  it  will  sratify  most  of  our  readers,  we  believe,  to  bear  the  general  in  hia  own 
words,  we  wiUpresent  ttieaa  with  a  paragraph  of  his  speech  to  Qraitgula  in  bis  owa 
language  >- 

"  Le  roi  mon  mallre  inform^  que  les  cinq  Nations,  Iroquoises  contrevenoieni  depoii 
loDg'tems  k  la  pais,  m'aordonni  de  me  transporter  ici  avee  une  escorte,  et  d'envoier 
Akouessan  au  village  dea  Oanatagoes,  poor  inviter  les  principaua  chefs  k  ne  venir  voir. 
L'intention  de  ce  grand  monarque  est  que  mus  /^unions  toi  el  moi  ensemble  daai  le 
grand  calumet  de  pais ;  pourvft  que  tu  me  promettes  au  nom  des  TsonontoQans,  €h>yo> 
goans,  Onnotagucs.  Onoyouts  et  Agniis,  de  donner  une  entiere  satis&rtion  el  dMom- 
magement  \  we*  tmets,  et  de  ne  rien  iaire  k  I'avenir,  qui  puisse  causer  une  facheosa 
rapture,"  &e.    LaJtoiUan.  i.  68,  09. 

\  "  Ortmgtila,  qui  pendant  tout  le  desconrs  avoit  eu  lea  yeus  fisament  attaehea  sor 
le  bout  de  Ba  pipe,  se  leve,  et  soil  par  une  eivilit^  bisarre,  ou  pour  se  donner  tana  fafon 
le  terns  de  mMiter  sa  r^ponse  il  fait  cinq  ou  sis  tours  dans  n^re  eercle  compost  da 
aauvagea  et  de  Francois.  Revenu  en  sa  place  il  resta  debout  devant  le  g^n^ral  assii 
4aas  un  bon  fauteOil,  el  le  regarant  il  lui  dit."  LahonUm,  (i.  61,  6S.)  who  was  one  of 
'Meareaent. 

}  "ne  aaasa  they  gave  the  govemon  of  Canada.    Spelt  in  LtiltemlttH.  OmomH*. 


GRANODLA. 


[Boo*  V. 


CSAf 


to  knock  them  <ni  the  head,  if  sicknem  had  not  weakened  the  anna  of  the 
fVeneh.  I  see  YonnmuKo  raving  in  a  camp  of  aick  men,  whoae  lives  tiM 
Ghreat  Spirit  has  mved,  by  inflicting  this  siekneas  on  them. 

**Htmr^  FentMNdw;  our  women  had  taken  their  cluba,oar  children 
and  old  men  had  carried  their  bows  and  arrows  into  the  heart  of  your 
camp,  if  our  warriors  had  not  diaarmed  them,  and  kept  them  back,  when 
your  messenger  Akmutmm*  came  to  our  cattleOb  It  is  done,  and  I  have 
saidiL 

"  A'eor,  Ymmmd&o;  we  plundered  none  of  the  Frt:Qeh,  imt  thoae  thai 
carried  guns,  powder  and  balla  to  the  Twightwiesf  and  Chictagblekfl, 
because  those  arms  might  have  cost  us  our  lives.  Herein  we  follow  the 
example  of  the  Jesuits,  who  break  all  the  kegs  of  rum  brought  to  our 
castles,  lest  the  drunken  Indians  should  knock  them  on  the  head.  Our 
warrioM  have  not  beaver  enough  to  pay  fbr  all  thoae  arms  that  they  have 
taken,  and  our  old  men  are  not  afraid  of  die  war.  This  bek  pveaerrea 
my  words. 

"  We  carried  the  English  into  our  lakes,  to  a«de  there  widi  the  Utawa- 
wae  and  Quatoghi«st  as  the  Adirondaks  brought  the  French  to  our 
castles,  to  carry  on  a  trade,  which  the  English  say  is  theirs.  We  are  bon 
flee.  We  neither  depend  on  yonimufco  nor  CmitarJ^  We  may  go 
where  we  please,  and  carry  with  us  whom  we  please,  and  buy  and  smI 
what  we  please.  If  your  allies  be  your  slavea,  use  them  as  such,  com- 
mand them  to  receive  no  other  but  your  pe<^.  This  belt  preserves  my 
words. 

"We  knock  the  Twightwies  and  Chiclai^icks  on  the  head«  because 
they  had  cut  down  thu  trees  of  peace,  which  wen  the  limits  of  our  conn- 
try.  They  have  hunted  beaver  on  our  kiids.  They  have  acted  eontraiy 
to  the  customs  of  all  Indians,  ibr  they  left  none  of  toe  benven  alive,  they 
killed  both  male  and  (eronle.  They  nought  the  Satanas  into  their  oooutry, 
to  take  part  with  them,  after  they  had  concerted  ill  designs  agafaiBt  vm. 
We  have  done  less  than  either  the  English  or  French,  that  have  usurped 
the  lands  of  so  many  Indian  nations,  and  chased  them  from  their  own 
country.    This  bek  preserves  my  words. 

"Hear,  YbitnoiMfio;  what  I  say  is  the  voice  of  all  the  Five  NatioBS. 
Hear  what  they  answer.  Open  ^our  ears  to  what  they  speak.  The 
Senecas,  Cayugas,  Onondagas,  Oneidas  and  Mohawks  say,  that  when  they 
buried  the  hatchet  at  Cadwackui,  in  the  presence  of  3fOur  predecessor,  in 
the  middle  of  the  ftirt,  they  planted  the  tree  of  peaee  in  tne  same  place; 
to  be  there  careftilly  preservM :  that,  in  the  place  of  a  retreat  finr  soldiers^ 
that  fort  might  be  a  rendezvous  for  merchants:  that,  in  place  of  arms  and 
ammunition  of  war,  beavers  and  merchandise  should  only  enter  there. 

"  A'ear,'Fonnon</io ;  take  care  for  the  future,  that  so  great  a  number  of 
soldien  as  appear  there  do  not  choke  the  tree  of  peaee  nlanied  m  so 
small  a  fort  It  will  be  a  great  loss,  i',  after  it  had  so  earily  tuen  rooL 
you  should  stop  its  growth,  and  prevent  its  covering  your  country  and 
ours  with  its  brancheii.  I  assure  you,  in  the  name  of  tne  Five  Nationi^ 
that  our  wairiora  shall  dance  to  the  calumet  of  peace  under  its  leaves; 
and  ahall  remain  quiet  on  their  matn,  and  shall  never  dig  up  the  halchel^ 
till  their  brother  xonNonJib  or  Cmiear  shall,  either  iointly  or  separately, 
endeavor  to  attack  the  country  which  the  Great  Spirit  .has  given  to  our 
ancestors.  This  belt  preserves  my  words,  and  this  other,  tube  authofi^ 
which  the  Five  Nations  have  given  me." 

Then,  addressing  himself  v  the  interpreter,  be  said, "  Take  courage,  3rott 

*  The  name  they  ^ve  Mr.  Lt  Maine,  which  ngniiM  a  p«itri<lM. 

t  Iwiktios,  CMen.  t  GiucUigiueka,  CaUm. 

^  The  name  they  gave  the  govcrnon  of  New  York. 


the 
Yor 


Cbap.  L] 


BLACK.KETTLE. 


.5 


have  apint,  speak,  explain  roy  words,  forget  nothing,  teil  ail  that  your 
brethren  and  friends  say  to  Yonnondio,  your  governor,  by  the  nnouth  of 
Grtmgula,  who  loves  you,  and  desires  you  to  accept  of  this  present  of 
beaver,  and  take  part  with  me  in  tny  feast,  to  which  I  invite  you.  This 
present  of  beaver  is  sent  to  Yonnondio,  on  the  port  of  the  Five  Nations." 

De  la  Bam  was  struck  with  surprise  at  the  wisdom  of  this  chief,  and 
«>^ual  chagrin  at  the  plain  refutation  of  iiis  own.  He  immediately  re- 
turned to  Montreal,  aiid  thus  finished  this  inglorious  expedition  of  the 
French  agiunst  the  Five  Nations. 

Onmgua  was  at  this  time  a  very  old  man,  and  firom  this  valuable 
speech  we  became  acquainted  with  him ;  a  very  Mdor  of  his  nation, 
whose  powers  of  mind  would  not  suffer  in  comparison  with  those  of  a 
Ronaan,  or  a  more  modem  senator.  He  treated  the  French  with  great 
civility,  and  feastod  them  witli  the  beat  his  country  would  afford,  on  their 
departure.    We  next  proceed  to  notice 

Mario,  chief  of  the  Dinondadies,  a  tribe  of  the  Hurons.*  About  1687, 
the  Iroquois,  firom  some  neglect  on  tlie  part  of  the  governor  of  New 
York,  owing,  says  Smith,\  to  the  orders  of  his  master,  "  King  Jamtt,  a 
poor  bigoted,  popish,  priest-ridden  prince,"  were  drawn  into  the  French 
mterest,  and  a  treaty  of  peace  was  concluded.  The  Dinondadies  were 
considered  as  belonging  to  the  confederate  Indians,  but  from  some  cause 
they  were  dissatisfied  with  the  league  with  the  French,  and  wished  by 
aome  exploit  to  rrengthen  themselves  in  the  interest  of  the  Engiisb. 
For  this  purpose,  Mario  put  himsolf  at  the  head  of  100  warriors,  aira  in- 
tercepMted  the  ambassadors  of  the  Five  Nations  at  one  of  the  falls  in  Kada- 
rakkui  River,  killing  some  and  taking  others  prisoners.  These  he  in- 
formed that  the  French  governor  had  told  him  that  50  warriors,  of  the 
Five  Nations  were  coming  that  way  to  attack  him.  They  were  astonished 
at  the  govemoi^a  apparent  perfidiousneas,  and  so  completely  did  tlie  plot 
of  Mario  succeed,  that  these  ambassadors  wrre  deceived  into  his  interest. 
In  his  parting  speech  to  them,  he  said, "  Go,iHy  bretkrm,  I  untie jmir  hond$, 
<md  $tni  you  homt  again,  Owugh  our  wdions  w  at  VBor.  Tht  Irmeh  gov- 
ernor has  tnaJe  me  conunit  so  JAaek  an  action,  that  J  tKall  never  bt  ecuy  t^Ur 
U,  UU  tkt  Five  J^ations  ahaU  have  taken  fuU  revenf^/'  Thit  outrage  upon 
their  ambassadors,  the  Five  Nations  doubted  not  in  the  least  to  be  owing 
to  the  French  governor's  perfidy,  from  the  representations  of  those  that 
returned.  They  now  sought  immediate  revenge ;  and  assembling  1900 
of  their  chief  warriors,  landed  upon  the  island  of  Montreal,  25  Aug.  1689, 
while  the  French  were  in  perfect  security,  burnt  their  houses,  sacked 
their  plantations,  and  slew  all  the  men,  women  and  children  without  the 
citv.  A  thousand^  persons  were  killed  in  this  expedition.  In  October 
following,  they  attacked  the  island  again  with  success.  These  horrid 
disasters  threw  the  whole  country  into  the  utmost  cnnsti>.rnation.  The 
fort  at  Lake  Ontario  was  abandoned,  and  28  barrels  of  powder  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  confederate  Indinns.  Nothing  now  saved  the  French  from 
an  entire  extennination  from  Cnnadn,  but  the  ignorance  of  their  enemies 
in  the  art  of  attacking  fortified  places. 

The  real  name  of  Adario  was  SaatarttsL  He  married  a  woman  of  his 
owb  nation,  by  whom  ho  had  several  children.  The  French  nicknamed 
him  the  i2<if,  by  which  ho  is  oflen  mentioned  by  LaJwntan  and  others. 
Another  warrior,  though  an  Iroquois,  of  nearly  equal  fame,  was 

Blark-kettle.  A  war  wiih  France,  in  1690,  brought  this  chief  upon  the 
records  of  history.    In  the  summer  of  that  year.  Major  Schuyler,  of  Albany, 

*  Dionoii  ladies,  Celien;  Tionnontat^s,  Charlevoix.  f  Hi«t.  N.  Y.  50.  (4to  ed.) 

X  So  sitvs  Coli'en.  but  Charlevoix  says  400,  aiid  ihiit  200  of  th«<«  were  burnt  after* 

wards.    Tlicrc  can  be  no  doubt  but  that  the  truth  is  between  them,  as  there  it  ample  room. 


8  nVT  IROQUOIS  CHIEFS  VISIT  ENGLAND.        (Book  ▼. 

with  m  comttmj  of  Mohawlc,  (Hi  ufRNi  dw  ncarh  MtdemeBl*  at  iIh 
north  pnd  of  Lake  Chimphin.  Dt  (Uticrc*,  govcnrar  of  Montrail,  hartOy 
collected  about  800  men,  and  opfiosed  tbem,  hot,  noiwiihaiandiBf  hia 
force  was  vanly  superior,  t-ct  tfaej  were  rppubcd  with  nrat  kai.  Afaoot 
3U0  of  the  enemy  were  killed  in  this  expeditioii.  Ae  Flaack  now  took 
eveiy  measure  in  their  power  to  retaliale.  They  sent  prracnta  to  maiiy 
trilies  of  Iihiians,  to  c-^gaf^  them  in  their  came,  and  in  the  ftflowiag 
Mrinter  a  |iarty  of  ahout  300  men,  under  an  accompliriied  young  gnilo- 
man,  marched  to  attack  the  confederate  Indian  natioaa  at  Ntagan.^ 
march  was  lonr,  and  rendered  aimoet  inMip|4Mtafale ;  faein 
carry  their  provisions  on  their  backs  throoah  deep  mow. 
met  them  with  about  80  men,  and  mainiainra  an  anei|ual  ficht  uati  hia 
men  were  nearly  all  cut  off;  but  it  was  more  fttal  to  the  Fivncli,  who, 
&r  from  home,  had  no  means  of  Rrraiting:  Bhet-faMle,  in  hia  torn, 
carried  the  war  into  Canada  during  the  whole  aummcr  ftUowin^  with 
immense  loss  and  damage  to  the  French  inhahitanta.  The  governor  waa 
BO  enraged  at  bis  succcseca,  dtat  be  caused  a  piisouei,  which  had  been 
taken  from  the  Five  Nations^  to  be  burnt  afive.  Thia  captive  vntfaalood 
the  tortims  with  as  much  firmncea  aa  bis  eneaiea  showed  uuelu.  He 
sung  his  nchievements  while  they  broiled  Us  feet,  bunt  his  hands  with 
red  not  irons,  cut  and  wrung  off  hia  jointa,  and  palled  oat  the  ainewa. 
To  ekwe  the  horrid  scene,  his  acalp  was  toni  oi^  and  red  hot  sand  pomed 
upon  his  bead. 


We  will  close  diis  ehaptrr  with  an  acc»ont  of  die  vivt  of  live  boqaoia 
€ibMh  to  England.  The  EngKrii  in  America  had  mummed  that  if  di^ 
eonM  convince  the  Indian  natioiia  of  the  power  and  grcatneaa  v€  their 
mother  countrr,  they  ahould  be  able  to  deiadi  them  Ibrever  fiwn  the 
influenee  of  tm  French.  To  aceomdBsh  tUa  obiect,  iheae  chieft  were 
prevailed  upon  to  make  the  voyage.  Th^  visited  the  eouit  of  Qnecn 
wAine  in  the  year  1710.  None  of  Ae  AmeLtcaa  hiwiaianw  aeem  to  have 
known  tlienamea  of  thcae  ehiefi^or,  if  thqr  Ad,  have  nal  thought  it  pnmr 
to  transmit  them.  Sbnift,  in  his  history  of  New  Yosk,  mcntioas  the  ftet 
of  their  having  visited  E^gbnd,  and  ||ives  the  speech  which  tlim  made  to 
the  queen,  aiM  says  H  is  preserved  **in  OUansn,*  perhapa  in  ms  Barr- 
isH  Empire  in  Ai»aicA,'  aa  nothiiw  of  the  kind  ia  found  in  his  hiatary 
of  England,  ahhon|h  he  recorda  the  drcMmatanri,  Cbd  iU-natnredqr 
enough  too.  We  think  he  would  hardly  have  done  even  thia  but  fbr  the 
purpose  of  ridiculing  the  friends  of  the  quees.  The  fiiUowing  is  all  that 
he  says  of  themrf  "Three  weeks  alter  the  bank  of  Oaiiagi—  viaa 
Ibusht  by  Gen.  iSbmAope,  whoae  victory  made  way  lor  the  mareh  to  Ma- 
drid, the  news  of  the  victory  aras  broujHht  Co  the  oneen  lij  OoL  fisrruaa, 
the  15  Sept.  O.  S.,  at  which  time  the  HiglMehurdi  lahble  woe  pdting 
Gen.  iStetMope**  proxy,  and  knocking  down  his  friends  at  the  Westminaier 
election.  However,  ror  the  succcfsej  in  8^«in,  and  Ibr  the  taking  of  Do- 
way,  Bethune  and  Aire,  by  the  duke  of  Jliurllaiangii  in  Flanden^  diere 
was  a  thanksgiving-day  appmnted,  which  the  queen  aotemniaed  in  St. 
James's  chapel.  To  have  gone  as  usual  to  Sl  nul^  and  there  to  have 
had  Te  Deum  sung  on  that  occasion,  wouM  have  shown  too  much  coun- 
tenance to  those  brave  and  victorious  EngUah  generals,  vrho  were  fight- 
ing her  battles  abroad,  while  High-rhurch  was  plotting,  and  ruling,  and 
aiulressing  against  them  at  home.  The  cnnying  of  four  Indian  Cawaquea 
ahout  in  the  qneen^  coaehea,  was  all  the  trium^  of  the  Harldan  admin- 
istration ;  they  were  called  kings,  aiHl  clothed,  by  the  phy-house  tailor, 
like  other  kings  of  the  theatre ;  they  were  eondiKted  to  mdience  by  Sir 


J 


*  The  editioa  I  use,  b  lh«t  4/1108. 

t  HuL  Btgtitmi,  u.  VtL    (FU.  Loodw,  1135.) 


«».ar»' 


f:mkr.  I.] 


PIVC  IROQUOIS  CHIBP8  VISIT  ENGLAND. 


r 


CKorlet  CoStrd ;  there  wm  ■  opeeeh  made  fbr  them,  and  nothing  omitled 
to  do  honor  to  these  Ave  inonarelw,  whose  presence  did  so  mueh  honor  to 
the  new  ministry  |  whieh  the  latter  seetned  to  be  extremely  fond  cf,  and 
^deflnayed  all  thnir  ezpenaos  durinff  their  stay  here.  They  were  the  cap* 
tains  of  the  four  nadona,  [Five  Nations,]  in  league  will  *'  e  English  at 
New  York  and  New  England,  and  came  in  person  to  treat  of  matters  con- 
cerning trade  with  the  Iwds  commissioners  or  plantations ;  as  also  of  an 
-enterprise  agaioat  the  Preach,  and  their  eontederate  Indians  in  those 
parM.* 

Shr  JtaeAortf  Stede  mentions  these  ehieft  in  his  Tatler  of  May  13, 1710, 
and  AdMaon  makes  them  the  subject  of  a  number  of  the  Spectator  the 
next  year,  at  a  suggestion  of  Diean  Sw^.*  Neither  of  these  papers, 
however,  contain  many  facts  respecting  tbiem.  In  the  former  it  is  men- 
tioned that  oae  of  them  was  taken  sick  at  the  house  where  they  were  ac- 
commodated during  their  stay  in  London,  and  they  all  received  great 
kindness  and  attenuon  fiom  their  host,  which,  on  their  departure,  was  die 
cause  of  their  honoring  him  with  a  name  of  distinction ;  which  was 
Cttiaroque,  and  signified  "  the  Hrvnguifni  in  thtir  emmtnf.**  In  speaking 
of  their  residence,  Mr.  Stede  says,  *'They  were  placed  in  a  handsome 
apartment  at  an  upholster's  in  King-street,  Covent-garden."  There  were 
fine  portraits  of  each  of  them  painted  at  the  time,  and  are  still  to  be  seen 
in  the  British  Musnum.f 

The  best  and  most  methodical  account  of  these  cbieft  was  pubUdted 
in  the  great  aniiu»l  hintory  by  Air.  Bmier^  and  from  which  we  extract  as 
follows:  «On  the  19  April  TV  Fee  Jmn  Ho  Oa  Prow,  and  Sa  Ga  Yean 

rPrah  Ton,  of  the  Maquas ;  Ekw  Oh  Kaom,  and  Oh  JVfe  Yeath  Tm 
Prow,^  of  the  river  sachem,  and  the  Oanwoh-hore  sachem,  four 
kings,  or  chiefs  of  th>;  Six  National  in  the  West  Indies,1T  whish  lie  between 
New  England,  and  N>;w  France,  or  Canada:  who  lately  came  over  with 
the  West  India  fleet,  and  wer*t  cloathed  and  entertained  at  the  queen's 
expense,  had  a  public  audience  of  her  majesty  at  tiie  palace  of  St  Jame*, 
being  conducted  thither  in  two  of  her  majesty's  coaches,  by  Sir  Charita 
CoUerd,  master  of  the  ceremonies,  and  introduced  by  the  duke  of  ISutw»' 
biirjf,  lord  chamberlain.  They  made  a  speech  by  tneir  interpreter,  which 
Major  Pidgeon,  who  was  one  of  the  officers  that  came  with  them,  read  in 
Ekiglish  to  ner  majesty,  being  as  follows: — 

**  Great  Queen — We  have  undertaken  a  long  and  tedious  voyage, 
which  none  of  our  predecessors**  could  he  prevailed  upon  to  iindertMe. 
The  motive  diat  induced  us  was,  that  we  might  see  our  great  queen,  and 
relate  to  her  those  things  we  thought  absolutely  necessary,  for  the  good 
of  her,  and  us,  her  aliiea,  on  the  other  side  the  great  water.  We  doubt 
not  but  our  gi«at  queen  has  been  acquainted  with  our  long  and  tedious 

*  "  I  iatended  to  have  wriuen  a  book  on  that  lubjecl.  I  believe  be  [AddU<m}  hu 
spent  it  all  in  one  paper,  and  all  the  un<!er  hint*  tnere  are  mine  too."  Stoi/l'i  Letter  to 
Mr*.  Jphmon,  dated  London,  28  AprS,171l. 

t  Notes  to  the  Speetalor,  ed.  in  8  vob.  8vo.  London,  t789. 

t  "  The  AmaU  of  Queen  Amte'i  Reign,  Year  the  IX.  for  1710."  189—191.  Tfait  ii 
•  work  containing  a  most  valuable  fund  of  in(brm»*ion,  and  ia,  with  its  eontinuation,  a 
lasting  monument  tn  its  teamed  publisher.  His  being  dragged  into  the  Dunciad  in  one 
of  Pope's  freaks  natwithslanding. 

4  We  have  these  names  in  the  Tatlor  spelt  TVe  Vee  NtetiHo  Ga  Row,  Ba  Ga  Yeath 
Rtia  Gelh  Tak,  E  Tow  Oh  Koam,  and  Ho  Nee  Yeth  Taw  No  Row. 

I  Qv^rw.  It,  according  to  Coldtn  and  others,  the  Tusearoras  did  not  join  the  Iro- 
oueis  ttHtif  171S,  and  until  that  lime  these  were  called  the  Five  Nations,  how  comes  it  that 
uey  were  known  in  Enrlaii'  I  by  ibi;  name  of  Six  Nations  in  1710 1 

1  No  one  can  be  misled  by  this  error,  any  more  than  an  Englishman  would  be  by 
ibeing  told  that  Lnnflon  is  situated  ra  the  fool  of  the  Rocky  Mountains. 

**  Nose  of  the  Sis  Nations,  mu.si  be  understood. 


nVE  IROQUOU  CHIEFS  VISIT  ENGLAND. 


lliooaV. 


war,  in  ooujunctioB  with  her  children,  ■j^oat  her  enemiea  the  French : 
and  that  we  have  been  aa  a  strong  wall  for  their  aeciirity,  even  to  the  lota 
of  our  beat  men.  The  truth  of  which  our  brother  QiMcbr,  Col.  [PtUr] 
SduM^,  and  Anadagnjava,  Col.  MduAton,  can  teati^ ;  they  having  all 
our  propoaala  in  writing.  We  were  mightily  rejoiced  when  we  heara  by 
Anaat^mjaut,  that  our  great  queen  had  reaolved  to  send  an  army  to  re- 
duce Canada ;  fhom  whoae  mouth  we  readily  embraced  our  great  queen'a 
inatnictionB:  and  in  token  of  our  friendahip,  we  hung  up  the  kettle,  and 
.took  up  the  hatchet;  and  with  one  consent  joined  our  brother  fhiedtr, 
and  AnaJagttijaiu,  in  making  preparations  on  this  side  the  lake,  bvlbuild- 
ing  forta,  atore-houaea,  canoes  and  batteaux ;  whilat  Aundituio,  Col.  Vdeh, 
at  the  aame  time,  raised  an  army  at  Boaton,  of  which  we  were  informed 
by  our  ambanuadora,  whom  we  sent  thither  for  that  purpoae.  We  waited 
ion^  in  expectation  of  the  fleet  from  England,  to  join  AtuuKaaia,  to  go 
againat  Quebec  by  aea,  whilat  Anadagaijaux,  Oueder,  and  we,  went  to 
I\Mrt  Royal  by  land ;  but  at  Uat  we  were  told,  that  our  great  queen,  b^ 
aome  important  aflUr,  was  prevented  in  her  deaign  for  that  aeason.  This 
made  us  extreme  acrrowful,  lest  the  French,  ;vho  hitherto  hod  dreaded 
ua,  ahould  now  thi>ik  us  unable  to  make  war  against  them.  The  reduc- 
tion of  Canada  is  of  such  weight,  that  after  the  ^flTectirg  thereof,  we 
ahould  have  free  hunting,  and  a  great  trade  with  our  great  queen'a  chil- 
dren ;  and  as  a  token  of  the  sincerity  of  the  Six  Nationa,  we  do  here,  in 
the  name  of  all,  present  our  great  queen  with  tha  belts  of  wampum. 
We  need  not  uige  to  our  great  queen,  more  than  the  necesaity  we  really 
labor  under  obUgea  us,  that  in  case  our  great  queen  ahould  not  be  mind- 
fill  of  ufi,  we  must,  with  our  ftmilies,  fotiake  our  countiy,  and  aeek  other 
habitationa,  or  atand  neuter ;  either  of  which  will  be  muck  against  our 
inclinationa  Since  we  have  been  in  alliance  with  our  great  oueen'a 
children,  we  have  had  some  knowledge  of  the  Savior  of  the  worlo ;  and 
have  often  been  importuned  by  the  French,  both  by  the  insinuations  of 
thebr  prieats,  and  by  presents,  to  come  over  to  their  interest,  but  have 
always  eateemed  them  men  of  fu'sehood :  but  if  our  great  queen  will  be 
pleaaed  to  aend  orer  lome  persons  to  instruct  us,  they  shall  find  a  most 
nearty  welcome.  W  »  now  close,  with  hopes  of  our  great  queen'a  favor, 
and  leave  it  to  her  mosi  gracious  consideration." 

We  cannot  but  resp/nn  amen  to  Mr.  (Hdmijon'a  opinion  of  thio  Kpeech, 
namely,  that  it  was  nude  /or  instead  of  by  the  thiefs;  still  we  thought  it 
proper  to  print  it,  ar  d  that  by  so  doing  we  should  give  satisfaction  to 
more  than  by  witlihold<ng  it.  Our  account  next  proceeds:  "On  Friday, 
the  21  April,  the  four  Indian  princes  went  to  see  Dr.  FtanuteatTt  house, 
and  mathematical  instruincnti^,  in  Greenwich  Park ;  after  which  they  were 
nobly  treated  by  some  of  the  lords  commissioners  of  the  admiralty,  in 
one  of  her  majesty's  yachts.  They  staid  about  a  fortnight  longer  in  Lon- 
don, where  they  wore  entertained  by  several  perrons  of  distinction,  par- 
ticularly by  the  duke  of  (Jrmond,  who  regaled  them  likewise  with  '^  re- 
view* of  the  four  troops  of  life-guards ;  and  having  seen  all  the  curiosities 
in  and  about  this  metropolis,  they  went  down  to  Portsmouth,  through 
Hampton  Court  and  Windsor,  and  embarked  on  board  the  Dra^n,  one 
of  her  majeetv'a  ships,  Cant.  Martin,  uommodore,  together  with  Col. 
Fyaneit  Afdehotton,  commander  in  chief  of  the  forces  desigfled  for  an  ex- 
ipedition  in  America.  On  the  8  May,  the  Dragon  and  I^lmouth  sailed 
from  Spithead,  having  under  convoy  about  18  sul,  consisting  of  mer- 
chantmen, a  bomb-ahip  and  tender,  and  several  traiispoits,  with  British 


*  And  the  chiefs  made  a  speech  in  return,  but  our  author  makm  this  note  upon  it : 
"  N.  B.  The  spcecli  which  was  laid  to  have  been  made  by  (hem,  oa  tftX  occaaioa,  to  the 
duke  of  Omumd,  i«  spurious." 


Chap.  II.] 


TAMANY. 


officers,  a  regiment  of  ntarinea,  proruionM  and  Mont  of  wv ;  mmI  oo  the 
IS  JuIt  arrived  at  Boston  in  N.  EncJand." 

Litt  e  is  to  be  ntbered  fifom  SmM$  HiAoiy  of  New  York  reladvo  to 
those  sachems.  He  givea  a  speech  which  thev  made  to  the  queen,  but 
it  is  a  meagre  abridsment  of  less  than  half  of  the  one  above,  and  the 
rest  is  omitted  entirely.  **  The  arrival  of  the  five  saebema  in  England 
made  a  groat  bruit  throughout  the  whole  kingdom.  The  mob  followed 
wherever  t^ioj  went,  and  small  cuts  of  them  were  aold  among  '^  i 
people."* 


le  cunosiucs 


CHAPTER  IL 

Tam  Airr,  a  famous  aneitnt  DtUman — IB$  kiilonf — Sansuiiinis — Fmtn 
Ou  Mormian  Brdhmtr-Hu  rteeptioH  qfCmmt  SXmntM'—His  rfeott 
CAfASSATEOo— Fud»  PMZnM^Uo— Mt  tpeeek  to  the  Ddmeant—Ait- 
eedote$  of  him— Oukhikah— Hit  tpuek  to  Ify^f-kimg—HiM  attaeKmmt 
to  the  vkruHm  hiUmi—^eeUmAmuAtrotMefiom  CqaL  Piae—Coit- 
duet  of  Htif-kbtr-Of  Pipe-GKkkikm  veritha  m  iZTaiMMere  of 
Onadenhumen — PAKAifEn — HU  Uilofy— Nbtawatwbbs — Become*  a 
Chrutian — IS$  ipeteh  to  Pakimke — K»  dlMili~PAXMOua--TAOBC8KONn 
— Hw  hiMmru  and  (fcoM— Wbitk-btbs— JKt  troMoMmM  uM  tkt  mi$- 
aumarwt— BBBnARB*— Ait  edArated  moteek  Curium  amedole  of  Mm 
—HiMdeath. 

T\uiutm/  was  a  name  mtich  in  print  a  fifty  yesn  since,  but  of  what 
nation  or  country,  or  whotber  applied  to  an  imaginary  or  real  peraonage, 
by  any  account  accompanying  it,  no  one  could  dstemiine.  The  truth 
respecting  this  has  at  length  come  to  light 

He  was  a  Delaware  chieC  of  similar  renown  to  the  Batkeba  of  Kenne- 
beck,  and  J/lemepg'hemet  of  Maseaebusetts;  and  we  inftr  fVom  ChMd 
77u>nuu,t  that  rossibly  he  nu|^t  have  been  alive  aa  kle  as  1680  or  1690. 
He  wrote  the  nk<me  TVmerry. 

Mr.  Heektwelder,  in  his  Historical  Accot;iiT  or  thb  Iitduit  Nations, 
devotes  a  chapter  to  this  chief  and  TWendhmdL  Ho  qiells  the  name 
Tamaned.  The  difficulty  of  gaining  information  of  deeemed  individuak 
among  the  Indians  is  well  known  to  tfaoee  conversant  with  their  history. 
Mr.  Heekewdder  aays,  "  No  white  man  who  regards  their  fbelings,  will  in- 
troduce such  subjects  in  conversation  with  them."  This  reluctance  to 
speak  of  the  departed  he  attributes  to  "the  misfortunes  which  have  be- 
fallen some  of  the  roost  beloved  and  eeteemed  personages  among  them, 
since  the  L  iropeans  oame  among  them."  It  is  believed,  however,  that 
it  had  a  more  remote  origin.  The  same  author  continuet^  **  All  we  know 
of  Tamened  is,  that  be  was  an  ancient  Delaware  chie^  who  never  had  his 
equa.\"| 

It  is  said  that  when,  about  1776,  Col.  George  Morgan,  of  Princeton,  N.  J. 
viaMd  the  weatem  Indians  bv  direction  of  congress,  the  Delawares  con- 
fened  on  him  the  nrme  of  Twnany,  "in  honor  and  remembrance  of  their 
andent  chiel^  and  as  Uie  greatest  mariL  of  respect  which  they  could  show 
to  Uiat  gentleman,  who  they  said  had  the  same  address^  aflbbiliqr  and 
meeknesb  as  their  honored- chie£"$ 

•  HiM.  New  York.  Ut  ad.  4to.  London,  1757. 

t  "  Who  resided  there  [in  PenntylvMii^  about  15  yews,"  ud  who  pobfished  "  Am 
Kitorieal  and  Geogrcpheal  Aecoimt  ofPo.  am*  W.  Jtrtey,"  ISmo.  Umdan,  1€96. 
X  Some  will  do«btl«H  imagine  that  tfiia  was  Imtnrii^  a  good  dsaL 
f  Heekewelder,  Mt  — — 


TAMAlfT^-«HIKBLLIllU8. 


[Bmk  v. 


*'ili»  ftme  of  thb  great  man  extended  eren  ainoag  the  wfaitet,  who 
ftbrieated  numeroiu  leceuds  reepecting  him,  which  I  Dever  heard,  how- 
erer,  from  the  mouth  of  an  Indian,  am  tlierelhre  beUere  to  he  Abuloua. 
In  the  revolutionanr  war,  hb  enthuaiaatie  admiren  duhhed  him  a  aaint, 
and  be  waa  eatabliahed  under  the  name  of  8l  T\mmamit  the  patron  aaint 
of  America.  Hk  name  waa  inaerted  in  aome  ealeodara,  and  hia  ftatival 
celebrated  on  the  first  day  of  May  in  every  yrar.  On  tint  day  a  numer- 
oua  society  of  hia  votariea  walked  together  in  nrocaariop  through  the 
streets  of  Philadelphia,  their  hata  decorated  with  bucks'  tails,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  a  handaome  rural  place  out  of  town,  which  they  called  the  wig- 
wam; where,  after  a  long  uJk  or  Indian  speech  had  been  deKvered,  and 
the  calumet  of  peace  and  fiiendahiD  had  boen  duly  smoked,  they  spent  the 
day  in  festivi^  and  mirth.  After  ainner,  Indian  danoea  were  performed 
on  the  green  m  flront  of  the  wigwam,  the  calumet  was  again  anooked,  and 
the  company  separated." 

It  was  not  till  some  yeara  after  the  peace  that  theae  J^uij  dotnga  were 
,  broken  up,  which  would  douhtleas  ham  laaisd  hmnr  but  for  the  misfor- 
time  of  the  owner  of  the  ground  where  they  werenekL  Since  that  time 
Philadelphia,  New  York,  and  perhaps  other  plaeca,  have  had  thenr  Tumor 
Ny  societiea^  Tlnunqf  haUa^  &c.  &e.  In  their  meetinga  theae  societies 
make  but  an  odd  figure  in  imitatug  die  Indiaa  maimer  of  doing  bvsineas, 
as  well  as  in  appropriating  their  names  upon  one  another. 

Among  tho  mulutude  «  poems  and  odea  to  JTibimwj,  the  fdktwing  is 
selected  to  give  the  reader  an  idea  of  the  acta  said  to  have  been  achieved 
by  him : — 

"Immortal  Tammttf,  ofbdimi  nee. 

Great  in  Um  fMd  umI  fcwort  ia  Uw  dmie! 

No  pmiy  Mial  was  Im,  wMi  bsliag  pair ; 

Ho  climbed  Ike  aKmaUia,  aad  he  twvpl  tw  valt, 

Ruihed  Ihroogh  Iho  loneat  widnmoqaalh d  might} 

Your  ancieot  MtaU  would  uamble  at  iho light; 

Ceuaht  the  twin  boar  and  iwiAer  deer  with  oaee, 

Andworked  a  thoutaad  aKraeles  like  iheee. 

To  publie  views  he  added  private  cads. 

And  loved  his  coualfjr  most,  aad  ant  las  ftieads; 

With  courage  hM^  he  suove  to  waid  the  blow; 

(CottiMe  we  all  respect  ev'a  ia  a  fee ;) 

And  when  each  eflbrt  he  ia  vaia  had  Ined, 

Kindled  the  flame  ia  wkkh  he  bravaly  dmd ! 

To  TiMMay  let  the  fall  hem  go  ronad  ; 

His  fame  let  every  hoaest  toagae  lesoawi; 

With  him  lei  every  gen'roos  pauiot  vie. 

To  live  ia  freedom  er  with  hoaer  die."* 


We  are  next  to  qieak  of  •  ehieC  ooneeniiiif  whom  mueh  inqoiiy  hu 
been  made  from  several  considerations.    We  mean 

SkUuUimiiu,  the  ft^ber  of  the  celefarated  LtgwiL  He  was  a  Cayi^ 
sachem,  and  styled  by  Mr.  LoMd,\  "first  masiBbrate  and  head  chief  of  all 
the  Iroquois  Indians  living  on  the  banks  of  me  Suaquehannah,  as  frr  as 
Onondago. 

He  is  the  same  often  mentioned  fay  CbUen^  andw  the  iMmes  SUdteal- 
amy,  5)i»ea2asiy,  and  SUek  Coloaij^  and  oceopioi  •  pUee  next  the  fiunous 
Canasyaiego.  His  residence  was  at  Conestoga  in  Pttansylvania.  He  was 
present  at  a  great  council  held  in  Philadelphia  in  174r^  vrith  91  other 
chiefs,  counsellors  and  warriora  of  the  Six  Nafioii%  to  oaosuh  about  the 
encroachments  of  some  of  the  Delawarea  upon  the  people  of  Pennsylva- 
nia, as  will  be  found  mentioned  in  the  histny  of  CTsnsMsf^.    That  he 


*  Corfy**  Museum,  V.  lot. 

t  Hut.  Fiot  NtMtmt,  ii.  57, 69, 75, 77, 8& 


*  HuL 


r,ii.ll9. 


[Bmk  T. 

nrtiiln,  who 
ward,  how- 
le  Ikbuloiia. 
lim  •  aaint, 
patnm  HiDt 
hafeitival 
yanunier- 
iroucfa  the 
iiaoa  pro- 
ed  the  wig- 
Kvered,  and 
yapentthe 
performed 
iaioked,aDd 

loinga  were 
the  miafor- 

thattime 
iheirTVuMwi- 

aoeietiea 
DgbcaiiMaa, 

foUowinf  is 
achieved 


.i 

inquiry  has 

a  Cayina 
chief  of  all 
h,wiaraa 

sfiUdhol- 
iheftmouB 
u  Heww 
I  91  other 
about  the 
'ennqrlva- 
That  he 

M,  ii.  119. 


a  the  aatault  upon  ffjUtoM  IfM  waa  inquired  kto,  '*wberel^  bia 

laid  IfeU'tJ  jaw-bone  waa  broke,  and  his  lile  greatly  ««ndannred, 

n  unknown  Indian."    Tbia  took  place  upon  the  dbputed  lands  in  the 


<^*r.  n.]  CANASSATIOO.  ^ 

waa  a  man  of  mueh  eonaequence  among  ttie  Five  Nationa  will  appear 
flom  the  Act,  that  Camum^tgo  repealed  a  sfieecb  of  his  to  Gov.  TImim, 

[the 

by  an  unknown  Indian."  Tbia  took  place  upon  the  dFsputed 
forka  of  the  Delaware.  **  CanaataUgo  repealing  the  measaoe  delivered 
to  the  Six  Nationa  by  Shidualamj/,  in  the  year  1740,  with  a  stnng  of  wam- 
pum, said  in  anawer :  <The  Six  Nationa  bod  made  diligent  inquiry  into 
the  aflyr,  and  hod  found  out  the  Indian  who  bad  commTlted  the  fkct ;  be 
lived  near  Asopua,  [iEsopus,]  and  bad  been  examined  and  aevereiy  re- 
proved ;  and  they  hoped,  aa  T^tam  M^ebb  was  recovered,  the  governor 
would  not  expect  any  Airther  puniahment,  and  therefore  they  relumed 
the  string  of  wampum  received  from  their  brethren,  by  the  band  of  .SUdt- 
eaUmy,  in  token  that  they  had  Ailly  complied  with  their  requeat'" 

When  Count  Zirumdorf  visited  this  countrv,  in  1743,  he  hod  an  inter- 
view with  this  chief  at  Sbamokin.  Conrad  fVeiatr  wsa  present,  and 
^nktUimxu  inquired  with  great  anxiety  the  cause  of  the  counts  visit. 
WeUtr  told  him  "that  he  was  a  messenger  of  the  living  God,  sent  to 
prep.ch  grace  and  mercy;"  to  which  be  answered,  'bo  was  glad  that  auch 
a  measen^r  came  to  instruct  his  nation." 

ShikiUwuu  was  a  great  fi-iend  of  the  missionaries,  and  his  death  waa  a 
severe  loss  to  them.  He  died  at  his  own  residence  in  Shamokin,  in  1749. 
We  have  already  iwmed  the  chief  proper  to  be  proceeded  with,  on  finiab- 
ing  our  accou  t  o(  SfakdHmus. 

CamutaiegOt  *  chief  of  the  Six  Nations,  was  of  the  tribe  of  Onondogo. 
In  1749^  there  arose  a  dispute  between  the  Delawares  and  the  government 
of  Pennsylvania^  relative  to  a  tract  of  land  in  the  forks  of  the  Delaware. 
The  Enslish  claimed  it  by  right  of  prior  purchase,  and  the  Delawares 
persisted  in  their  claim,  and  threatened  to  use  force  unless  it  should  be 

Slven  up  by  the  whitea  This  tribe  of  the  Delawares  were  subfect  to  the 
ix  Nations,  and  the  governor  of  Pennsylvania  sent  deputies  to  thorn  to 
notify  them  of  the  trouble,  thnt  they  might  interfere  and  prevent  war. 
It  was  on  this  occasion  that  Canauaiego  appeared  in  Philadelphia  with 
830  warriors.  He  observed  to  the  governor,  "  that  they  saw  the  Dela- 
wares hod  been  an  unruly  people,  and  were  altogether  in  the  wrong ; 
that  they  had  concluded  to  remove  them,  and  oblige  them  to  go  over  the 
river  Delaware,  and  quit  all  claim  to  any  lands  on  this  side  for  the  future, 
since  they  had  received  pay  for  them,  and  it  is  gone  through  their  giitH 
long  ago.  They  deserved,  ho  said,  to  be  taken  by  the  hair  of  the  head, 
and  slutken  severely,  till  they  recovered  their  senses,  and  bccnmo  sober ; 
that  he  had  seen  with  his  own  eyes  a  deed  signed  by  nine  of  their  nnci-t)- 
tors,  above  fifty  years  ago,  for  this  very  land,  nnd  a  release  signed  nur 
many  years  since,  by  some  of  themselves,  and  chiefs  yet  living,  (and  tliiMi 
present,)  to  the  number  of  15  and  upwards;  but  how  came  you  ftidilirss. 
Ing  himself  to  the  Delawares  pretteiit)  to  take  upon  you  to  self  larnl  lU 
all?  We  conquered  you ;  we  made  women  of  you ;  you  know  you  ni-i- 
women ;  and  can  no  more  sell  land  than  women ;  nor  is  it  fit  you  shoiilii 
have  the  power  of  selling  lands,  since  you  would  abuse  it.  This  land 
you  claim  is  gone  through  your  guts;  yuu  have  been  furnished  witii 
clothes,  meat  and  drink,  by  the  goods  paid  you  for  it,  and  now  you  want 
it  again,  like  children  as  you  ar-^.  But  what  makes  vou  sf  II  lands  in  the 
daiK?  Did  you  ever  tell  us  that  you  had  sold  this  land  ?  Did  we  ever 
receive  any  part,  even  the  value  of  a  pipe  shank,  from  you  for  it  ?  You 
have  told  us  a  blind  story,  that  you  sent,  a  messenger  to  us,  to  inform  uh 
of  the  sale ;  but  he  never  came  amongnt  us,  nor  did  we  ever  hear  any 
thing  about  it.  This  is  acting  ia  the  dark,  and  very  different  from  the 
oonduct  our  Six  Nations  observe  in  the  sales  of  land.    On  such  occasions 


CANASSATKOO. 


(Boos  V. 


c»i»r.  n 


tiMV  cire  nuMie  notice,  and  invite  oil  the  IndiMW  of  their  united  nioiona, 
UMWen  tnem  ill  a  Hbaro  of  the  preMmie  they  reeeive  for  their  lands. 

"  Thin  is  the  behavior  of  the  wise  unitod  nation*.  But  we  find  ^ou  are 
none  of  mir  Mood ;  you  act  a  dishuncM  |iart,  not  only  in  thia,  but  i*  other 
matters;  your  ears  are  ever  open  to  slanderous  reports  aboat  your 
brethren.  For  all  these  reasons,  ise  thmt  ifou  to  rtmovt  tiutontfy ;  ws 
dbn't  gite  you  liberty  to  think  about  iL  You  are  women."  They  dared 
not  dbobey  this  command,  and  soon  after  removed,  sonm  to  Wyoming 
Md  Shamokin,  and  some  to  the  Ohio.* 

This  is  but  a  part  of  one  of  CaiuuBoUgo'a  numerous  speeches.  In  • 
fliture  chapter  we  intend  to  lay  before  the  reader  several  othera. 

When  Cemauatego  was  at  Lancaster,  in  Pennsylvania,  in  1744,  holding 
a  talk  about  their  anairs  with  the  governor,  he  was  informed  that  the 
Englisli  had  beaten  the  French  in  some  important  battle.  "  Well,"  said 
he,  **if  that  be  tlie  case,  you  must  have  taken  a  great  deal  of  rum  fVom 
them,  and  can  afford  to  give  us  some,  that  we  may  rejoice  with  you." 
Accordingly,  a  g^aas  was  served  round  to  each,  which  they  called  a  tVwk& 
gUu$.\ 

Dr.  Fhmklin  tollH  us  a  very  interesting  story  of  Cantutattgo,  and  at  the 
same  tiuio  makes  the  old  chief  tell  another.  In  nieaking  of  tlie  manners 
and  customs  of  the  Indians,  the  doctor  says,  **  The  aame  hospitality,  es- 
teemed among  them  as  a  principal  virtue,  is  practised  bv  private  persons ; 
of  which  Conrad  Weiatr,  our  interpreter,  gave  me  the  following  instances: 
He  hod  l)een  naturalized  among  the  Six  Nations,  and  spoke  well  the 
Mohawk  language.  In  going  through  the  Indian  country,  to  carry  u 
message  <h>m  our  governor  to  the  council  at  Onondago,  he  called  at  the 
habitation  of  CaiuuBatego^  an  old  acquaintance,  who  embraced  him, 
spread  funi  for  him  to  sit  on,  placed  before  him  some  boiled  beans,  and 
venison,  and  mixed  some  rum  and  water  for  his  drink.  When  he  was 
well  reflvshed,  and  had  lit  his  pipe,  Canwuaatego  begaii  to  converse  with 
him ;  asked  how  he  had  fared  the  many  years  since  they  had  seen  each 
other;  whence  he  then  came ;  what  occasioned  the  journey,  &e.  Conrad 
answered  oil  his  questions ;  and  when  the  discourse  began  to  flag,  the 
Indian,  to  continue  it,  said,  *  Conrad,  you  have  lived  long  among  the 
white  people,  and  know  something  of  their  customs:  I  have  been  some 
times  at  Albany,  and  have  observM,  that  once  in  seven  days  they  shut  up 
their  shops,  and  assemble  in  the  great  house ;  tell  me  what  that  is  for ; 
what  do  they  do  there  ?*  *  They  meet  there,'  says  Cmurad,  *  to  hear  and  learn 
good  things.'  *  I  do  not  doubt,'  says  the  Indian,  *  that  they  tell  you  so ; 
they  hove  told  ine  the  same ;  but  1  doubt  the  truth  of  what  they  say,  and 
I  will  tell  you  m^  reasons.  I  went  lately  to  Albany,  to  sell  my  skins,  and 
buy  blankets,  knives,  powder,  rum,  &c.  You  know  I  used  generally  to 
deal  with  Hans  Hanson ;  but  I  was  a  little  inclined  thb  time  to  try  somu 
other  merchants.  However,  I  called  first  upon  Hans,  and  asked  him 
what  he  would  give  for  beaver.  He  said  he  could  not  rive  more  than 
four  shillings  a  pound ;  but,  says  he,  I  cannot  talk  on  business  now ;  this 
is  the  day  when  we  meet  together  to  learn  good  things,  and  I  am  going  to 
the  meeting.  So  I  thought  to  myself,  since.1  cannot  do  any  busmess  to 
day,  I  may  as  well  eo  to  the  meeting  too,  and  I  went  with  him.  There 
stood  up  a  man  in  mack,  and  began  to  talk  to  the  people  very  angrily,;  1 
did  not  understand  what  he  said,  but  perceiving  that  he  looked  much  at 
me,  and  at  Hanson,  I  imagined  that  he  was  angry  at  seeing  me  there ;  so 
I  went  out,  sat  down  near  the  house,  struck  fire,  and  lit  my  pipe,  waiting 
till  the  meeting  should  break  up.  I  thought  too  that  the  man  had  men- 
tioned something  of  beaver,  and  suspected  it  might  be  the  subject  of  their 


Colden  and  Oordon's  Histories. 


t  CMtn's  Hist.  Five  Nations,  ii.  14S. 


•^ 


OU*P.  Ill 


(ir.lKIIIKAN. 


moetini^.  So  whi!n  lliey  ramo  out,  I  aecoatml  my  merchant.  "Wnll, 
Hant,"  nys  I,  "  I  lio|i«  you  have  ngraH  tn  give  more  than  4«.  a  poimd." 
"  No,"  mya  he,  "  I  cannot  i(ivo  ao  much,  I  cannot  give  more  than  thre« 
HhillingR  and  aixpt-nce."  1  tlinn  apoke  tn  aevernl  other  denlera,  but  they 
•ill  auiig  the  name  aung, — (Aree  and  tixpmet,  Ihrtr.  and  aixpenee.  Thia  made 
It  clear  to  mo  thai  my  RUHpicion  was  right ;  ami  that  whatever  they  nre- 
tnnded  of  meetinfr  to  Icani  f^ood  (.Htng't,  the  pnrpoae  was  to  conault  now 
to  cheat  Indians  in  the  |irico  of  heaver.  Consider  hut  a  little,  Conrad^  and 
you  must  lie  of  my  ouinion.  If  they  met  so  often  to  learn  good  things, 
they  would  certainly  have  learned  aonw  boiore  thia  time.  But  they  ore 
still  ignorant.  You  know  our  practice.  If  a  white  man,  in  travelling 
through  our  country,  enters  one  of  our  cabins,  wo  all  treat  hiin  aa  I  do 
you ;  wo  dr,  him  if  he  is  wet ;  we  warm  him  if  he  is  cold,  and  give  him 
tnnat  and  drink,  that  he  may  allay  his  thirst  and  hunger;  and  we  sprrad 
mft  furs  for  him  to  rest  and  sleep  on :  we  demand  nothing  in  return 
But  if  I  go  into  a  \/hitfl  man's  house  at  Albany,  and  ask  for  victuals  and 
drink,  they  say.  Get  out,  vou  Indian  dog.  You  see  they  have  not  yet 
learned  those  little  roori  thinfff  that  we  need  no  meetings  to  l>e  instructed 
in,  because  our  motners  taught  them  to  us  when  we  were  children ;  and 
therefore  it  is  impossible  their  meetings  should  iie,  as  they  say,  for  any 
such  purpose,  or  have  any  such  effect:  they  are  only  to  contrive  the 
cheating  of  Indians  in  the  price  of  beaver.'"* 

The  missionary  Fredene  Po»L,  in  hia  journal  of  an  emlmAJiy  to  the 
Indiana  on  the  Ohio,  in  17>'>8,  mentiona  a  son  of  Canaaaatego,  whom  be 
calls  Hana  Jacob, 

We  are  not  to  look  into  the  history  of  Pennsylvania  for  a  sucroesion  of 
Indian  wars,  although  there  have  been  some  horrid  murders  and  enormi- 
ties committed  among  the  whites  and  Indians.  For  about  70  years,  their 
historic  page  is  very  clea- of  such  records, namely, from  10S2, the  orrivol 
of  William  Penn,  until  the  French  war  of  1755. 

There  were  several  chiefs  very  noted  about  this  period,  on  account  of 
their  connection  with  the  Moravian  Brethren.  Among  the  most  noted  was 

Olikhikan,^  or  Olikhiekan^  '*an  eminent  captain  and  warrior,  counsel- 
lor, and  speaker  of  the  Delaware  chief  [Pakanke]  in  Kaskaskunk."  It  is 
said  that  tie  had  disputed  with  the  French  Catholic  priests  in  CanJada,  and 
confounded  them,  and  now  (1769)  made  his  appearance  among  the 
United  Brethren  for  the  purpose  of  achieving  a  like  victory ;  but  as  the 
Brethren's  account  has  it,  his  heart  failed  him,  and  he  became  a  convict 
to  their  doctrines.  In  1770,  ho  quitted  Koskaskunk,  to  live  with  the 
Brethren,  greatly  against  the  minds  of  his  firi^nds  and  his  chief.  This 
occasionea  pvat  trouble,  and  some  endeavored  to  take  hia  life.  PakmJce't 
speech  to  him  upon  the  occasion  will  ho  seen  when  we  come  to  the  ac- 
count of  that  chief.  At  the  time  of  his  baptism,  Giikhikan  received  the 
name  of  I$aae. 

The  period  of  the  revolutionary  war  was  a  distressing  time  for  the 
Brethren  and  those  Indiana  who  had  adhered  to  their  cause.  War  par- 
ties from  the  hostile  tribes  were  continually  passing  and  repassing  their 
settlements,  and  oflen  in  the  most  suspicioua  manner.  It  was  to  the 
famous  chief  Gltkhikan  that  thay  owed  their  preservation  on  more  than 
one  occasion.  The  Indians  about  the  lakes  sent  deputies  to  draw  the 
Delawares  into  the  war  against  the  Americans,  but  they  were  not  receiv- 
ed by  thorn.  Shortly  after,  in  the  year  1777, 200  Huron  warriors,  with 
HMlf-kiriff  at  their  h^,  approached  the  Moravian  settlement  of  Lichte- 
nau,  in  their  way  to  attack  the  settlements  upon  the  fivntiers,  and  caused 

*  The  edilon  of  the  valuable  Encyclopedia  Pertheuis  have  thought  this  uecdolr. 
worthy  a  place  in  that  work,  (i.  661) 
t  Lotkut.  t  HtektmtUtr. 

9 


14 


GUKHIKAN. 


[Book  V. 


great  coiiSicrnation  aiiiotif;  tho  Brethren ;  but  resolving  to  show  no  rigna 
of  fear,  victuals  wera  pi-eparecl  for  them,  and  sent  out  by  some  of  the 
Christian  Indians  to  meet  thetn.  The  reception  of  those  sent  out  was  far 
more  promising  than  was  anticipated,  and  soon  after  was  "sent  a  solemn 
embassy  to  tiie  IJalJ-king  and  other  ctiiefs  of  the  Hurons."  Glikhikan 
was  at  the  head  of  this  emimssy,  and  tiie  following  is  his  speech  to  HvUf- 
tdng :— "  Uncle  !  We,  your  cousins,  the  congregation  of  believing  Indians 
at  Lichtenau  and  Gnadenhuetten,  rejoice  at  this  opportunity  to  see  and 
speak  with  you.  We  cleanse  your  eyes  from  all  the  dust,  and  whatever 
the  wind  may  have  carried  into  them,  that  you  may  see  your  cousin  with 
clear  eyes  and  a  serene  coimtenance.  Wo  cleanse  your  ears  and  hearts 
from  all  evil  reports  which  an  evil  wind  may  have  conveyed  into  your 
ears  and  even  into  your  hearts  on  the  journey,  that  our  words  may  find 
entrance  into  your  ears  and  a  place  in  your  hearts.  [Here  a  string  of 
wampum  was  presetiled  bif  Gltkhikan.]  Uncle !  hear  the  words  of  the 
believir;  Indians,  your  cousins,  at  Lichtenau  and  Gnadenhuetten.  We 
would  have  you  know,  that  we  have  received  and  believed  in  the  word 
of  God  for  30  years  and  upwards,  and  meet  daily  to  hear  it,  morning  and 
evening.  You  must  also  know,  that  we  have  our  teachers  dwelling 
amongst  us,  who  instruct  us  and  our  children.  By  this  word  of  God, 
preached  to  us  by  our  teachers,  we  are  taught  to  keep  peace  with  all  men, 
and  to  consider  them  as  friends ;  for  thus  God  has  commanded  us,  and 
therefore  v/Pi  are  lovers  of  peace.  These  our  teachers  are  not  only  our 
friends,  but  we  consider  and  love  them  as  our  own  flesh  and  blood. 
Now  OS  we  are  your  cousin,  we  most  earnestly  beg  of  you,  uncle,  that 
you  also  would  consider  them  as  your  own  body,  and  as  your  cousin. 
We  and  they  make  but  one  body,  and  therefore  cannot  be  separated,  and 
whatever  you  do  unto  them,  you  do  unto  us,  whether  it  be  good  or  evil." 
Then  several  fathoms  of  wampum  were  delivered.  Half-king  i-eceived 
this  speech  with  attention,  and  said  it  had  penetrated  his  heart,  and  afler 
he  had  consulted  with  his  captains,  he  spoke  as  follows  in  answer: — 
"Cousins!  I  am  very  glad  and  feel  great  satisfaction  that  you  have 
cleansed  mv  eyes,  ears  and  heart  from  all  evil,  conveyed  into  me  by  the 
wind  on  this  journey.  I  am  upon  an  expedition  of  an  unusual  kind ;  for 
I  am  a  warrior  and  am  going  to  war,  and  therefore  many  evil  things  and 
evil  thoughts  enter  into  my  head,  and  even  into  my  heart  But  thanks 
to  my  cousin,  my  eyes  are  now  clear,  so  that  I  can  behold  m^  cousin 
with  a  serene  countenance.  I  rejoice,  that  I  can  hear  my  oousms  with 
open  ears,  and  take  theu*  words  to  heart."  He  then  delive;%d  a  string  of 
wampum,  and  afler  repeating  the  pait  of  Glikhikan^s  speech  relating  to 
the  missionaries,  proceeded^:  "  Go  on  as  hitherto,  and  suffer  no  one  to 
molest  you.  Obey  your  teachers,  who  speak  nothing  but  good  unto  you, 
and  instruct  you  in  the  ways  of  God,  and  be  not  afraid  that  any  harm 
shall  be  done  unto  them.  No  creature  shall  hurt  them.  Attend  to  your 
worship,  and  never  mind  other  affairs.  Indeed,  you  see  us  going  to  war; 
but  you  may  remain  easy  and  quiet,  and  need  not  think  much  about  it,. 
&c."  This  was  rather  odd  talk  for  a  savage  warrior,  and  veriiy  it  seems 
more  like  that  of  one  of  the  European  Brethren,  but  the  veracity  o(  Loa- 
kiel  will  not  be  questioned. 

Some  time  after  this,  a  circumstance  occurred  which  threw  Glikhikan 
into  much  trouble  and  danger.  A  band  of  Huron  wnrriors  seized  upon 
the  missionaries  at  Salem  and  Gnadenhuetten,  and  confined  them,  and  did 
much  mischief.  Michael  Jung,  David  Zeisbtrger  and  John  Heckewelder 
were  the  Brethren  confined  at  this  time.  The  savages  next  pillaged 
Schoenbrunn,  Trom  whence  they  led  captive  the  itiissionary  Jungman  and 
wile,  and  tho  sisters  Zeiabetger  and  Smaeman ;  and,  singing  the  death- 
song,  arrived  with  them  at  Gnadenhuetton,  where  were  the  rest  of  tho 


Chap.  II.] 


P.\K.\NKE. 


priaonera.  This  was  Sept.  4i  1781.  It  appears  that  the  famous  Capt. 
Pt/w  was  among  ''<«>ae  warriors,  from  what  fol)ov;a  A  young  Indian 
woman,  who  ac(  (Hinicd  the  warriors,  was  much  moved  by  the  hard 
treatment  of  tin  lirethren,  and  in  the  ni^ht  "  found  means  to  get  Capt. 
Pipt^a  best  horse,  and  mde  off  full  speed  to  Pittsburgh,  where  she  gave 
an  account  of  the  situation  of  the  misstniiaries  and  their  congregations." 
This  woman  was  related  to  Glikhilum ;  on  him,  therefore,  they  determined 
to  vent  their  wrath.  A  party  of  warriors  seized  him  at  Salem,  and 
brought  him  bound  to  Gnadenhuctten,  singing  the  dep^li-song.  When 
he  was  brought  into  the  presence  of  the  warriors,  great  commotion  fol- 
lowed, ar.d  many  were  clamorous  that  he  should  be  at  once  cut  to  pieces; 
especially  the  Delawares,  who  could  not  forget  his  having  renounced  hiin 
nation  and  manner  of  living;  here,  however,  Ha^f-king  interfered,  and 
prevented  his  being  killed.  They  now  held  on  inquisitorial  examination 
upon  him,  which  terminated  in  a  proof  of  his  innocence,  and,  after 
giving  vent  to  their  spleen  in  looding  him  with  the  worst  of  epithets  and 
much  opprobrious  language,  set  h:im  at  liberty. 

The  missionaries  and  their  ccogregations  were  soon  at  liberty,  but 
were  obliged  to  emigrate,  as  they  could  have  no  rest  upon  the  Muskingum 
any  longer ;  war  parties  continually  hovering  about  them,  robbing  and 
troubling  them  in  various  ways.  They  went  through  tlie  wilderness  125 
miles,  and  settled  at  Sandusky,  leaving  their  beautiful  cornfields  just  ready 
to  harvest.  Their  losses  and  privations  were  immense.  Above  200 
cattle  and  400  hogs,  much  corn  in  store,  beside  300  acres  just  ripenin. 
were  among  the  spoils.  "  A  troop  of  savages  commanded  by  Englia 
officers  escorted  them,  enclosing  them  at  the  distance  of  some  miles  on 
all  sides."  They  arrived  at  their  place  of  destination  Oct.  11,  and  here 
were  left  by  Half-king  and  his  warriors  without  any  instructions  or 
orders. 

Many  believing  Indians  had  returned  to  Gnadenhuctten  and  the  ad- 
jacent places  in  1782.  Here,  on  8th  March  of  this  year,  happened  the 
moat  dreadful  massacre,  and  OUkkikan  was  among  the  victims.  Ninety- 
six  persons  were  scalped  and  then  cut  to  pieces.  Besides  women,  there 
were  34  children  murdered  in  cold  blood.*  This  was  done  by  white 
men! 

Pakanke  was  a  powerful  Delaware  chief,  whose  residence,  in  1770,  was 
at  a  place  called  Kaskaskunk,  about  40  miles  north  of  Pittsburgh.  He  is 
brought  to  our  notice  by  the  af^ncy  of  the  missionary  Loskid,  from  whom 
It  appears  that  he  was  very  friendly  to  the  Bret'iiren  at  firet,  and  invited 
them  into  his  country,  but  when  Gm^'ikmi,  his  chief  captain  and  speaker, 
forsook  him,  and  went  to  live  with  them,  he  was  so  disconcerted,  that  he 
turned  against  them,  and  for  a  time  caused  them  much  difficulty.  Meet- 
ing with  GlikJiikan  afterward  in  public,  he  spoke  to  him  in  an  angry  tone 
as  follows :  "  And  even  you  have  gone  over  from  this  council  to  thern.  I 
suppose  you  mean  to  ^t  a  '.'hite  skin!  But  I  tell  you,  not  even  one  of 
your  feet  will  turn  white,  much  less  your  body.  Was  you  not  a  brove 
and  honored  man,  sitting  next  to  me  in  council,  when  we  spread  the 
blanket  and  considered  the  belts  of  wainptiia  lying  before  us  ?    Now  you 

Sretcnd  to  despise  all  this,  and  think  to  have  found  something  better, 
ome  time  or  other  yoi>  will  find  yourself  deceived."  To  which  Glikhikan 
made  hut  a  short  and  meek  reply.  Some  epidemic  disease  carried  off 
many  of  the  Indians  about  this  time,  and  they  attributed  its  cause  to  their 
obstinacy  in  not  receiving  the  gospel.  Pakanke  was  among  the  number 
at  last  who  accepted  it  as  a  remedy.    He  appears  not  to  have  been  so 


*  I  hnve  hcpo  particulnr  in  noticiiif;  this  affair,  as  it  is  not  found  in  such  extensively 
circulated  works  as  the  Amerkan  Anmai* 


16 


NETAWATWEES— PAXNOUS. 


(Bool  V. 


credulous  as  many  of  liia  ncighiiors ;  for  wIkmi  tlic  ackuowledsment  of 
Christiuiiity  was  concluded  u|m>ii  by  iiitiiiy,  lie  riMnuined  incredulous;  and 
when  n  belt  of  wampum  was  aeiit  bini,  accompanied  witli  a  message, 
declaring  that  "  whosoever  refused  to  accept  it  would  be  considemf  a 
murderer  of  his  countrymi  n,"  he  aflfected  not  to  understand  its 
import,  and  doubtless  would  not  have  acknowledged  it,  but  for  the 
impending  danger  which  he  f>aw  threatening  him.  When  he  went  to 
hear  the  Brethren  preach,  he  declared  his  conviction,  and  recommended 
his  children  to  receive  the  goe(>el.    A  son  of  his  was  Imptized  in  1775. 

jVetawalioees  was  head  chief  of  the  Delawares,  and  if  we  are  to  judge 
of  him  from  our  scanty  records,  he  will  ap|.  nr  to  the  best  advantage. 
''He  used  to  lay  all  affairs  of  state  before  his  counselkirs  for  their  con- 
sideration, without  telling  them  his  own  sentiments.  When  they  gave 
him  their  opinion,  he  either  approved  of  it,  or  stated  his  objections  and 
amendments,  always  alleging  the  reasons  of  his  disapprobation."  Before 
the  i-evoUition,  it  was  said  that  he  had  amazingly  increased  the  reputation 
of  the  Delawares;  and  he  spared  no  pains  to  conciliate  all  his  neighbors, 
and  reconcile  them  one  to  another.  His  residence,  in  1773,  was  at  Gt;kel- 
emukpechuenk.  The  Moravian  misawnaries  sent  messengers  to  him, 
with  information  of  the  arrival  of  another  missionary,  in  July  of  this  year, 
requesting  a  renewal  of  friendship  and  a  confirmation  of  his  former 
promise  of  protection.  When  this  was  laid  before  him  and  his  council, 
they  were  not  much  pleased  with  the  information,  and  the  old  chief  A*e- 
tawatwees  said,  "  They  have  teachers  enm^h  already,  for  a  new  one  eon  teatA 
noUmg  bvt  the  same  doctrine."  He  was,  however,  prevailed  upon  to  give 
his  consent  to  their  request,  and  afterwards  became  a  convert  to  tneir 
religion.  After  he  had  set  out  in  this  course,  he  sent  the  folk>wing speech 
to  his  old  friend  Pakanke:  "Youand  lore  both  M,  and  know  ni4  how  long 
we  sluM  lioe.  Therefore  let  us  do  a  ffood  work,  be/ore  we  dispart,  and  leave  a 
testimony  to  our  ehilaren  and  poster^,  that  we  haue  recewed  the  word  <(f 
Qod,  Let  this  be  our  last  wdl  and  tutammt."  Pakanke  consented,  and 
was  at  great  pains  to  send  solemn  embassies  to  all  such  tribes  as  he 
thought  proper,  to  communicate  his  determination.  Ndawalwets  died  at 
Pittsburgh  near  th?  close  of  1776.  The  missionaries  felt  the  great  sever- 
ity of  his  loss,  for  his  counsel,  as  they  acknowledge,  was  of  great  benefit 
to  them  upon  all  trying  occasions. 

Paxnous,  was  head  chief  of  the  Shawanese  in  1754.  At  this  time,  the 
Christian  Indians  of  the  Moravian  settlement,  Gnadenhuetten,  were  op- 
pressed by  a  tribute  to  the  Hurons.  This  year,  Paxnous  and  Gideon 
Tadeuskund,  who  had  become  dissenters,  came  to  them,  and  delivered  the 
following  message :  "  The  great  head,  that  is,  the  council  of  the  Iroquois 
in  Onondago,  speak  the  truth  and  lie  not:  they  rejoice  that  some  of  the 
believing  Indians  have  moved  to  Wajomick,  [near  Wilksburg  and  the 
Susquchannah,]  but  now  they  lift  up  the  remaining  Maliikans  and  Dela- 
wares, and  set  them  also  down  in  Wajomick :  for  there  a  fire  is  kindled 
for  them,  and  there  they  may  plant  and  think  of  God.  But  if  they  will 
not  hear  of  the  great  head,  or  council,  will  come  and  clean  their  ears  with 
a  red-hot  iron  ;"  that  is,  set  their  houses  on  fire,  and  send  bullets  through 
their  heads.  The  next  year,  Paxnow  and  13  others  came  again,  and  in 
the  name  of  the  Hurons  demanded  an  answer  to  the  summons  he  hod 
delivered  last  year.  His  wife  attended  him,  and  for  whom  he  bad  great 
affection,  having  then  lived  with  her  38  years.  She,  being  touched  by 
the  preaching  of  the  Brethren,  was  no  doubt  the  cause  of  softening  the 
heart  of  Paxnous,  and  causing  him  thenceforth  to  do  much  for  Uiem. 
This  answer  was  returned  to  him  to  bear  to  the  Hurons:  **The  Brethren 
will  confer  with  the  Iroquois  themselves,  concerning  the  intended  ro- 
moval  of  the  Indiana  finm  Gnadenhuetten  to  Wiuomick."  Paxnous,  "being 


Crap.  I 

only  ai 
closer 
Poznot 
baptize 
fected. 
child  n 
Brethr 
Tttdt 


Chap,  n.] 


TADEU8KUND. 


17 


only  an  ambassador  in  this  business,  was  satisfyed,  and  even  formed  a 
closer  ac«|uaintance  wiih  the  Brethren."  This  is  sufficient  to  explain 
Pomoiw'  iiartiality  for  the  Brethren.  Before  they  departed,  his  wife  was 
baptized,  and  all  present,  among  whom  was  her  husband,  were  much  af- 
fected. She  declared  as  she  rtttumed  home,  "  that  she  felt  as  happy  as  a 
child  new  bom."  Paxtunu  also  had  two  sons,  who  did  much  for  the 
Brethren. 

Tadeuakund,  a  noted  chief  among  the  Delawares,  may  be  considered 
next  in  importance  to  those  above  named.  He  was  known  among  the 
English,  previous  to  1750,  by  the  name  Honat-John.  About  this  time,  he 
was  received  into  the  Moravian  communitv,  and  after  some  delay,  "owing 
to  his  wavering  disposition,"  was  baptized,  and  received  into  tellowship. 
His  baptismal  name  was  Oideon.  He  adhered  to  the  missionaries  just  as 
long  as  his  condition  appeared  to  be  better,  but  when  any  thing  more  fa- 
vorable offered,  he  stood  ready  to  embark  in  it. 

The  Christian  Indians  at  Onadenhuetten  were  desirous  of  removing  to 
Wajomick,  which  offered  more  advantages  than  that  place,  and  this  was 
a  secret  desire  of  the  wild  Indians ;  for  ibey,  intending  to  join  the  French 
of  Canada,  wished  to  have  them  out  of  the  way  of  their  excursions,  that 
they  might  with  more  secrecy  fall  upon  the  English  fijntiers.  It  was 
iiow  1754. 

Meanwhile  Tadeutkund  had  had  the  offer  of  leading  the  Delawares 
in  the  war,  and  hence  he  bad  been  a  chief  promoter  of  a  removal  to  Wa- 
jomick. The  misBionaries  saw  through  the  plot,  and  refused  to  move ; 
out  quite  a  company  of  their  followers,  to  the  number  of  about  70,  went 
thither,  agreeably  to  the  wishes  of  Tadeutkund  and  his  party,  and  some 
went  off  to  other  places. 

Tttdeuakund  was  now  in  his  element,  marching  to  aiKl  from  the  French 
in  warlike  style.  When  Paxnoua,  as  has  been  related,  summoned  the  re- 
maining believers  at  Onadenhuetten  to  remove  to  Wajomick,  Tadeutkund 
accompanied  him.  As  the  interest  of  the  French  began  to  decline,  TV- 
dtutkund  began  to  think  about  making  a  shift  again.  Having  lived  a  con- 
siderable part  of  the  year  1758  not  nir  from  Etethlehem,  with  about  100 
of  his  followers,  he  gave  the  Brethren  there  intimations  that  he  wishet^ 
again  to  join  them ;  and  even  requested  that  some  one  would  preach  on 
his  side  of  the  Lehigh.  But  the  hopes  of  his  reclaim  were  soon  after 
dissipated.  And  "  he  now  even  endeavored  to  destroy  the  peace  and* 
comfort  of  the  Indian  congregation."  From  the  discouraging  nature  of 
the  af&irs  of  the  French,  ten  Indian  nations  were  induced  to  send  dep- 
uties to  treat  with  the  English  at  Elaston,  which  eventuated  in  a  treaty 
of  peace.  Tadeutkund  pretended  that  this  treaty  had  been  agreed  to  on 
condition  thnt  government  should  build  a  town  on  the  Susquehannah 
for  the  Indians,  and  cause  those  living  with  the  brethren  to  remove  to  it. 
This  his  enemies  denied.  There  was  some  foundation,  from  their  own 
account,  fur  TadeutkwmPa  pretending  to  have  received  full  commission 
to  conduct  all  the  Indians  within  certain  limits,  which  included  those  of 
Bethlehem,  to  Wajomick ;  and  therefore  deqianded  their  compliance  with 
his  commands.  He  was  liberal  in  his  promises,  provided  they  would 
comply ;  saying,  they  should  have  fields  cleared  and  ploughed,  houses 
built,  and  provisions  provided :  not  only  so,  but  their  teachers  should 
attend  them,  to  live  there  unmolested,  and  the  believers  entirely  by  them- 
selves. But,  through  the  influence  of  their  priests,  they  would  not  com- 
ply, which  occasioned  some  threats  from  Taaeuskttnd,  nnd  he  immediately 
set  off  for  Philadelphia,  considerably  irritated. 

Tadeutkund  went  to  Philadelphia  in  consequence  of  an  intended  gen- 
eral congress  of  tlie  Indians  and  English,  including  all  those  who  did  not 
attend  at  Easton.    When  he  returned,  he  demanded  a  positive  answer, 
9* 


18 


WHITE-EYES. 


rBooK  T 


•od  tbey  replied  that  tbey  would  not  reniore  unless  the  governor  and  aH 
the  chiefs  so  determined,  for  that  they  could  tot  without  the  greatest 
ineoDTenience.    This  seenied  to  satisfy  him,  and  hm  left  them. 

The  great  council  or  congress  of  English  and  Indiaiw  at  Eiaston  above 
referred  to,  bein^  of  much  importance  ui  Indian  hisloiy.  as  abo  illustra- 
tive of  other  eminent  characters  as  well  as  that  of  TVufnidhnu/,  we  will 
refer  its  details  to  a  separate  chapter. 

Thdeuohmd  was  burnt  to  death  in  his  own  house  at  Wiiiomiek  in 
April,  176a 

A  chief  nearly  as  distinguished  as  TadtuJtund  we  shall  introduce  in 
this  place ;  but  will  first  note  that  we  observe  the  same  errors,  if  so  they 
may  be  called,  in  m<ve  modern  writers,  with  regard  to  the  standinc  of 
chiefs,  as  in  the  very  earliest.  The  New  England  historians,  it  will  have 
been  noticed,  make  several  chieft  or  sachems  each  the  uext  to  a  stiU 
greater  one:  thus,  Annawan,  3^*'^  Woaiuukum  and  Mkumpmn  were 
said  to  have  been  severally  next  to  Mdaeomd.  And  authors  who  have 
written  about  the  western  Indiana,  mention  several  who  are  head  chiefs  of 
the  same  tribes.  But,  as  we  have  observed  in  a  former  book,  such  mis- 
nomers were  scarcely  to  be  avoided,  and  we  only  mention  it  here,  that 
we  may  not  be  thought  renuss  in  perpetuating  them. 

WhiU-tM8  (or,  as  though  deficient  in  organs  of  vision,  some  write 
WkHt-tyt)  yna  "the  first  captain  among  the  Oelawares.'*  Then  was 
always  great  oppontion  amonc  the  Indians  against  mi«ionarieB  settling 
in  their  country ;  who,  in  the  bnguage  of  one  of  the  Moravians,  **  were  a 
■lone  of  ofience  to  many  of  the  chiefs  and  to  a  great  part  of  the  council 
at  Gekelemukpechuenk,  and  it  was  several  times  proposed  to  ex|>el  them 
by  force."  But  "this  man  [Captam  WkUt-ofta^  kept  the  chiefs  and 
council  in  awe,  and  would  not  sufier  them  to  injure  the  missionaries, 
bdng  in  his  own  heart  convinced  of  the  truths  of  the  gospel.  This  was 
evident  in  all  his  speeehes,  held  before  the  chieft  and  council  in  behalf 
of  the  Indian  congregation  and  their  teachera."* 

The  old  chief  ffdamOuu*  used  every  art  to  thwart  the  endeavors  of 
IfUte-cyu,  and,  as  they  were  ratlier  in  a  strain  bordering  upon  persecu- 
tion,'were  only  sure  to  make  the  latter  more  strenuous.  He  therefore 
declared  "that  no  prosperity  would  attend  the  Indian  affairs,  unless  they 
received  and  believed  the  saving  gospel,"  &c  IPMe-eyw  was  fbreed  about 
tfaia  time  to  separate  himself  from  tiie  other  chiefs.  "This  occasioned 
great  and  general  surprise,  and  bis  presence  being  considered  both  by 
uie  chiefr  and  the  people  as  indispensably  necessary,  a  negotiation  com- 
menced, and  some  Indian  brethren  were  appointed  arbitrators.  The 
event  was  beyond  expectation  successfiil,  for  chief  AMmtalweu  not  only 
acknowledged  the  injustir'.^  done  to  CaMain  WtiU-mt,  but  changed  hio 
mind  with  req>ect  ic  tLe  believing  Inoians  and  their  teaehera,  and  re- 
mained their  constant  friend  to  his  death."* 

At  the  breaking  out  of  the  revolutionary  war,  the  American  congress 
endeavored  to  treat  with  the  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations,  end  accordingly 
invited  the  Delawares  to  send  deputies.  WhUe-tya  attended  on  the  part 
of  the  Brethren,  and  his  conduct  before  the  commisrionere  was  highly 
qiproved  by  the  misMonariea. 

Tovrards  the  close  of  the  vear  1776,  the  Hurons  sent  a  menage  to  the 
Delawares, "  that  they  must  keep  their  shoes  in  readiness  to  join  the  war- 
riors." A'cttoiMifiMet  beinff  their  head  chieC  to  him,  consequentiy,  was  the 
talk  delivered.  He  would  not  accept  the  menage,  but  sent  belts  to  the 
Hurons,  with  an  admonition  for  their  rash  resolution,  and  reminding 
tfiem  of  the  misery  they  had  already  brought  upon  themselves.    Captain 


lAttkiH,  iii.  101— t. 


'^ 


ffioOK  V 

mor  and  all 
the  gKMeat 


CSAf.  It  ] 


8KENANDO. 


li 


above 
illuatm. 
><>«/f  we  will 

^•jomiek  in 

ntroduce  in 
*»  if  BO  thej 
■taoding  of 
it  will  have 
K2  to  a  atiU 
mpoin  were 
I  who  have 
!ad  chiefs  of 
,  euch  mis- 
it  here,  that 

some  write 
There  was 

nes  settling 

n9,"werea 
the  council 

exjiel  them 
chiefs  and 

Dissionaries, 
This  was 

I  in  behalf 

ideavore  of 
>n  persecu- 
e  tnererore 
unless  they 
breed  about 
occasioned 
ed  both  bj 
Mion  com- 
itois.  The 
e»  not  only 
hanged  hii 
inland  re- 

n  congress 
ivcordingly 
>n  the  part 
vas  highly 

»getothe 
n  the  war- 
ly,  was  the 
Bits  to  the 
reminding 
Captain 


tt^hUfnu  was  a  bewrer  of  the  bells,  who  in  his  turn  was  as  unsuccessAil 
as  the  Huron  ambusadon:  for  when  they  were  delivered  to  the  chiefr 
in  Fort  Detroit,  in  presence  of  the  English  governor,  he  cut  them  in  pieces, 
and  threw  them  at  the  feet  of  the  bearers,  ordering  them,  at  the  same 
time,  to  depart  in  half  an  hour.  He  accused  ffkUe'Oftt  of  a  connection 
with  the  Americans,  and  told  him  his  head  was  in  danger. 

It  is  not  strange  that  ffkUe-ejfes  was  treated  in  this  manner,  if  he  took 
the  stand  at  the  commencement  of  the  war,  which  we  suppose  fVom  the 
following  circumstance  that  he  did :  The  Iroquois,  being  chiefly  in  the 
English  mterest,  and  considering  the  Delawares  bound  to  operate  with 
tliein,  ordered  them  to  be  in  readiness,  as  has  been  just  related.  Upon 
this  occasion,  WkUe-oftM  said  "he  should  do  as  he  pleased ;  that  he  wore 
no  iMtticoats,  as  they  fklsely  pretended ;  he  was  no  woman,  but  a  man, 
and  they  should  find  him  to  act  as  such."* 

We  hear  nothing  mora  of  importance  of  this  chief  until  1780,  which 
was  the  year  of  his  death.  He  died  at  Pittsburgh,  in  Pennsylvania,  of  the 
sniall-pox.  Many  others  died  about  this  time,  among  whom  was  a  man 
who  must  have  been  very  old,  perhaps  near  130,  as  he  could  well  re- 
member when  the  first  house  was  built  in  Philadelphia,  in  1688,  being 
then  a  boy. 

Although  WfaU-eya  was  so  friendly  to  the  Brethren,  yet  he  never  fully 
joined  them,  stating  his  political  stotion  as  a  reason. 

The  Delaware  nation  perpetuated  his  name ;  a  chief  signed  a  treaty  in 
1814,  at  Greenville,  in  Ohio,  bearing  itf  fyhiU-etfei'  town  is  frequently 
niendoned  in  history.  It  was  the  place  of  his  residence,  which  was  near 
tKj  falls  of  the  Muskingum. 

Skmando,  though  belonging;  to  a  later  age,  may  very  properly  be  noticed 
here.  He  was  an  Oneida  chief,  contemporary  with  the  missionary  Atrit- 
hmd,  to  whom  he  became  a  convert,  and  lived  manv  years  of  the  latter 
part  of  his  life  a  believer  in  Christianity.  Mr.  Khrldmd  died  at  Paris,  N. 
York,  in  1808,  and  was  buried  near  Oneida.  Skmando  desired  to  be 
buried  near  him  at  his  denth,  which  was  granted.  He  lived  to  be  110 
years  old,  and  was  often  visited  b^  strangers  out  of  curiosity.  He  said  to 
one  who  visited  him  but  a  little  time  before  his  death,  "■i  am  an  aged 
hemlock ;  the  wiTuis  of  an  hundred  winters  have  whitUed  through  my  branch- 
e$;  lam  dead  at  the  top.  The  generation  to  whieh  I  belonged  hat  run  away 
andlejlme.^ 

In  early  life,  he  was,  like  nearly  all  of  his  race,  given  to  intoxication. 
In  1775,  he  was  at  Albany  to  settle  some  affairs  of  his  tribe  with  the  gov- 
ernment of  New  York.  One  night  he  became  drunk,  and  in  the  morn- 
ing found  himself  in  the  street,  nearly  naked,  every  thing  of  worth  stripped 
from  him,  even  the  sign  of  his  chieftainship.  This  brought  him  to  a 
sense  of  his  duty,  and  he  was  never  more  known  to  be  intoxicated.  He 
was  a  powerful  chief,  and.  the  Americans  did  not  fail  to  engage  him  on 
their  side  in  the  revolution.  This  was  congenial  to  his  mind,  for  he  al- 
ways urged  the  rights  of  the  prior  occupants  of  the  soil,  and  once  opposed 
the  Americans  on  the  same  principle,  for  encroachments  upon  tne  red 
men.    He  rendered  his  adopted  Anglo  brethren  important  services. 

From  the  "  Annals  of  Tiyon  County ,"{  we  learn  that  iS%enanio  died 
on  the  11  March,  1816.  He  lefl  an  only  son.  And  the  same  author  ob- 
serves that "  his  [)er8on  was  tall,  well  made,  and  robust.  His  countenance 
was  intelligent,  and  displayed  all  the  peculiar  dignitv  of  an  Indian  chief. 
In  hie  yoiitn  he  was  a  brave  and  intrepid  warrior,  and  in  his  riper  years,  one 
«f  the  noblest  counsellors  among  the  North  American  tribes:"  and  that, in 


•  Hec*«oeWer,  Hist.  22. 

f  Sec  Hi»t.  Second  War,  by  8.  R.  Brttum,  Appendix,  lOfi. 


XHy  W.  W.CampbeU. 


viT.: 


so 


SHIMOB. 


the  ivvoltttioaary  war,  by  h»  Tigiknoe  ibe  pff«aer«ed  dw 
German  Flala  ftom  bniig  dealro^d. 


(■bob  W. 

«r 


0«Ar.  II 


7 

%  : 


CHAPTER  m. 


the  French  of  Oldo — Shumhs — ^Moracatoocba — Half-kmo — Jcska- 

\    KAKA — ^WhiTS-THUiXDER — ^AuJftCIPA — CaPTAIH  JaCOBS — HufBRNK 

,  — His  histonf — CWioia  aiiccilofe  af—\AMAn — OcMp*«  Wmt — ArfUt  ff 
.  Poitd  PUcuant — Logan''s  famous  spetdt — Coekstock — Uia  hutmnf — 
>,   Red-hawk — Ellinipsico— The  harbanma  muirder  rf  Aae  tiutt    Jlfe/- 

ani^'Jmly  death  of  Lofran — Pontiac — .4  nrnomted  Miliar — CkL  Ragtn^t 
y  euxouii*.  of  him, — Hit  poticg — FaU  of  MichHumaktmok — ^Mirbbwbhua — 

iSic^  of  Detroit —PonHara  dratofrem  to  anrpriie  U — b  diarwend — Q|l- 

eiai  aecoiad  of  the  affair  of  Bloody  Bria'gt — Pm^^me  mhaxdona  the  aiigt 

— Becomu  thefriemd  of  tkt  Enghah — It  aansaimdtd. 

Ths  expedition  of  ff'ashintrlon  to  the  French  on  the  Ohio,  in  1733^ 
brings  to  our  records  infonnatiun  ot*  several  chi«<t>  of  the  Six  Nations,  of 
the  meet  interesting  kind.  lie  was  roiiunisBioned  and  sent  as  an  ambaa- 
sador  to  the  French,  by  Goveruor  DiHwiddit  of  Virginia.  He  kept  an 
accurate  journal  of  his  travels,  which,  on  his  return  to  Viiginia,  was  pub- 
lished, and,  not  long  after,  the  same  was  rcpublishe«l  in  London,  wnh  a 
map ;  tlie  substance  of  this  journal  \iras  copietl  into  almost  evety  periodi- 
cal of  importance  of  that  day. 

Shir^is  -was  the  first  chief  he  visited,  who  lived  in  the  Ibiks  of  the 
Alleghany  and  Monongdihela  rivers,  whore  Pittsburgh  now  alanda  He 
intended  holding  a  council  with  tne  celebrated  /faj/~^^^>*  •'''eady  men- 
tioned, at  Loggstown,  and  such  others  as  couM  be  asaemMed  at  diort 
notice,  to  strengthen  them  in  the  English  interrst.  He  thei^bre  invited 
Shingin  to  attend  the  coimcil,  and  we  accordingly  accompanied  him  to 
Loggslown.    "  As  soon  as  I  came  into  town,"  says  Wmalmglam,  "  I  went 


*  He  is  called  n  Huron  by  LtitUrl,  HisL  Mtssimis.  Ki.  tiS.    He  was  called  ^  ti 
Delawwes  Pomcaean,  wbicii  in  Enrlisk  neaas  KtrOTt-wctir.    UctktmtUir,  Nar.  V6. 


Cl«AP.   lU.] 


HALF-KING. 


31 


to  MaiuJuttoodut,  (as  the  Ha^-katft  WMout  at  his  hunting  cabin,  on  Litthi 
Bt  ver  Creek,  about  15  miles  ofl[()  and  informed  him  by  Mm  Dmidtont 
my  Indian  interpreter,  that  I  was  sent  a  messenger  to  the  French  general, 
and  was  ordered  to  coll  upon  the  sachems  of  the  Six  Nations  to  acquaint 
them  with  it  I  gave  him  a  string  of  wampum  and  a  twist  of  tobacco, 
and  desired  him  to  send  for  the  half-king,  which  he  promised  to  do  by  a 
runner  in  the  morning,  and  for  other  sachema  I  invited  him  and  the 
other  great  men'  present  to  my  ten*,  where  they  stayed  about  an  hour,  and 
returned."  This  place  was  about  140  miles,  **  as  we  went,  and  computed 
it,"  says  the 'great  writer,  **  from  our  back  settlements,  where  we  arrived 
between  sunsetting  and  dark,  the  twenty-fiAh  day  after  I  left  Williams- 
burgh. 

Half-king,  it  seems,  had,  not  Iom  lufore,  visited  the  same  place  to  which 
Wa$kmgion  was  now  destined ;  m  as  soon  as  he  returned  to  his  town, 
fFiaahiturton  invited  him  privately  to  his  tent,  ''and  desired  him  to  relate 
some  of  the  particulars  of  his  journey  to  the  French  commandant,"  the 
best  way  for  him  to  go,  and  the  distance  from  that  place.  **  He  told  me," 
days  WatkitLrhn,  "  that  the  nearest  and  leveleet  way  was  now  impassable, 
by  reason  ofmany  large  miry  wvannas ;  thatwe  must  he  obliged  tofobf 
Venango,  and  should  not  get  to  the  near  fort  in  less  than  five  or  rix  nights' 
sleep,  good  travelling."  HaJ^-lang  further  informed  him  that  he  met  with 
a  cold  reception ;  that  the  French  ofiicer  sternly  ordered  him  to  declare 
his  business,  which  he  did,  he  said,  iu  the  following  speech : — 

"  Fathers,  I  am  come  to  tell  you  your  own  speeches ;  what  vonr  own 
mouths  have  declared.  You,  in  former  dajrs,  set  a  silver  basin  before  us, 
wherein  there  waa  the  leg  of  a  beaver,  and  desired  all  the  nations  to  come 
and  eat  of  it;  to  eat  in  peace  and  plenty,  and  not  to  be  churlish  to  one 
another :  and  that  if  any  such  person  should  be  found  to  be  a  disturber, 
I  here  lay  down  by  the  edge  of  the  dish  a  rod,  which  you  must  scourge 
them  with ;  and  if  your  father  should  set  foolidi,  in  my  old  days,  I  dera« 
you  may  .  -e  it  upon  me  as  well  as  othenL — ^Now,  fathers,  it  is  you  who 
are  the  disturbers  in  this  land,  by  coming  and  building;  vour  towns ;  and 
taking  it  away  unknown  to  us,  and  by  force. — ^We  kindled  a  fire,  a  long 
time  ago,  at  a  place  called  Montreal,  where  we  derired  you  to  stay,  ana 
not  to  come  and  intrude  upon  our  land.  I  now  desire  you  may  despatch 
to  that  place ;  for,  be  it  known  to  you,  fothers,  that  this  is  our  land,  and 
not  youn. — I  desire  you  mav  hear  me  in  civilneas ;  if  not,  we  must  han- 
dle that  rod  which  was  laid  down  for  the  use  of  the  obstreperous.  If  you 
had  come  in  a  peaceaUe  manner,  like  our  brothera  the  English,  we  would 
not  have  been  against  your  tnuiing  with  us,  es  thejr  do ;  but  to  come, 
fiithera,  and  build  houses  upon  our  land,  and  to  take  it  by  force,  is  what 
we  cannot  submit  to." 

Ha^-king  then  repeated  what  was  said  to  him  in  reply  by  the  French, 
which,  when  he  had  done,  fficuhington  made  a  speech  to  him  and  his 
council  He  acquainted  them  with  the  reascm  of  his  visit,  and  told  them 
he  was  instructea  to  call  upon  them  by  the  governor  of  Virginia,  to  advise 
with  them,  to  assure  them  of  the  love  of  the  English,  and  to  ask  the  assist- 
ance of  some  of  their  young  men,  to  conduct  him  through  the  wilderness, 
to  the  French,  to  whom  he  had  a  letter  4rom  his  governor.  Half-king 
made  this  reply : — 

"  In  regara  to  what  my  urother  the  governor  had  desired  of  me,  I  return 
you  this  answer."  "  I  rely  upon  yau  as  a  brother  ought  to  do,  as  you  say 
we  are  brothe^^  and  one  people."  "  Brother,  as  you  have  asked  my 
bdvice,  I  hope  you  will  be  ruled  by  it,  and  stay  until  I  can  provide  a  com- 
pany to  go  with  you.  The  French  speech  belt  is  not  here ;  I  have  it  to 
go  R>r  to  my  hunting  cabin.    Likewise  the  people,  whom  I  have  ordered 


as 


HALF-KING. 


[BoOE  V 


in,  are  not  yet  come,  and  cannot  until  the  third  iiight  flt>m  thii;  until 
which  time,  brotlier,  I  must  beg  you  to  .Any." 

When  Washington  told  him  that  his  buBinnn  wmild  not  admit  of  ao 
much  delay,  the  chief  seemed  flispleased,  and  said  ii  was  **anusiter  of  no 
tmaU  moment,  and  mutt  not  be  entered  without  due  corsidtralitm.*'  Pernapit 
it  will  not  be  too  much,  to  give  this  Indian  cl'^ef  credit  for  some  of  that 
character  wh/ch  was  so  well  exemplified  by  tVcuikiiigton  in  all  his  after 
life. '  And  "  as  I  found  it  impossible,"  says  the  namnor,  **  to  get  off,  with- 
out affronting  tbem  in  the  most  egregious  manner,  i  o«''^sented  to  stay." 
Accordingly,  Ha^f-king  gave  orders  to  Kmg  Shingii  whn  was  present,  to 
attend  on  Wednesday  night  with  the  wampum,  and  iwo  men  of  their 
nation,  to  be  in  readiness  to  set  out  witli  us  next  .'woming.**  There  was 
still  I.  delay  of  another  day,  as  the  chie4  could  not  get  in  their  wampum 
aud  yo  mg  men  which  were  to  be  sent ;  and,  after  all,  but  three  ctiiefb 
and  one  hunter  accompanied.  **  We  set  out,"  says  Waahifwlor,  **  about 
9  o'clock,  with  the  Hatf-ldng,  Jutkakaka^  fViUe-thunder,  and  the  hunter; 
and  travelltsd  on  the  road  to  Venango,  where  we  arrived  the  4th  of 
December."  This  place  is  situated  at  the  junction  of  French  Creek  with 
-  the  Ohio.  Here  the  French  had  a  garrison,  and  another  a  short  distance 
above  it,  which  was  the  extent  of  our  discoverer's  peregrinations  north. 
The  commanders  of  these  posts  used  all  means  to  entice  Hay-king  to  desert 
the  English,  and  it  was  with  great  difficulty  that  fVathiv^^ton  succeeded 
in  preventing  them.  They  endeavored  to  weary  out  the  major,  by 
making  the  chiefs  delay  their  departure  from  day  to  day,  by  means  of 
liquor,  so  that  they  should  be  left  behind.  At  length,  having  out-gen- 
eialed  his  complotters,  and  **  got  things  ready  to  set  off,  I  sent  fur  the 
Half-king,"  continues  the  narrator,  **  to  know  whether  be  intended  to  go 
witn  us,  or  by  water.  He  told  me  that  fVhite-thtmder  bad  hurt  himself 
much,  and  was  siek,  and  unable  to  walk ;  therefore  he  was  obliged  to 
carry  him  down  in  a  canoe ;"  so,  notwithstanding  the  delays,  Watkington 
was  obliged  to  go  without  him ;  but  he  cautioned  him  strongly  "gainst 
believing  Monsieur  Joncaire^a  pretensions  of  friendship,  and  represeiv- 
tations  against  the  English.  Here  ends  WaahingUttCt  account  of  Heif- 
kitur. 

He  now  set  out  for  the  frontiers  with  all  expedition.  He  had,  he  says, 
the  **  most  fatiguing  journey  possible  to  conceive  of.  From  the  1st  to  the 
15th  December,  there  was  but  one  day  on  which  it  did  not  rain  or  snow 
incessantly ;  and  through  he  whole  journey,  we  met  with  nothing  but  one 
continued  series  of  cold,  .  et  weather."    - 

This  expedition  of  Wwhington  has  in  it  great  interest,  more  especially 
from  his  superior  eminence  i^rwards.  It  is  pleasing  to  contemplate  the 
"  savior  of  nis  country"  in  every  adventure  and  circumstance  of^his  life ; 
and  even  gratifying  to  view  him  with  a  gun  in  one  hand,  a  staff  in  the 
other,  and  a  pack  upon  his  back :  weding  through  rivers,  encountering 
storms  of  sleet  and  snow,- and  sleeping  upon  the  ground,  thus  enrly,  for 
his  country's  good.  He  had  some  very  narrow  escapes,  and,  during  part 
of  the  way  on  his  return,  he  had  but  one  attendaat.  One  day,  as  they 
were  passmg  a  place  called  Murderiiig  Town,  they  were  fired  upon  1^ 
one  of  a  war-party  of  French  Indians,  who  had  waited  in  ambush  for 
them;  and  although  they  were  within  fifteen  paces  uf  him,  yet  they 
oacaped  unhurt.    They  captured  the  fellow  that  fired  upon  them,  and 


*  We  hear  again  of  this  ohief  in  1794,  when,  with  68  others,  he  signed  a  treaty  with 
the  U.  States  at  Fort  Stanwix.  His  name  is  there  written  JUhkaaga,  which  signified  a 
green  grauhopper.    He  was  sometimes  called  Zit((/e-£t0Sf. 


•OsAr.  in.] 


HENDRICK. 


98 


kept  him  until  nine  at  night,  then  diamiaBed  him,  and  trarelled  all  night, 
***  without  making  any  Btop,"  fearing  they  abouild  be  purrae^  the  next 
morning  by  his  party.    Cfontinuing  their  coum  all  the  next  day,  they 
came  to  the  river  where  they  intei^ed  to  croaa.    Here  the  firmneaa  of 
fFoMt^ton  and  bis  companion  waa  thoroughly  tried.    The  river  waa 
very  high,  and  filled  with  floating  ice,  and  there  waa  no  way  to  paaa  it  but 
by  a  rut    They  had  '*but  one  poor  hatchet,"  wiih  the  aaaiatance  of 
which,  after  laboring  from  morning  till  aunaet,  thev  had  a  raft  ready  to 
laurvh ;  on  thia  they  aet  out,  but  it  waa  aoon  crushed  between  the  floranc 
icd,  and  they  very  narrowly  escaped  perishing.     H^a$hingtcn  waa  himself 
precipitated  into  the  river,  where  the  water  was  ten  feet  deep.    Fortu- 
nately, however,  he  catched  by  a  fragment  of  the  raft,  and  saved  himsel£ 
They  € ''  lUy  extricated  themaeives  from  their  perilous  situation,  by  getting 
upon  the  ice  trhich  confined  their  frail  bark,  and  from  thence  to  an  island, 
and  finally  to  the  opposite  shore.    The  cold  was  so  intense,  that  Mr.  Oid 
fipoze  hia  hands  and  feet    This  place  was  about  three  miles  below  the 
mouth  of  the  Yohogany,  where  an  Indian  queen,  as  WaMngUm  <^M»  her, 
lived.    He  went  to  see  her,  he  observes,  she  having  **  expressed  great 
concern  that  we  poased  her  in  going  to  the  fort.    I  made  her  a  present  of 
a  watch  coat,  and  a  bottle  of  rum,  which  latter  was  thought  mucn  the  beat 
present  of  the  two."^    Her  name  waa  AUiqumta.    From  thia  place,  he 
pursued  liis  journey  home  without  further  accioent. 

We  have  mentioned  the  friendly  attention  of  Shingii  to  our  adventurer, 
who  had  probably  expected  he  would  have  attended  him  ^in  hin  journey ; 
but  iShttigM  went  to  colloct  in  hia  men,  and  did  not  return.  The  Indians 
aaid  it  waa  owing  to  the  sickness  of  hie  wife,  but  Wa$huigtm  thought  it 
was  fear  of  the  French  which  prevented  him.  But  this  conjectiuw  does 
not  seera  well  founded,  for  he  ordered  Kuattdoga,  who  lived  at  Venango, 
to  proceed  lo  the  French  and  return  the  wampum,  which  was  as  much' 
as  to  tell  them  they  wished  no  further  fellowship  with  them. 

The  massacres  which  followed  BraddodCa  defeat  were  horrible  beyond 
description.    Shingia  and  Capt  Jaeoba  were  supposed  to  have  been  the 

Sirincipnl  instigators  of  them,  and  700  dollars  waa  offered  for  their  heads.* 
t  was  at  this  period,  that  the  dead  bodies  of  some  diat  had  been  mur- 
dered and  mangled  were  sent  firom  the  fi-ontiera  to  Philadelphia,  and 
hauled  about  the  streets,  to  inflame  the  people  against  the  Indians,  and 
also  against  the  Quakers,  to  whose  mild  forbearance  was  attributed  a 
laxity  m  sending  out  troops.  The  mob  surrounded  the  house  of  assem- 
bly, having  placed  the  dead  bodies  at  its  entrance,  and  demanded  imme- 
diate succor.  At  this  time  the  above  reward  was  oftbred. 
Some  of  the  most  noted  chiefs  now  fall  under  our  observation. 
Hmdriek  was  a  gallant  Mohawk  chiefj  who  took  part,  with  many  of 
his  men,  agunst  the  French,  in  the  year  1755.  The  French  were  encour- 
aged by  the  defeat  of  Gen.  Braddock,  and  were  in  high  expectation  of  car- 
,  ryingall  before  them.  Hendrick  joined  the  English  army  at  the  request 
'^  of  GJen.  Jtdinaon,  and  met  the  French,  consisting  of  200  men,  under  Gen. 
DieakaUf  at  Lake  George.  While  the  English  aud  Indians  were  encamped 
in  a  slight  woik,  their  scouts  brought  news  of  the  approach  of  the  French, 
with  a  great  body  of  Indians  upon  their  flanks.  Gen.  Johnaon  despatched 
Col.  ff^Uintna  of  Massachusetts,  with  1000  men,  and  Hendrick  with  200  of 
hia  warriors,  to  give  them  battle ;  but  fiilling  in  with  them  about  four  miles 
fiom  camp,  unexpectedly.  Col.  WUliama  a:id  Hendrick  were  killed,  with 
many  other  officers  and  privates  of  the  detachment.  The  rest  fled  to  the 
main  body  with  great  precipitation,  infusing  consternation  into  the  whole 


•  WcUori*  Anaala  «r  FhUaidelpiiia,  450. 


94 


mNMUCK. 


{Bom  T. 


■my.*  Tha  French  MIowmI  elonly,  and  pound  ta  •  mmetidoiia  im, 
wbioh  Hid  vwy  Htll*  czecutioii,  thtm  the  pfccMitkia  of  the  EngKih  Id 
f  "  upoB  their  fteaa.    Thayaooa  neonnd  fton  their  euriiriny 

i  iot  with  bravery,  havinc  advaataca  not  only  in  nnmbera,  but 

atuiieiy,  of  whirh  the  French  had  nooe.f  At  length  the  brave  INMlav 
waa  wounded  is  the  thigh,  and  hia  Indiana^  behig  leniflcd  at  the  havoe 
made  by  the  cannon  of  tlie  Eagiiah,  fled  to  the  wood%  and  the  regulara 
were  entered  to  retreat  by  their  genoai,  which  th^  did  ingreatdiaorder. 
Gen.  ZNetftoH  waa  found  in  the  pomiit,  auppotting  himadi  by  the  atonf 
of  a  tree.  Suppeaing  phinder  to  be  the  ml  oinect  of  hia  eapton^  aa  ha 
waa  attempting  to  drawhia  watch  to  preaent  to  then, aone one,  aappeefaif 
him  tobeaearchingierhiapiatoi,diaehaigedhiagaaintohiahipiL  Not- 
withatandiog  lie  waa  thua  twice  wounded,  he  lived  to  reach  England,  bat 
he  died  aeon  after.    The  French  leal  800  men  in  the  attack. 

When  Gen.  Mmttm  waa  about  to  detach  CoL  ITilKaaw,  he  arind  An- 
iriek*$  opinion,  wliether  the  force  waa  anffdenL  To  which  he  replied, 
""^f  they  an  to  Jigkt^ «A«y  are  Im  Jim.  fflktg are te k UUti,  tUgantf 
wawy."  And  when  it  waa  propoaed  to  divide  the  detachnoent  into  three 
partly  Hendridt  ol^ected,  and  forcibly  to  expnaa  the  fanpncticability  of 
the  plan,  picked  up  three  eticki^  and,  putting  them  together,  aaid  to  the 
general,  **  Fou  m*  new  that  ttew  cawwul  At  can^  intm ;  imt  fefte  tktm  eiw 
Ijf  one.  and  «ou  aiay  ftreek  tktm  a(  •nc*."  But  firom  thia  valuable  counael 
very  httle  advaata^  aeema  to  have  been  derived. 

It  waa  reported  at  the  time,  that  38  of  ikitdntlft  men  were  killed,  and 
19  wounded.!  Few  hiatoriana  mention  the  hiea  of  the  Indiana ;  nrobabl* 
ooniideringtoemaa  unworthy  of  record!  Such  hiatotiaaa  aiay  ary^ijga^ 
tuL    At  iMat,  they  cannot  expect  to  paaa  under  that  name  in  another  age. 

The  IndiaLa  were  greatly  azaapented  againat  die  Flmcb,  **by  ue 
death  of  the  fiunoua  Bmtidr*Jt,^  ■ayatheaame  writer,  "a renowned  Indian 
warrior  among  the  Moh^.wk%  and  one  of  theiraachana,or  kinga,  who  vraa 
alain  in  the  b^tle,  an«!  whoae  eon,  upon  beinc  told  ttet  hie  fiither  waa 
killi»d,  giving  the  nMial  Indian  groan  upon  audi  octarioii%  and  suddenly 
putting  his  ban^  on  hia  left  brcaal,  awore  hia  fother  waa  atiU  aOve  in  that 
place,  and  atcod  there  in  hia  aon :  that  it  waa  with  the  utmoel  difficulty. 
Gen.  Mtutm  prevented  the  fbry  of  their  reaentment  taking  place  on  the 
body  of  the  Frdich  generaL*^ 

Aa  aoon  aMhe  battle  waa  over,  the  Indiana  diapened  tbemadvea  in 
various  directiona,  with  the  trophiea  of  victoiy.  Some  to  their  bomea,  to 
ooodole  with  the  frienda  of  tne  slain,  and  aome  to  the  Engliah,  to  carry 
the  welcome  news  of  victoiy.  The  diflerentiunneia  hfougnt  into  Albany 
above  80  acalpa,  within  a  veiy  abort  time  after  the  fight.|  And  thua  vre 
are  furnished  with  an  early  record  of  the  wretched  cuatom  which  appeara 
to  have  been  fostered,  and  actually  encouraged  by  all  who  have  employed 
the  Indians  as  auziliariea  in  war.  Indeed  to  employ  them,  vraa  to  em^y 
their  pracUeea— they  were  inaeparaUe.  To  talk,  aa  aome  have  doo^  of 
employing  them,  aaid  preventing  their  barfaaroua  cualoma  with  the  unfor- 
tunate captivea,  all  ei^ierienee  ahowi^  in  but  fe  falfc  one  thing  and  mean 
another. 

Soon  after  Sir  WUKam  Muutm  entered  upon  hia  dutiea  aa  soperintend- 
ent  of  Indian  afliuis  in  North  America,  he  recwed  fiom  England  some  . 
richly  embroidered  auits  of  clothes.  Hmdridt  waa  neaent  when  thex, 
were  received,  and  could  not  help  csprcaaing  a  great  deaire  for  a  share  ■ 
them.  He  went  away  very  tbouKhtfol,  but  retwned  not  long  after,  and 
called  upon  Sir  IPHfum,  and  told  hhn  be  had  dreamed  a  diream.    Sir 


*  TheEiwIiihloilabeatSOOiai 

t  Ibid.  t  am.  - 


mkmk.    rytiii'»  IWrcnal  HiMoiT,  x.  M. 
!  far  Vm.  f  >m4.  I  IbM. 


MBdoiM  Ultp 

9  Engliih  in 

lumben,  but 

It  the  iMToe 
the  nguhn 
PBMdiwwtiar. 
Bjr  UM  flitmp 
■ptonsMha 
ie,MppMiiif 
I  hips.  Nol- 
Eogluid,  bat 

I  wind  An- 
I  be  replied, 
tftkyantot 
at  into  tbrae 
cticebility  of 
,a*id  to  tbe 
MbOmem 
•UecottiMel 

BUIled,uid 
i8;prDb«bl* 

uwtberefe. 
bb,  "by  tbe 
miedlndiu 

lgB,whOWM 

fttber  waa 
id  suddenly 
■firein  tbet 
•  difficulty, 
Itlaceoatbe 

emedvesia 
ir  bomea,  to 
■b,  to  carry 
into  Albany 
id  tbua  we 
iebappeara 
e  employed 
■  to  employ 
re  don&of 
tbe  onfor- 
■ndmean 

iperintend- 

nnd  aone  . 

vben  tlMTv 
aebaieni 
after,  and 

«an.    Sir 


OtaAP.  OI.] 


LOGAN. 


WWam  Tery  concernedly  desired  to  kn-iw  what  it  waa.  IhniiMi 
readily  told  him  he  had  (Irtiaiiifd  thnt  Sir  iViUiam  Johuam  had 
him  with  one  orhia  new  suits  oruuironn.  Sir  HVtimm  couM  not  reAnn  it, 
and  one  of  the  ulegant  suits  was  forthwith  presented  to  HmdndL  who 
went  awav  lo  sliow  his  present  to  his  countrymen,  and  left  Sir  WUkaai  to 
tell  the  ioke  to  his  friends.  Some  time  after,  the  Mneral  met  HntdricL 
and  told  him  he  had  dreamed  a  dream.  Whether  uie  saobem  waimnmm 
that  he  was  now  to  be  taken  in  his  own  net,  or  not  is  not  certain :  but 
he  seriously  desired  to  know  what  it  was,  as  Sir  ffilhmm  had  done  befcre. 
The  jfenersl  said  he  dreamed  that  Htndriek  had  praaented  him  with  a 
ceruiin  tract  of  land,  which  he  deaeribed,  (coniristiiig  of  about  500  arrsa 
of  the  most  valuable  huid  in  the  valley  of  tbe  Mohawk  River.)  Hmdriik 
answered,  "Itit  jfoun  ;**  but,  shaking  his  head,  said,  "Sir  Wutimm  Jokn- 
jon,  I  will  never  dream  with  vou  again." 

John  KotAapol,  a  Stockbridge  Indian,  waa  crandson  to  HmMek^  and 
he  informs  us  that  his  grandftither  was  son  of  tne  Wolf,  a  Mohegan  ebief, 
and  that  his  mother  wm  a  Mohawk.*  Rev.  CUdton  HauUy,  in  a  letter  to 
Gov.  ifu/cAtnsoa  (1770)  about  the  Marshpee  Indians,  has  this  passage: 
**  Among  JohumCa  Mohawks,  Mraham  and  Hmdriek  were  the  oidaal  of 
their  tribe,  when  the^  died,  and  neither  of  them  was  70,  at  their  daatba. 
I  saw  a  sister  of  theirs  in  1765,  who  appeared  to  be  several  yean  above 
70.  At  Stockbridge,  Captain  Kunkapot  was  ft>r  many  years  the  oMkM 
man  in  his  tribe.''f  We  have  now  come  to  one  of  the  most  noted  chieA 
in  Indian  story. 

Logan  was  called  a  Mingo):  chief,  whose  fiither,  ISiiktUiimu,  wtm  chief 
of  the  tribe  of  the  Cayugaa,  whom  he  succeeded.  I^ukettimiu  waa 
attached  in  a  remarkable  degree  to  the  benevolent  Jama  Logtm,  ftom 
which  circumstance,  it  is  probable,  his  son  bore  his  name.  The  name  ki 
atill  per|ietiiated  among  the  Indians.  For  magnanimity  in  war,  and 
matness  of  soul  in  peace,  few,  if  any,  in  any  nation,  ever  surpiMMd 
Itogan.  He  took  no  part  in  tbe  French  wars  which  ended  in  176^ 
except  that  of  a  peacemaker ;  was  always  acknowledged  the  flriend  of 
the  white  people,  until  the  year  1774,  when  hia  brother  and  several  otbera 
of  his  Amilv  were  murdered,  'he  particulars  of  whksb  folk>w.  In  tbe 
spring  of  1774,  some  Indians  robbed  the  people  upon  the  Ohio  River,  who 
were  m  that  country  exploring  the  lands,  and  preparing  for  settiementii 
These  land-jobbers  were  alarmed  at  this  hostile  carriage  of  the  Indiana, 
as  they  considered  it,  and  collected  themselves  at  a  place  called  Wheeling 
Creek,  the  site  on  which  Wheeling  is  now  built,  and,  learning  that  there 
were  two  Indians  on  the  river  a  little  above,  one  Captain  Mimatl  Cre$tf, 
belonging  to  the  exploring  party,  proposed  to  fall  upon  and  kill  them. 
His  advice,  although  opposed  at  first,  wns  followed,  and  a  partjr  led  by 
Cnat^  proceeded  and  kilM  the  two  Indiana.  The  same  day,  it  being 
reported  that  some  Indians  were  discovereil  below  Wheeling  upon  the 
river,  Cnaap  and  his  party  immediately  marehed  to  the  place,  and  at  first 
appeared  to  sho*^  «henriserves  friendly,  and  suffered  the  Indians  topaaa  by 
them  unmolestai,  :o  encamp  still  lower  down,  at  the  mouth  of  Grave 
Creek.  Crtsap  so  jn  followed,  attacked  and  killed  several  of  them,  having 
one  of  his  own  wen  wounded  by  the  fire  of  the  Indians.  Here  some  of 
tbe  family  of  Logan  were  slain.  The  cireumstance  of  the  affair  was 
exceeding  af^^vating,  inasmuch  as  the  whites  pretended  no  provoeatwn. 

Soon  after  this,  some  other  monstera  in  human  shape,  at  whoee  brad 
were  Danitl  Greaihou$e  and  one  T^omlinaon,  committed  a  horrid  murder 
upon  a  company  of  Indians  about  thirty  mile*  above  Wheeling.     Greof- 


7,  ..91 
llbid. 


•  Col.  Mm.  Hilt.  8o€. 

X  Ma^we,  Maquat,  Maqua,  or  Mroqmoi,  all  mesa  tka  i 


t  fiiid.  3.  i.  181. 


LOOAN. 


[Bmc  W. 


Obav. 


Amim  midcd  at  the  Mme  place,  but  on  the  oppoaite  aide  of  the  river  fltNn 
the  Indian  eueampmeni.  A  party  of  thirty-two  men  were  collected  for 
thia  ottiect.  who  aecrated  tiiemaelvea,  while  GreoiAaw*,  under  a  pretenoe 
af  flrimdahip.  oriMaed  tlie  river  and  viaited  them,  to  aaeerUin  their 
atrangtb ;  wnicb,  on  flounting  tJiem,  he  found  too  numeroua  for  hia  feiee 
ia  an  open  attaek.  Theae  Indiana,  having  heard  of  the  late  murder  of 
their  relationa,  bad  determined  to  be  avenged  of  the  whitca,  and  Graot- 
kmm  did  not  know  the  danger  he  waa  iit.  until  a  aquaw  adviaed  him  of 
it,  in  a  flriendly  caution,  *^^to  go  home/  The  aad  requital  thia  poor 
woman  met  with  will  preaently  appear.  Thia  abominable  felbw  invited 
th«  Indhina  to  come  over  the  river  and  drink  rum  with  him ;  thia  being 
a  part  of  liia  plot  to  aeparaie  them,  that  thev  might  be  the  caaier  deatroyed. 
Toe  opportunity  11.00  offered ;  a  number  oeing  collected  at  a  uvem  in 
the  wmte  aettlement,  and  conaiderahiy  intoxicated,  were  fkllen  upon,  and 
all  murdered,  except  a  little  girL  Among  the  murdered  waa  a  brother  of 
£«lgaii,  and  hia  aiater,  whoae  delicate  Muation  greatly  aggravated  the 
horrid  crime. 

Tlie  remaining  Indiana,  upon  the  other  aide  of  the  river,  on  hearing  the 
firing,  aet  off  two  canoea  with  armed  warriora,  who,  aa  they  approached 
the  wore,  were  fired  upon  by  the  whitea,  who  lav  concealeu,  awaiting 
their  approach.  Nothing  prevented  their  taking  deadly  aim,  and  manpr 
were  killed  and  wounded,  ami  the  reat  were  oUiged  to  return.  Thn 
afiUr  took  place  May  S24th,  1774.*  Theae  were  the  eventa  that  led  to  a 
horrid  Indian  war,  in  which  many  innocent  flimiliea  were  raerificed  to 
oatiafy  the  vengeance  of  an  incenaed  and  injured  people. 

A  calm  followed  theae  troublea,  but  it  waa  only  auch  oagoea  before  the 
atorro,  and  laated  only  while  the  tocain  of  war  could  be  aounded  amons 
the  diatant  Indiana.  On  the  19  July,  1774,  Logan,  at  the  head  of  a  amal) 
party  of  only  eight  warriora,  atrtick  a  blow  on  some  ifihabitanta  upon  the 
Mii8kin|uni,  where  no  one  expected  iu  He  had  left  the  aettlomenta  on 
the  Ohio  undiaturbed,  which  every  one  auppoaed  would  be  the  firat 
attacked,  in  caae  of  war,  and  henco  the  reaaon  of  his  great  micceaaea. 
Hia  firat  attack  waa  upon  three  men  who  were  pulling  flax  in  a  field. 
One  waa  ahot  down,  and  the  two  othera  taken.  Theae  were  marched 
into  the  wildemeaa,  and,  aa  thoy  approached  the  Indian  town,  Logan  gave 
the  acalp  halloo,  and  they  were  met  by  the  inhabitacta,  who  conducted 
them  in.  Running  the  gauntlet  waa  next  to  be  performed.  Logan  took 
no  delight  in  torturea,  and  he  in  the  moat  fi-iendly  manner  inatructed  one 
of  the  captivea  how  to  proceed  to  eacape  the  aeveritiee  of  the 'gauntlet. 
Thia  aame  captive,  whoae  name  waa  Hofrmaon,  waa  afterwarda  aentenced 
to  be  burned ;  but  Logan,  though  not  able  to  rescue  him  by  hiaekiquence, 
with  hia  own  band  cut  the  corda  that  bound  him  to  iho  stake,  and  caused 
him  to  bo  adopted  into  on  Indian  family.  He  became  aftarwards  Logan^s 
acribe,  and  wrote  the  letter  that  waa  tied  to  a  war  club,  the  {larticulara  of 
which  we  shall  relate  farther  onward. 

The  warriora  now  prepared  themaelvea  for  open  conflict,  and,  with 
Qirttstock  at  their  head,  wero  determined  to  meet  the  Big-lmivea,  aa  the 
Virginians  were  called,  from  their  long  awords,  in  their  own  way. 

It  iii  neceaaary  to  notice  a  chief  rather  suddenly  introduced  here,  as,  in 
ikct,  he  waa  the  leader,  or  cominander-in-cliief,  of  the  Indiana  in  this  war. 
The  name  of  Comatodt  we  havo  already  mentioned.  He  waa  chief  of 
the  Shawaneae,  and  in  the  tiinu  of  the  revolutionaiy  war,  waa  a  great 
friend  of  the  Moravian  miaaionariea.    We  shall  again  notice  him. 

The  Virginia  legislature  was  inaeaaion  when  the  newa  of  Indian  depre- 
datione  was  received  at  the  aeat  of  government.    Gov.  Dumntre  immedi- 


*  Facia  pabluhad  in  J^jftrtorit  Nolu. 


Obav.  m.) 


LOOAN. 


•talv  onkrad  out  Um  militia,  to  the  nunilwr  of  9000  imn,  half  of  whoii^ 
niMMtr  CoL  AmJtnm  Ltmg,  wera  orderad  towiird*  ih«  iiHMith  of  tho  OtmH 
Kanbaira,  wbila  the  povemor  hiinaalC  with  the  other  half;  nwrolMKi  to  a 
point  on  the  Ohio^  to  flJi  upon  the  Imliao  towoe  in  the  ahaeaea  of  tka 
warrtoni,  drawn  off  by  the  approflDh  of  the  anny  under  CoL  Lnm$. 

The  Indiana  met  the  diviaion  under  Ltwia  at  a  place  called  P»ht 
Pleanmt,  on  the  Qi'eal  Kanhawa,  where  a  very  bloody  battle  enaued.  A 
detachment  of  300  rnen  flrat  iell  in  with  them,  and  were  defeated,  with 
groat  alaucfater ;  but  the  other  diviaiona  coming  up,  the  fight  waa  mai»> 
tained  dunng  the  whole  day.  Never  waa  ground  maintained  with  mora 
obatinacy.  Every  atep  waa  diaputed,  until  the  darkneaa  of  the  night 
elooed  the  aoene.  The  Indiana  alowly  retreated,  and  while  the  Amen- 
eana  were  preparing  to  punaie  and  take  revenge  for  their  aevere  loaa,  an 
ezpreaa  arnved  ftoni  Gov.  Dimmon,  that  he  luul  concluded  a  treaty  with 
Uie  Indian  chieft.  In  thia  battle,  above  140  Americana  were  killed  and 
wounded,  nearly  half  of  which  were  of  the  former,  among  whom  waa 
Col.  Ckartu  Lima,  brother  of  Andrew,  and  Col.  FkU.  Theae  offlcera  led 
the  flrat  diviaion.  Of  the  number  nf  the  Indiana  deatroyed,  we  are  igno- 
rant ;  though  very  probably  they  were  many,  aa  their  numbera  engaged 
were  laid  to  have  linen  about  1500.* 

After  the  Indiana  had  been  beaten,  aa  we  have  atated,  the  Americana 
encamped  on  a  plain  eight  milea  firom  Chillicothe,  a  phwe  appointed  for 
meeting  the  chieft  to  treat  of  peace.  Three  dava  after,  Cormtoek^  came 
to  the  encampment  with  eight  other  chieft,  where  a  abort  debate  waa 
held  between  him  and  Lord  2>iMimere,  in  which  each  charged  the  other 
with  the  breach  of  treatiea  and  injuriea  committed  by  their  reapective 
countrymen ;  but  finally  a  peace  waa  aettled.  It  waa  at  thia  time  tliat  the 
fiur-ftmed  apeech  of  Logan  waa  delivered ;  not  in  the  camp  of  Lord  Dmn- 
store,  for,  although  desiring  peace,  Lt^fon  would  not  meet  the  Americana 
in  council,  but  remained  in  faia  cabin  m  sullen  ailence,  until  a  meaaenger 
waa  aent  to  him,  to  know  whether  he  would  accede  to  the  propoaala. 
On  which  oecaaion,  after  ahedding  many  tears  for  the  loss  of  hia  mends, 
he  said  to  the  meaaengeir,  who  well  understood  his  language,  in  aub- 
stance  as  follows : — 

**Iapptalto  my  uMteio  toy,  jf  ever  he  entered  Logan^  eo&m  kmmy, 
andhegttKehimnotmeat;}feverheenrueoUandnahed,andke€iotlMimm 
noL 

"  During  ike  eowrte  of  Ote  la$t  long  bloody  xear,  Logan  remmntd  MBe-tn 
hia  eokin,  an  adooeidefoT  peace.  Such  waa  my  hve  for  Ote  wUtea,  Okat  aw 
eounirymen pointed  aa  they paaaed,  and $akl,*lMge.nia^Jn*ndqftM 

**lMdeventKovighthM»eUi^withiiini,lnd/orttaim^^  sum. 

CoL  Cresap,  tite  laat  apring,  in  cold  Nooa,  and  mgtrovoked,  nuuwred  otf  the 
rtUdUma  of  Logan ;  not  even  apariw  my  women  and  ekUdrsn. 

**  There  run*  not  a  drop  nf  my  l£tod  in  the  veuw  of  any  living  ereahare. 
Thia ealUd ftn me/or rei^nge.  Ihaeeaouf^iL  IhavekiUedmany.  1 
hattejidly  glutted  »m  vengeance.  For  my  eomhry,  I  rgoiee  at  the  heama  iff 
peace.  But  do  not  "harbor  a  thought  that  mine  u  the  joy  tffear.  Locan 
never  felt  fear.  He  will  not  turn  on  hia  had  to  aaoe  hia  l}fe.  Who  ia  Mere 
to  mourn  for  Logan  ?— JVU  one.'^ 

When  Mr.  J^firaon  published  his  **  Notes  on  Virginia,**  the  ftwts 
therein  stated  implicating  Creaap  as  the  murderer  of  LogmCa  family,  were 


•  CampbeW$  Virginia. 

t  Some  write  ComilaU,  but  when  a  word  is  oied  for  a  proper  nmme,  there  ii  no  hana 
ia  adopliiif  a  dtAraal  •paling,  and  we  follow  our  otdetl  prialed  suthority. 


C0RN8T0CK. 


[Book  V. 


bf  Cruap*$  friends  called  id  question.  Mr.  Jifftrton  at  fint  merely  stated 
tbe  ftcts  as  preliiniaary  to,  and  tlie  cause  of,  the  "Speech  of  Li^an!* 
which  he  considered  &3  generally  known  in  Virginia ;  but  tbe  acrimony 
discovered  by  his  enemies  in  their  endeavors  to  gainsay  his  statement,  led 
to  an  investigation  of  the  whole  transaction,  and  a  publication  of  the 
nsult  was  the  immediate  consequence,  in  a  new  edition  of  the  **  Notes  on 
Virginia." 

Among  other  proofi,  that  the  chief  guilt  lay  upon  the  head  of  Cntap 
of  bringing  aliout  a  bloody  war,  since  well  known  by  his  name,  Judge 
hmu  of  Frankfort,  Kentucky,  wrote  to  Mr.  Jeffinon,  2  March,  17^, 
that  he  was^  he  thought,  able  to  give  him  more  particulan  of  that  affiiir 
than,  perhaps,  any  other  person ;  that,  in  1774,  while  at  the  house  of 
Col.  PreMon,  in  Fincastle  county,  Va.,  there  anived  an  express,  calling 
upon  him  to  order  out  the  militia,  "  for  the  protection  of  the  inhabitants 
reiiiding  low  down  on  the  north  fork  of  Holston  River.  The  express 
brought  with  him  a  war  club,  and  a  note  tied  to  it,  which  was  left  at  tbe 
house  of  one  Robertton,  whose  family  were  cut  off  l>v  the  Indians,  and 
gave  rise  for  the  application  to  Col.  Preston."  Here  follows  the  letter  or 
■ote,  of  which  Mr.  hmu  then  made  a  copy,  in  his  memorandum  Ixrak : — 

"Captain  Cresan,  What  did  youkUl  myptrnpiU  on  Ydb>w  Creek  for f 
The  white  people  l^lUd  my  kin  at  Conettofca,''  a  fpreat  while  ago ;  and  1 
ihnighl  nothing  o/thaL  mdyou  kiUed  my  inn  agam,  on  Ydlow  Vreek^  and 
took  m^  eouiin  prisoner.  TTun  Ithcvght  Imtul  kill  too;  and  I  have  httn 
three  times  to  war  since :  but  the  hdvms  are  not  a/ngrg ;  only  myself," 

It  was  signed,  **  Certain  John  Losan." 


\ 


Not  long  afler  tlieira  times  of  calamities,  which  w«  have  Kcorded  in 
the  life  of  Logans  he  was  cruelly  murdered,  as  he  was  on  his  way  home 
fh>m  Detroit.  For  a  time  previous  to  his  death,  he  gave  hhnsrlf  up  to  intox- 
ication, which  in  a  short  time  nearly  obliterated  all  marks  of  the  great  man! 
^  The  fate  of  Comstock  is  equally  deplorable,  although  in  the  contempla- 
tion of  which,  his  chara'^ter  does  not  suffer,  as  does  that  of  Logan.  He 
was  cruelly  murdered  by  some  white  soldiers,  while  a  hostajj^  among 
them.  And  there  is  as  much,  nay,  far  more,  to  carry  down  his  remem- 
brance to  posterity,  as  that  of  the  tra^cal  death  of  Archimedes.  He  was 
not  muniered  while  actually  drawmg  geometrical  figures  upon  the 
ground,  but,  while  he  was  explaining  the  geography  of  his  countiy  by 
drawings  ufion  the  floor,  an  alarm  was  given,  which,  in  a  few  minutes 
after,  eventuated  in  his  death.  We  will  now  go  into  an  explanation  of 
the  cause  and  manner  of  the  murder  of  Cornstoek.  It  is  well  known  that 
the  war  of  the  revolution  bad  involved  all,  or  nearly  all,  of  tbe  Indians  in 
dreadful  calamitips.  In  consequence  of  murders  committed  by  the 
Indians  on  the  frontiers  of  Virginia,  several  companies  marched  to  Point 
Pleasant,  where  there  liad  been  a  fort  since  the  battle  there  in  1774. 
Most  of  the  tribes  of  the  north-west,  except  the  Shawanese,  were  deter- 
mined to  fight  against  the  Americans.  Comstock  wished  to  preserve  peace, 
and  therefore,  as  the  only  means  in  his  power,  as  he  had  used  his  pQwerful 
eloquence  in  vain,  resolved  to  lay  the  state  of  affairs  before  the  Ameri- 
cans, that  they  might  avert  the  threatened  storm.  In  the  spring  of  1777, 
he  came  to  the  fort  at  Point  Pleasant,  upon  this  friendly  raissioo,  in  com- 
pany witti  another  chief,  railed  RedhcHolt.  After  explaining  the  situation 
of  things  with  reganl  to  the  coiifbderate  tribes,  he  said,  in  regard  to  his 
own,  the  Shawanese,  •*  7%e  current  sets  [with  the  Indians]  so  strong 
against  the  Americans,  in  consequence  of  the  agency  of  the  Brituh^  Oust  (hey 


3 


*  AUudisf ,  1  suppo8«,  to  the  mnsiiacre  of  tbe  Conestoga  Indian!  in  1763. 


cbap.  ni.j 


CORNSTOCK. 


20 


Klie  Shawaneae]  wdlJUxA  with  it,  Ifatr,  ui  ajtite  of  all  my  txerttoni.**  Upon 
is  intellimnce,  the  commander  of  the  garrison  thought  proper  to  detain 
him  and  ludhouk  as  hustagra  to  prevent  the  meditatetl  calamities. 
When  Captain  Abuckk,  the  commander  of  the  garrison,  had  notified  the 
new  government  of  Virfrinia  of  the  situation  of  afikirs,  and  wliat  he  had 
done,  forces  marched  into  that  country.  A  part  of  them  having  arrived, 
waited  for  others  to  join  thena  under  Uen.  Hand,  on  whom  these  depended 
for  provisions. 

Meanwhile  the  ofBcen  held  frequent  conversations  with  Comitoek, 
who  took  pleasure  in  givins  Uiem  minute  descriptions  of  his  country,  and 
eq)ecially  of  that  portion  between  the  Mi^issippi  and  Missouri.  One 
day,  as  be  was  delineating  a  map  of  it  upon  the  floor  for  the  sratification 
of  those  present,  a  call  was  heard  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Ohio,  which 
he  at  once  recognized  as  the  voice  of  his  son,  ElKniptico,  who  had  fought 
at  his  side  in  the  famous  battle  of  Point  Pleasant^  in  1774,  of  which  we 
have  spoken.  At  the  rei^uest  of  his  fiither,  EUimpiico  came  to  the  fort, 
where  they  had  an  aflectionate  meeting.  This  son  had  become  uneasy 
«t  his  fiither's  long  alnence,  and  had  at  length  sought  him  out  in  his  exile 
here;  prompted  by  those  feelings  which  so  much  adorn  human  nature. 
The  next  day,  two  men  crossed  the  Kanhawa,  upon  a  huntiLg  expedition. 
As  they  were  returning  to  their  boat  after  their  hunt,  and  near  the  nide  of 
the  river,  they  were  fired  upon  by  some  Indians,  and  one  of  the  two, 
named  UUmon,  was  killed,  but  the  other  escafied.  A  party  of  Captain 
HaWa  men  went  over  and  brought  in  the  body  of  OUmore ;  whereupon  a 
cry  was  raised,  '*Let  u«  go  and  kUl  the  huHant  tn  the  fort."  An  enfuriated 
^g,  with  Captain  Hdl  at  their  bead,  set  out  with  this  nefiirious  resolu- 
tion, and,  against  every  remonstrance,  |iroceeded  to  commit  the  deed  of 
blooid.  With  their  guns  cocked,  they  swore  death  to  any  who  should 
oppose  them.  In  the  mean  time,  some  ran  to  apprize  the  devoted  chiefs 
of  their  danger.  As  the  murderers  approached,  Ettinip$ieo  discovered 
agitation,  which  when  Comslock  saw,  he  siud,  **Jlfy  ton,  tile  Great  Sprit 
heu  seen  )U  that  tee  $hovU  die  together,  and  hat  tent  you  to  that  end,  R  is 
hia  wilt,  and  let  ua  aubmUJ*  The  murderers  had  now  arrived,  and  the  old 
chief  turned  around  and  met  them.  They  shot  him  through  with  seven 
bullets.    He  fell,  and  died  without  a  struggle ! 

EUinipaico,  though  having  at  first  appeared  disturbed,  met  his  death 
with  great  composure.  He  was  shot  upon  the  scat  on  which  he  was 
sitting  when  bin  fate  was  first  pronounced  to  him. 

Rut-hawk  was  a  vouug  Delaware  chief,  and,  like  £Ihntpnco,  had  fought 
under  Comatoek.  He  died  with  less  fortitude :  having  tried  to  secrete 
himself  he  was  soon  discovered  and  slain.  Another  Indian,  whose  name  is 
not  mentioned,  was  mangled  and  murdered  in  the  most  barbarous  man- 
ner. Suffice  it  hers  to  say,  that  this  was  all  that  was  effected  by  the 
expedition,  and  the  forces  soon  after  returned  home. 

Few,  if  any,  chiefk  in  history  are  spoken  of  in  terms  of  higher  com- 
mendation than  Comriock.  Mr.  fVithiera,  a  writer  on  Indian  afTurs,* 
speaks  as  follows  of  him  : 

"Thus  perished  the  iiiighty  Comalalk,  sachem  of  the  Shawanees,  and 
king  of  the  northern  confederacy,  in  1774, — a  chief  remarkable  for  many 
great  and  good  qualities.  He  was  disposed  to  lie  at  all  times  the  friend 
of  white  men,  as  he  ever  was  the  advocate  of  honorable  peace.  But  when 
his  country's  wrongs  *  called  aloud  for  battle,'  he  b(;rame  the  thunderbolt 
of  war,  and  made  her  oppressors  fuel  tho  weight  of  his  uplifted  arm." 
"His  noble  bearing — his  generous  ond  disinterested  attachment  to  ths 


*  In  Ills  "  Chromcla,"  a  work,  it  i*  our  duly  to  remark,  written  wiih  candor  and 
iadnieat. 

a* 


Ml 


90 


PONTIAC. 


[Book  V. 


tiair. 


coloaiea,  when  the  thuoder  of  Britisb  cannon  was  reverberating  through 
the  land— faia  anxiety  to  preaerve  the  frontier  of  Virginia  fimn  desolation 
and  death,  (tlie  object  of  bia  visit  to  Point  Pleasant,)  all  conapired  to  win 
for  him  the  esteem  and  reapect  of  others ;  while  the  untimely  and  perfid- 
ious manner  of  his  death,  caused  a  deep  and  lasting  regret  to  pervade  the 
bosoms  even  of  those  who  were  enemies  to  his  nation ;  and  excited  the 
just  indignatiou  of  all  towarda  his  inhunMn  and  barbarous  murderers." 

Col.  n^iUiM,  present  at  the  interview  between  the  chieiii  and  Got. 
Dunmore  in  1774,  thua  speaka  of  Comdoek : — "  When  he  arose,  be  waa  in 
no  wiae  confused  or  daunted j  but  spoke  in  a  diAinct  and  audible  voice, 
without  sUurimering  or  repetition,  and  with  peculiar  emphasis.  His  lodis, 
while  addressing  Sunmon,  were  truly  grand  and  mtyeslic ;  yet  graceful 
and  attractive.  1  have  heaird  the  first  orators  in  Virginia, — Patritt  Henry 
and  Sichtard  Henry  Lee, — but  never  have  I  heard  one  whose  powen  of 
delivery  surpassed  those  of  ComtUUkJ* 

Ten  years  after  the  bloody  afiair  above  related,  an  able  writer*  upon 
those  times  savs,  "The  blooid  of  the  great  Curnstock  and  of  bis  |^llant  . 
son  was  hitape^  with  the  dust,  but  their  memory  is  not  lost  in  oblivion." 
But  how  few  at  this  day  know  of  his  fiue,  or  even  that  such  a  chief  ever 
existed !  and,  at  the  same  time,  the  same  persona  would  be  indignant, 
vrere  we  to  suppose  them  ignorant  of  the  fate  of  the  monster  Puorro. 

As  great  a  warrior^  perhaps,  as  any  who  have  lived  among  the  nations 
of  the  west,  we  shall  in  the  next  place  proceed  to  give  an  account  o£  His 
was 

PoniUUf  a  chief  of  the  Ottaway  nation,  wbbse  ftme,  in  his  time,  was 
not  alone  confined  to  his  own  conUnent ;  but  the  gazettes  of  Europe  spread 
it  also. 

One  who  knew  this  chief)  and  the  tribes  over  whom  he  had  sway,  thus 
qieaksof  them  in  1765: — ^"The  Indians  on.  the  lakes  are  generally  at 
peace  with  one  another,  having  a  wide-extended  and  fruitfVir  country  in 
tbeir  possession.  They  are  fi)rroed  into  a  sort  of  empire,  and  the  emperor 
ia  elected  from  the  eldest  tribe,  which  is  the  Ottawawas,  some  of  whom 
inhabit  near  our  fort  at  Detroit,  but  are  mostly  further  westward,  towarda 
the  Mississippi.  PotUeack  is  their  present  king  or  emperor,  who  has  cer- 
tainly the  largest  empire  and  greatest  authority  of  any  Indian  chief  that 
has  appeared  on  the  continent  since  our  acquaintance  with  it.  He  puts 
on  an  air  of  majesty  and  princely  grandeur,  and  is  greatly  honored  and 
revered  Iw  his  sutnects."t 

In  176(lj  Major  Ri^geri  marehed  into  hia  countrv,  in  fulfilling  his  orders 
of  displacing  the  French,  after  the  fall  of  QueDec4  Apprized  of  his 
approach,  PonHac  sent  ambasaadora  to  inform  him  that  their  chief  was 
not  far  off,  and  desired  him  to  halt  until  he  could  see  him  **  with  his  own 
eyes,"  and  that  he  was  lord  of  the  country. 

Poniiae  soon  met  the  English  oflicer,  and  demanded  his  business  into 
bis  country,  and  how  it  came  about  that  he  dared  enter  it  without  hia 

Krmission.  When  the  colonel  told  him  he  had  no  design  against  the 
dians,  and  only  wished  to  remove  the  French,  their  common  enemy, 
and  cause  of  all  their  trouble,  delivering  him  at  the  same  time  several 
beksof  wampum,  Pon/ioe  replied,  <*I  stand  in  the  path  you  travel  in, 
until  to-morrow  morning,"  and  gave  him  a  belt.  This  communication 
waa  underatood,  and  "  was  as  much  as  to  say,"  says  the  actor,  **  I  must 
not  inareh  fiirther  without  his  leave."  The  colonel  continues :  "  When 
be  departed  for  the  night,  he  inquired  whether!  wanted  anything  that 

*  la  Oarty'*  Muwum,  iv.  140. 

t  Rogen't  Account  of  North  America,  exirarled  in  the  Anmtal  Rtgitttr  for  176ft. 

t  Qmtbtii  ii  an  Algonquin  word,  signifying  a  8tr»U,    CkarUvoix. 


troit. 


Crap,  ni.] 


PONTIAC. 


his  cnuntry  aflbrded,  and  [in  did]  he  wonid  send  his  warrion  to  ftteb  k. 
I  assured  him  that  any  prnviriom  they  brought  shoujhl  be  paid  fbr ;  and 
the  next  day  we  went  supplied  by  them  with  aevwral  bags  of  parched 
corn,  and  some  other  necessaries.  At  oar  second  meeting,  he  gave  me 
the  pipe  of  peace,  and  both  of  us  by  turns  smoked  with  it ;  and  he  assured 
me  he  had  made  peace  vrith  me  and  my  detachment ;  that  I  might  pass 
tiirough  his  country  unmolested,  and  relieve  the  French  sarrison ;  and 
that  he  would  protect  me  and  my  party  fh>m  any  inmhs  that  might  be 
offered  or  intended  by  the  Indians;  and,  aa  an  eameat  of  hia  fKeniit-^hip, 
he  s«>nt  100  warriors  to  protect  and  assist  ns  in  driving  100  At  cattle, 
which  we  had  brought  for  the  use  of  the  detachment  1ix>m  Pittsburgh,  by 
the  way  of  PreHque-Isle.  He  attended  me  constantly  after  this  interview 
till  I  arrived  at  Detroit,  and  while  I  remained  in  the  country,  and  was  the 
means  of  preserving  the  detachment  frrms  the  fiiry  of  the  Indians,  who 
hiid  nssemhied  at  the  mouth  of  the  strait,  with  an  intent  to  cut  us  off*.  I 
hac^  wveral  conferences  with  him,  in  which  he  discovered  great  strength 
of  judgment,  and  a  thirst  after  knowledp}." 

This  same  oflfcer  observes,  that  he  discovered  much  curiosity  at  their 
equipage,  and  wished  to  know  how  their  clothes  were  made,  and  to  learn 
their  mode  of  war.  He  expressed  a  willingneaa  to  acknowledge  the  king 
of  England,  though  not  as  his  superior,  Itut  as  his  uncle,  which  he  would 
acknowleilge,  as  he  was  able,  in  furs.  England  was  much  in  his  thoughts, 
and  he  often  expressed  a  desire  to  see  it.  This  was  very  natural,  and 
was  often  observed  among  other  natives.  He  told  Col.  Ra^tn  that,  if  he 
would  conduct  him  there,  he  would  give  him  a  part  of  his  country. 

He  wns  willing  to  grant  the  Englisli  fiivors,  and  allow  them  to  settle  in 
his  dominions,  but  not  unless  he  could  be  viewed  as  sovereign  ;  and  he 
gave  them  to  understand,  thai,  unless  they  conducted  themselves  agree- 
ably to  his  wishes,  '*he  would  shut  up  the  way,"  and  keep  them  out 
Hence  it  is  fair,  within  the  sco|>e  of  the  most  reasonable  conjecture,  to 
conclude,  that  his  fiual  disaffection  to  the  English  was  owing  to  their 
haughty  carriage,  and  maltreatment  of  him  and  his  people. 

The  principal  scenes  of  his  prowess  were  at  Michilimakinak  and  De- 
troit. The  French  finally  gave  up  iMMSf«iion  in  Canada,  in  1760 ;  but 
many  of  the  Indian  nations  who  had  become  attached  to  them  were 
taught,  at  the  same  time,  to  hate  (he  English.  PoriHae  was  most  conspic- 
uous in  his  enmity,  althougli,  until  he  had  uniteil  the  strength  of  many 
trihrs  to  his,  ho  showtnl  gi-eat  kindness  and  fViendship  towanis  them. 
The  Miamis,  Ottawas,  Chippewas,  Wyandots,  Potto watomie8,Missiisagas, 
Shawnnese,  Ottogamies,  and  Winneliagoes,  constituted  his  power,  as,  in 
after  time,  they  did  that  of  T^runueh. 

There  was  more  system  employed  by  this  distinguished  man  than,  per- 
haps, by  any  other  of  his  countrymen  U|X}ii  any  similar  undertaking,  not 
excepting  even  Metacomet-  or  TVeurmreh.  In  his  war  of  1763,  which  is 
justly  denominated  "Ponliac's  war,*'  he  afipointed  a  commissary,  and  liegan 
to  make  ami  issue  bills  of  credit,  nil  of  which  he  aflerwards  carefully  re- 
deemed. He  made  his  bills  or  notes  of  hark,  on  which  was  drawn  the 
figure  of  the  commodity  he  wanted  for  it  The  shape  of  an  otter  was 
drawn  under  that  of  the  article  wanted,  and  an  otter  wns  the  '-signia  or 
arms  of  his  nation.  He  had  also,  with  great  sagacity,  urge*.  <pon  hia 
people  the  necessity  of  dispensing  altogether  with  European  commodities, 
to  have  no  intercourse  with  any  whites,  and  to  de|)end  entirely  upon 
their  ancient  modes  of  procuring  sustenance. 

Major  Glaiunn  held  possession  of  Detroit  in  1763.  Having  been  des- 
patched thitherby  General  Jimhmt,  he  had  boen  informed  By  commis- 
■bners  who  had  been  expiring  the  country,  that  hostile  feelings  were 


aa 


PONTIAC. 


(Book  T. 


manifested  among  the  Indians,  and  he  seat  men  on  purpow  to  aaeeitain 
the  fiict,  who,  on  their  return,  dimpated  all  fean. 

Muor  Roberta  was  a  mratisnger  to  Pontiae  from  Col.  Ragtn,  and  took 
with  him,  for  a  present,  wliat  hi  tliought  would  be  matt  agreeable  to  him, 
which  was  a  quantity  of  TeMv-dt-vie,  i.  e.  brandy.  When  it  was  presented, 
bis  men,  thinking  it  to  be  a  stratagem  to  poison  him,  entreated  him  not  to 
taste  of  it.  But  that  the  English  should  not  in  the  leaM  apprehend  fear  or 
distrust  in  him,  he  said  to  his  people  present,  "  £  it  not  pouibU  that  ikit 
man,  teho  Anoim  my  love/or  Aim.  tmho  u  oImo  teimbU  ^f  wt  ^4a  /avon  I 
havt  done  him,  etmtkink  of  takmg  meta/ w^  life  ^  and,  taking  the  spirit, 
drank  it  with  as  much  apparent  confidence  of  its  puriQr  and  good  enect, 
as  Soeratea  did  his  fetal  cup.  And,  adds  the  historian, "  Cent  Iraita  iPune 
elivation  pandit  avoientjixi  aw  PonOuaek  ka  yeur  dea  naiiona  aauvagea. 
■  II  voidoU  Ut  remtir  toutea  aoua  ka  mema  drapeaxix,  pour/airt  reapeeUr  leur 
terriloire  et  leur  indiptndamee,  Dea  dnotuUmeea  maUumeuataJbreni  avorter 
ee  grand  pr^ecL"* 

Several  traders  had  brought  news  to  the  fort  at  Michilimakinak,  that 
the  Indians  were  hostile  to  the  English.  Major  EUuringlon  commanded 
the  garrison,  and  would  believe  nothing  of  iL  A  Mr.  Duduame  commu- 
I  nicated  the  information  to  the  major,  who  was  much  displeased  at  it, 
"and  threatened  to  send  the  next  person  who  should  bring  a  story  of  the 
same  kind  a  prisoner  to  Detmit."t 

The  garrison,  at  this  time,  consisted  of  90  men,  besides  two  subalterns 
and  the  commauder-'in-;;hief.  There  were  also  at  the  fort  four  English 
merchants. 

Liule  regard  was  paid  to  the  asbembling  of  sundry  hands  of  Indians,  as 
thuy  appeared  friendly ;  but  when  nearly  400  of  them  were  scattered  up 
and  down  throughout  the  place,  **  I  took  the  liberty,"  says  Mr.  Henry,  "  of 
observing  to  Major  £(Aerttiglon,  that,  in  my  judgment,  no  confidence 
ought  to  be  placed  in  them  ;  in  return,  the  major  only  rallied  me  on  my 
timiflity.'* 

On  the  fourth  of  June,  the  king's  birth  day,  the  Indians  began,  as  if  to 
amuse  themselves,  to  play  at  a  fiivorite  game  of  ball,  whkh  they  called 
baggatiway,  which  is  thus  described  by  Mr.  Hntry : — **  It  is  played  with  a 
bat  and  Itall,  the  bat  being  alwnt  four  foet  in  length,  curved,  ncd  terminat- 
ed in  a  sort  of  racket.  Two  posts  are  placed  in  the  ground,  at  a  consid- 
erable distance  from  each  other,  as  a  mde  or  more.  Each  party  has  its 
|>o8t,  and  the  game  consists  in  throwing  the  ball  up  to  the  post  of  the  ad- 
versary. The  ball,  nt  the  beginning,  is  placed  in  the  middle  of  the  course, 
and  each  fmrty  endeavors  as  well  to  throw  the  Itall  out  of  the  direction  of 
its  own  poet,  as  into  that  of  the  adversar}''s."  This  farce  drew  many  off 
their  guani,  and  sonte  of  the  garrison  went  out  to  witness  the  simrt. 

"The  game  of  ba^rgatiway,  (he  continue^,)  as  from  the  description 
above  will  have  been  perceived,  is  necessarily  attended  with  much  noise 
and  violi'uce.  In  the  ardor  of  contest,  'he  ball,  as  has  been  suggested,  if 
it  cannot  ha  thrown  to  the  goal  desired,  is  struck  in  any  direction  by 
which  it  can  l)e  diverted  from  that  desig.ned  bv  the  adversary.  At  such 
a  moment,  therefore,  nothing  could  he  less  liable  to  excite  premature 
alarm,  than  that  the  bull  should  be  tossed  over  the  pickets  of  the  fort,  nor 
that,  having  fallen  tiiom,  it  should  be  followed,  on  the  instant,  by  all  en- 
gaged in  the  game,  as  well  the  one  party  as  the  other,  all  eager,  all  striv- 
nig,  all  shouting,  all  in  the  unrestrained  pursuit  of  a  rude  athletic  exer- 
cise."   And  this  vras  their  plan,  while  in  the  height  of  their  game,  to 


*  Raynal,  Hint.  Pbilot.  et  Poliiiaue.  &c.  ix.  89.  eA.  Geneva,  1781. 
f  Travels  in  Canadn,  by  Alexanaer  Hmnf,  Eiq.,  Aom  wUch  t^  >  following  account  nf 
the  deslruclion  of  Micbilimakiuak  ><  token. 


CaATwllIil 


PONTIAO. 


tluow  their  ball  within  die  pinkels  of  the  Art,  and  then  all  to  rush  in,  and, 
in  the  midat  of  their  hubbub,  to  murder  the  garriaon ;  and  it  aucceeded  to 
their  wiahea.  They  atniok  the  ball  over  the  atoefcadn,  aa  if  by  accident, 
and  repealed  it  aeverai  tiinea^  running  in  and  out  of  the  (on  with  aU 
fieedom,  **  to  make  the  deeepuoa  mofe  complete  ;***  and  then,  niahing  in 
in  overy  direction,  took  poaamaion  of  the  piaee  without  die  least  reriatance. 

Tttey  murdered  the  aoldiera,  until  their  numbers  were  ao  diniiniahed, 
that  they  apprehended  nothing  iVoni  their  reaiaiance ;  many  of  whom 
were  ransomed  at  Montreal  afterwards,  at  a  great  price.  Seventy  were 
put  to  death,  and  the  other  twenty  nwerved  for  slaves.  A  Ibw  daya  after, 
a  boat  from  Montreal,  without  knowinc  what  had  happened,  came  ashore 
with  English  passengers,  who  all  ftU  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians. 
Pontine  was  not  personally  ooneemed  in  this  affair,  but  it  was  a  part  of 
hia  deaign,  and,  therefore,  is  very  properly  here  related.  A  chief  named 
Mmthwtkna  was  the  commaadm*  in  that  aflhir.f 

It  was  only  15  days  from  the  time  the  firat  blow  was  struck,  before 
Ponfioe  had  taken  poeseaBion  of  every  garrison  in  the  west  except  three. 
No  less  than  10  were,  in  this  abort  space,  reduced.  Detroit  alone  remain- 
ed in  that  distant  region,  and,  as  wiA  presently  be  seen,  this  was  brauj^ht 
to  the  very  brink  of  the  most  awftil  precipice  of  whieh  the  im^nation 
can  conceive.  The  namra  of  those  captured  at  this  time  were  Le  Boeuf, 
Venango,  Preaq'  Isle,  on  or  near  Lake  Erie;  La  Bay,  uponi^e  Mic'..'- 
nn;  St  Jo8epb*s,  upon  the  river  of  that  name;  Miamis,  upm  the  Mic^'/i 
River ;  Ouachtanon,  upon  the  Ouabaehe ;  Sandusky,  npeo  Lake  Junun- 
dat;  and  Michilimakinak4 

The  garrison  at  Detrmt  was  ekwely  besieged  by  PkmfuK,  in  person, 
before  the  news  of  the  massHore  of  Port  M  tchiflmakiiiak  arrived  there.  It 
was  garrisoned  by  about  300  men,  and  when  PtmHae  came  with  his  war- 
riors, although  in  great  numbers,  they  were  so  intermixed  with  women 
and  children,  and  brought  so  many  commodities  for  trade,  that  no  sus- 
picion was  excited,  either  in  the  mind  of  Mufjor  CKoAvtn,  or  the  inhabit- 
ants. He  encainpit'1  a  little  distance  from  the  ibrt,  and  sent  to  the  m^jor 
to  inform  him  that  lie  was  come  to  trade,  and,  prepaiatory  thereto,  wished 
to  hold  a  talk  with  him  ibr  dm  purpose  of  *bH^tening  the  chain  of 
peace**  between  the  English  md  nis  people.  No  suspicion  was  yet  en- 
tertained, and  the  major  readily  eenaented,  and  the  next  rooming  was 
fixed  upon  for  the  council 

The  same  evening,  a  eireumstance  trwispired'  which  saved  the  garrison 
flrom  a  dreadfhl  massacre.  Aft  Indian  woman,  who  had  made  a  pair  of 
moccasins  for  Major  Gfiuiwm,  out  of  •  curious  elk  skin,  brought  them 
to  him,  and  returned  the  remainder  of  the  skin.  Being  much'  pleased 
with  them,  die  major  wished  her  to  take  the  skin  and  mi&e  another  pair, 
as  he  had  concluded  to  give  the  others  to  a  ftnend,  and  what  was  left  to 
mdke  into  shoes  ftir  hermlf.  ^e  was  then  paid  for  her  work,  and  dis- 
missed. But  when  those  whose  duty  it  was  to  see  that  the  fort  was  clear 
of  strangers,  and  to  dose  the  gates  for  the  night,  went  upon  their  duty, 
this  woman  was  found  loitering  in  the  area,  and,  bnng  asked  what  she 
wanted,  made  no  reply.  The  major,  being  informed  of  her  singular  de- 
lacanor,  directed  her  to  be  eonducted  into  bis  presence,  which  being 
done,  he  asked  her  why  she  did  not  depart  before  the  gates  w«r6  shut. 
She  replied,  with  some  hemtation,  that  she  did  not  wish  to  take  away  the 
diin,  as  be  set  so  great  a  value  upon  it.  This  answer  was  delivered  in 
such  a  manner,  that  the  major  was  rather  dissatisfied  wkh  it,  and  a^ed 
Iter  why  she  had  not  made  the  same  objectiou  on  taking  it  in  the  first 


•  Correr'f  Travels,  19,,  SO.  edikSvo.  Lond. 
t  Memnf*  Traveb,  at  tiipra. 


1784. 
X  Bouqueft  Ohio  EsptdllioD,  ist.  Ui. 


34 


rONTUC 


fBtmm.  T. 


CHAr.l 


place.    This  ratlmr  eonfbnd  bar,  ud  abm  nid  Oat  if  Ae  look  it 
DOW,  ■!!«  never  abould  be  able  to  icturn  h. 

It  was  DOW  evidvnt  tbat  sh«  withbeid  soawtba*  wbieb  riie  WMhed  to 
flommunicate,  but  was  feaaraimd  tbrouab  fcar.    «tt  oa  hetnc  sawiwd  by 

a  or  GbuAsm  tbat  sbe  sboold  not  bs  betrayed,  but  abooU  be  nroleeted 
rewarded,  if  tbe  inlbnnalioa  was  TahMble,  aba  said  ibat  uie  ebiefii 
who  were  to  meet  him  in  couneil  tbe  next  dajr  bad  contrifed  to  murder 
him,  and  take  the  garrison,  and  put  all  ibe  wbahiianla  la  death.  Earb 
ehief^  she  said,  would  come  to  the  council,  with  so  much  cut  off  of  bis 
gun,  tbat  he  eould  conceal  it  under  his  blanket;  tbat  FbnImc  was  to 

S've  the  signal,  while  delivering  his  speech,  which  waa,  when  be  should 
aw  hiu  peace  bch  of  wampum,  and  picaent  it  to  tbe  nM|iar  in  a  certain 
manner ;  and  that,  while  tbe  eouncil  waa  sitting  aa  many  of  tbe  wairioia 
as  couki  shouM  assemble  within  the  fbit,  armed  in  the  same  manner, 
under  the  pretence  of  trading  with  tbe  garriaon. 

Having  got  all  the  information  necessary,  tbe  woman  waa  diachar^ed, 
and  M^jor  Gbubwa  bad  everr  precaution  taken  la  put  the  garrison  mto 
the  best  possible  state  for  defence.  He  imparted  the  disunerj  to  his 
men,  and  instructed  them  how  to  act  at  tbe  approaching  eouncil;  at  tbe 
same  time  aending  to  all  tbe  traders  in  diflbraat  direenons  lo  be  upon 
their  guard. 

Tbe  next  morning  baring  arrived,  every  eounteaanea  worn  a  diflerent 
aspect;  the  hour  orthe  eouncil  wsn  §m  mproariiinfc  and  tbe  qinrk  alep 
ond  nervous  ezerdse  in  every  endutioa  of  tbe  aoldioa  were  expressive 
of  an  approaching  event,  big  with  their  destiny.  It  was  boghtened  in 
the  past  niriit,  wmn  a  cry  was  heard  in  the  Indian  encampment  differ- 
ent nrom  wnat  was  usual  on  peace  oecadona.  Tbe  nrrisoo  fiiea  were 
extinsuisbed,  and  evoy  man  repaired  to  bia  peat.  But  tbe  cry  being 
heard  no  more,  the  remainder  of  the  night  waa  psased  in  silence. 

Tbe  appointed  hour  often  o^lodi  arrived,  aad  also  sb  punctual  arrived 
PonfuK  and  bia  36  cbiefi^  followed  by  a  train  of  warriorsk  When 
the  stipulated  number  had  entered  tbe  garrison,  tbe  galea  were  closed. 
The  cluefii  ofaaerved  attentively  tbe  troops  under  arms^  marching  firom 

Ebce  to  place;  two  eolumna  nearly  eniloaing  the  council  bouae,  and 
oth  faciiw  towards  it.  On  ftwli'ac^s  emering  it,  be  demanded  vf  Muor 
Gladmn  the  cause  of  ao  much  parade^  and  why  Us  men  wnre  under 
arms;  bo  said  it  waa  an  odd  manner  of  boUiog  a  coundL  The  rnqor 
told  bim  it  was  onhrto  exereiss  tbeas.  Tbe  Indians  being  acaied  upcrn 
tbe  skins  prepared  m  diem,  Pttdim  commenced  bia  speech,  and  when 
he  came  to  the  sigpal  of  preaenting  tbe  beh,  the  governor  and  Jiia  attmd- 
ants  drawing  their  sworas  half  out  af  their  acuibards^  and  the  aoMien 
clinching  their  guns  with  firmnesi^  discovered  to  the  cbids,  by  their  pe- 
culiar attitudea,  that  their  pfot  waa  discovered.  Pswliac,  with  all  bia 
bravery,  tuned  pale,  and  evei^  chief  abowed  signs  of  saMNHshment.  To 
avoid  an  open  detectiwi,  the  signal  in  psssing  tlw  bdt  was  not  given,  and 
Pantiae  closed  his  speech,  which  eontsined  mamr  proftswons  of  respect 
find  affection  mi  the  English.  But  when  Miiior  &mmm  commenced  bii^ 
he  did  not  &il  directly  to  reproach  l^swh'ac  widi  tieaebciy ;  toM  him  ho 
could  not  do  any  thing  to  ensnare  the  En^sh,  and  that  he  knew  bia 
whole  diabolical  plan.  Panltac  tried  to  exouae  bimaeN^and  to  make 
Miyor  Glodwm  believe  that  be  bad  kid  no  plot ;  upon  which  die  major 
stepped  to  the  chief  neoreat  himself  and,  drawing  aaide  his  blanket,  ex- 
poaed  bis  short  gun,  winch  ooro^eied  their  confinon. 

He  (^vemor,  for  sueh  vrsa  M^or  Cfadisin,  ordered  J^alisc  to  leave 
the  fort  immediately,  for  it  would  be  with  ififfieulty  he  could  restrain  hie 
men  firoin  cutting  lum  in  iHoees^  should  they  kmw  tbe  eireumstancea. 
The  govemoi*  waa  afterwards  blamed  for  thua  suffering  dmn  to  with* 


gem ' 
and  run 
about  t( 
figiousi 
that  it 
quendy 
make  a 
inside  I 
breach 
and  at  t 
for  the 
them, 
and  tbe 
subriste 
Tber 


CkiAr.  ID.] 


potmAc. 


draw,  without  ntaining  aeTeral  of  them  m  hoatagm  for  the  quiet  beha- 
vior of  the  reat ;  but  he,  having  paaHed  his  word  tliat  they  ahouM  come 
and  go  without  hinderanee  or  reatraint,  merited,  perhapa,  leaa  censure  ibr 
keepmg  it,  and  reapecting  hia  honor,  than  those  who  reproached  him. 

A  fimoua  attacit  waa  the  next  day  made  upon  the  fort  Every  strata- 
gem waa  reaorted  to.  At  one  time  they  filled  a  cart  with  combiiatiblea, 
aod  run  it  against  the  pickets,  to  set  them  on  fire.  At  another,  they  were 
about  to  aet  fire  to  the  church,  by  ahooting  fiery  arrows  into  it ;  but  re- 
ligious scruples  averted  the  ezecutioii, — a  French  prieat  telling  Paniiae 
toat  it  would  call  down  the  anger  of  God  upon  him.  They  had  fre- 
quently, during  the  siege,  endeavored  to  cut  down  the  pickets  so  aa  to 
make  a  breach.  Major  CHadwin  ordered  his  men,  at  laM,  to  cut  on  the 
inaide  at  the  aame  time,  and  assist  them.  This  was  done,  and  when  a 
breach  waa  nutde,  the?e  waa  a  rush  upon  the  outside  towards  the  breach, 
and  at  the  same  instant,  a  brass  four  pounder,  which  hail  been  levelled 
for  the  purpose,  wns  shot  o^  which  made  a  dreadful  slaushter  among 
them.  Afl»r  this  they  merely  blockaded  the  fort,  and  cut  on  its  supplies^ 
and  the  English  were  reduced  to  the  greatest  distress^  and  for  some  time 
subsisted  upon  half  rationa 

There  was  great  difliculty  in  throwing  succor  into  the  garrison  at  De- 
troit, as  there  was  such  an  extent  of  country  between  it  and  the  other 
most  wtetem  poets,  in  possession  of  the  English.  Fort  Pitt  and  Niagara 
had  been  besieged,  and  all  communication  for  a  long  time  cut  ofl';  the 
former  had  been  reduced  to  great  extremities,  but  *hey  were  at  leosth  re- 
lieved by  Col.  Bouquet.  Capt  Dalj/ell  waa  at  the  same  time  sent  for  the 
relief  of  Detroit,  where  he  arrived  on  29  July,  1763.*  A  bloody  scene 
was  shortly  to  follow.  Captain  DalyM,  with  247  men,  went  out  of  the 
fort  to  surprise  Pontiuc  in  his  camp;  but  the  wary  chief  bad  runners  out. 
who  save  him  timely  notice,  and  he  met  them  in  an  advantageous  place, 
and,  being  vastly  superior  in  numbers,  and  concealed  Iwhind  a  picket 
fence,  near  a  bndse  where  the  English  were  to  pass,  poured  in  up<m 
them  a  dreadful  fire.  Many  fell  at  the  first  onset,  but  thejr  kept  their 
order,  and  exerted  themselves  to  regain  the  bridge  they  had  just  passed. 
They  effected  their  purpose,  but  many  fell  in  the  attempt,  among  whom 
was  Captain  Dalyell.  The  famous  Major  Rogers,  the  second  in  rommand, 
and  Lieut.  Brehm,  with  about  200  others,  reco-'ered  the  fort.  This  bridge, 
where  so  many  brave  men  were  slain,  is  called  to  this  day  Bloody  Bridge. 

Pontiac  ordered  the  head  of  CapUiin  Dalyell  to  l>e  cut  off  and  set  upon 
a  post.  Between  eighty  and  a  hundred  dead  bodies  were  counted  upon 
the  bridge  the  next  morning,  which  entirely  blocked  up  its  iwssage. 

Having  been  put  in  posseasion  of  the  ofncial  return  of  Sir  Jeffery  Am- 
herst, minutely  aetailing  this  affair,  we  will  lay  it  before  the  reader,  as  it 
appeared  at  that  time : — 

''On  the  evening  of  the  30th  of  July,  Captun  Dalyell,  ud-de-eam(i  to 
General  Jimherst,  being  arrived  here  with  the  detachment  sent  under  his 
command,  and  being  nilly  persuaded  that  Pontiac,  the  Indian  chief,  with 
his  tribes,  would  soon  abandon  his  design,  and  retire,  insisted  with  the 
commandant,  that  they  might  easily  be  surprised  in  their  camp,  totally 
routed,  and  driven  out  of  the  settlement ;  and  it  was  thereupon  determin- 
ed, that  Captain  Dalyell  should  mareh  out  with  247  men.  Accordingly, 
we  nuurched  about  half  an  hour  after  two  in  the  morning,  two  deep,  along 
the  great  road  by  the  river  side,  two  boats  up  the  river  abng  shore,  with 
a  patteraro  in  each,  with  orders  to  keep  up  with  the  line  of  mareh,  cover 
our  retreat,  and  take  off  our  killed  and  wounded ;  Lieutenant  Bean,  of  the 
QueenV  Independents,  being  ordered,  with  a  rear  guard,  to  convey  the  dead 


Bojqutft  Expedition,  Introd.  ir. 


PONTIAO. 


fBooa  V. 


tmi  wonaded  to  the  boats.  About  m  mile  and  a  half  flora  the  fbrt,  we 
had  orden  to  form  into  platoons,  and,  if  attacked  in  the  front,  to  fire  bv 
Mnet-fimgs.  We  then  advanced,  and,  in  about  a  mile  fwtiier,  our  ad- 
vanced gmrdf  commanded  by  Lieut.  JBrown,  of  die  55th  regiment,  had 
baeo  fired  upon  so  close  to  the  enemy's  breastworks  and  cover,  that  the 
firs^  beeng  very  heavy,  not  only  kiSled  and  wounded  some  of  his  party, 
bat  reacMd  the  main  body,  which  put  the  whole  into  a  little  confusion; 
but  they  soon  recovered  their  order,  and  gave  the  eoemr,  or  rather  their 
works,  It  being  very  dark,  a  discharge  or  two  from  the  front,  commanded 
by  Captain  €rm/.  At  the  same  time,  the  rear,  commanded  by  Captam 
Vnmtf  were  fired  upon  from  a  bouse,  and  some  fences  about  twenhr 
yards  on  his  left;  on  which  he  ordered  his  own  and  Captain  Hopkimrs 
companies  to  face  to  the  left,  and  give  a  fiiU  fire  that  way.  After  whioh, 
it  appearing  that  the  enemy  gave  v;ay  every  where.  Captain  DatgrU  sent 
orden  to  C«ptain  Grant,  to  take  roesession  of  the  above-aakl  houses  and 
fimoea ;  wbiefa  he  immediately  did ;  and  found  in  one  of  the  said  houses 
two  men,  who  told  him,  the  enemy  bad  been  there  long,  and  were  weU 
uprized  of  our  design.  Captain  Qraid  then  asked  them  the  numbers; 
they  said,  above  300 ;  and  that  they  intended,  as  soon  an  they  had  attack- 
ed us  in  the  firont,  to  get  between  us  and  the  fort  ■■,  which  Captain  Grtmt 
told  Captain  DafyM,  who  came  to  him  when  the  firing  was  over.  And 
in  about  an  hour'after,  he  came  to  him  apun,  and  told  Captain  GfranI  he 
was  to  retire,  and  ordered  him  to  march  m  the  firont,  and  poet  himself  in 
an  orchard.  He  then  marched,  and  about  half  a  mile  fiirther  on  his  re- 
treat, he  had  some  shots  fired  on  his  flank :  but  got  possession  of  the  or- 
chard, which  was  well  fenced ;  and  just  as  he  got  there,  he  heard  a  warm 
firing  in  the  rear,  havips,  at  the  same  time,  a  firing  on  his  own  post,  from 
the  nnces  and  com-fieids  behind  it.  Lieutenant  AfDougal,  who  acted 
as  adjutant  to  the  detachment,  came  up  to,  him,  (Captain  Grant,)  and  told 
him,  that  Captain  Dabfeil  was  killed,  and  Captain  Grmf  very  much  wound- 
ed, in  making  a  push  on  the  enem^i  and  forcing  them  out  of  a  strong 
breastwork  of  cord  wood,  and  an  mtrenchment  which  they  had  taken 
pooneasion  of;  and  that  xbe  command  then  devolved  upon  him.  Lieut 
BeoH  immediatdk  came  up,  and  told  him,  that  Captain  Rogers  had  de- 
sired him  to  tell  Captain  Grant,  that  he  had  taken  possession  of  a  house, 
and  that  he  had  better  retire  with  what  numbers  he  had,  as  he  [Captain 
mgera)  could  not  get  off  without  the  boats  to  cover  him,  he  being  hard 
pushed  bv  the  enemy  from  the  enclosures  behind  him,  some  of  which 
scoured  the  road  throne^  which  he  must  retire.  Captain  Granf  then 
sent  Ensign  PauK,  with  90  men,  back  to  attack  a  part  of  tlie  enemjy  which 
annoyed  bis  own  post  a  little,  and  galled  those  that  were  joining  him, 
ih>in  the  place  where  Captain  Dalyell  was  killed,  and  Captain  Grm, 
Lieutenants  Broum  and  Luifce,  were  wounded ;  which  Ensign  PauH  did, 
and  killed  some  of  the  enemy  in  their  flight  Captain  Grant,  at  the  same 
time,  detached  all  the  men  he  could  get,  and  took  possession  of  the  enclo- 
sures, bams,  fences,  &c.  leading  from  his  own  post  to  the  fort,  which 
posts  he  reinforced  with  the  oflicers  and  men  as  they  came  up.  Think- 
ing the  retreat  then  secured,  he  sent  back  to  Ca|>tain  Rogers,  desiring  he 
would  come  oflT;  that  the  retreat  was  quite  secured,  oiid  the  different 
partiss  ordered  to  cover  one  another  successively,  until  the  whole  had 
joined ;  but  Captain  Rogers  not  finding  it  right  to  risk  the  loss  of  more 
men,  he  chose  to  wnit  for  the  armed  tmets,  one  of  which  appeared  soon, 
commanded  by  Lieutenant  Brekm,  whom  Captain  Granf  had  directed  to 
go  and  cover  Captain  Rogers's  retreat,  who  was  in  the  next  house.  Lieut 
BrAm  acr.iirdingly  went,  and  fired  several  shots  at  the  enemy.  Lieut 
^ibott,  with  the  other  boat,  wanting  ammunition,  went  down  with  Capt 
Chray,   Lieutenant  Proton  and  some  wounded  men  returned  also,  which 


Chap.  III.J 


PONTIAC. 


37 


Captain  Orant  suppooes  the  enemy  ieeinf,  did  not  wait  her  arrival^  but 
raUred  on  Lieutenant  Brdm's  liring,  and  gave  Captain  Rugtn,  with  tba 
rear,  aa  opportunily  to  come  off:  so  that  the  whole  firoro  the  different  poiM 
Joined  without  any  confusion,  and  marched  to  the  fort  in  good  order, 
covered  by  the  armed  boats  on  the  water  aide,  and  by  our  own  parties  on 
the  country  side,  in  view  of  the  enemy,  who  had  all  joined,  and  were 
much  stronger  than  at  the  beginning  of  the  affair,  as  was  afterwards  told 
us  by  some  prisoners  that  made  their  escape ;  many  having  joined  them 
from  the  other  side  the  river,  and  other  places.  The  whole  arrived  at 
the  fort  about  eight  o'clock,  commanded  by  Captun  Ortmt,  whose  aUa 
and  akilftil  retreat  is  highly  commended. 


Actum  qfkUUd  and  taounded  of  the  seveml  detaekmenU  near  ^  Dtlnilf 

J^ySi,  176a 

USA  Regiment.— I  serjeant,  13  rank  and  file,  kSUd ;  1  captain,  3  lieu- 
tenants, 1  drummer,  28  rank  and  file,  wounded. 

Royal  AnurwmM. — 1  rank  and  file,  kSUed ;  1  rank  and  file,  ununded. 
80m  RegimenL — ^2  rank  and  file,  ktUed ;  3  rank  and  file,  tBotmded. 
<2ue«n'«  Rangtn.—i  rank  and  file,  killed ;  1  rank  and  file,  wourdeJ. 

Mtmu  of  the  €ffeera. 

SSQi  Regiment. — Captain    Oray,  Lieutenant    Lute,  and    Lieutenant 
Brounif  wounded. 
A*.  B.  Captain  Dalydl,  killed,  not  included  in  the  above. 


Captain, 0 

Lieutenants, 0 

Serjeant, 1 

Drummer, 0 

Rank  and  file,. , 18 

TWal,  19 


1 
3 
0 
1 

38 


Hence  it  appears  that  the  accounts  hitl^erto  circulated  of  this  fiunous 
action  contain  material  errors ;  at  least,  they  differ  materially  fiv>m  that 
furnished  by  those  eugaced  in  it. 

About  this  time  several  small  vessels  fell  into  the  bands  of  Poniiae,  which 
were  destined  to  supply  the  garrison,  and  the  men  were  cruelly  treated. 
The  garrison  was  in  great  straits,  both  from  the  heavy  loss  of  men,  as 
well  as  from  want  of  provisions  and  continual  watching.  In  this  time 
of  despondency,  there  arrived  near  the  fort  a  schooner,  which  brought 
them  supplies  of  provisions,  but  nothing  of  thiti  kind  could  be  landed 
without  Pontiac'a  knowledge,  and  he  determined,  if  possible,  to  seize  the 
Kchooner;  a  detachment  made  the  attempt,  and,  to  save  herself  the  vessel 
was  cbli^d  to  tack  short  about,  and  proceed  in  an  opposite  direction. 
The  Indians  followed  her  in  canoes,  and,  by  continualqr  firing  into  hw, 
killed  almost  eveiy  man,  and  at  length  boarded  her.  As  they  were 
climbing  up  the  sides  and  shrouds  in  every  quarter,  the  cqilain,  having 
determined  not  to  fall  into  their  hands  alive,  ordered  the  gunner  to  set 
fire  to  the  magazine,  and  blow  all  up  together.  This  was  heard  ty  a 
Huron  chief,  who  understood  enough  En^sh  to  know  what  was  going 
forward,  and  instantly  communicated  it  to  his  foltowers.  They  tuam- 
^aged  themselves  from  the  vessel  as  fiut  as  possible,  and  fled  firom  her  m 
a  great  fright,  at  considerable  distance.  Meantime  the  crew  took  tke  ad- 
4 


» 


CAFTAIN  PIPE. 


(Book  V. 


vantage  of  a  wind,  mn\  arrived  aafe  back  to  the  (brt.  Id  the  purauit  of 
the  venel,  the  Indiana  diwoverad  extrenM  tcmeri^,  often  eomiDg  ao  cloae 
to  the  schooner  aa  to  be  aeverely  humed  by  the  dwcbarce  of  her  guna. 

Many  other  circumatancea  are  related  of  tbia  fanMua  aiege,  mit  it  i* 
believed  the  preceding  are  all  that  are  well  authenticated. 

Pontiac  having  inveatetl  I>etroit  now  for  about  twelve  montha,  and  <he 
news  having  been  carried  to  varioua  iiorta  of  the  Britiab  empire,  ezten- 
wve  preparationa  were  made  to  put  down  the  Indian  power.  Aware  of 
the  inovetnenta  of  General  BmUtrttt,  who  waa  proceeding  for  Detroit 
with  an  army  of  3000  nien,  he  gave  u\\  and  wed  <br  peace,  which  was 
granted  him,  and  his  warriors  retired  to  tl;eir  hunting  nouoda.  He  aeems 
now  to  have  laid  aside  all  resentment  against  the  English,  and  became 
Uicir  friend ;  and  to  reward  his  attachment,  the  government  granted  him  a 
liberal  pension.    But  it  is  rc|)ortc«i  that  he  became  suspected  aft«ru'»-'Jr>, 


md  as  lie  waa  going  to  hold  a  council  among  the  luuiana  in  lUinoia,  as 
nil  asent  ibr  the  English,  a  spy  attended  him  to  obeerve  his  conduct ; 
nnd  that,  in  a  speech,  he  betrayed  the  English,  and  diarovered  hia  former 
<;.'iinity  against  them.  When  he  had  finished,  the  Indian  who  had  ac- 
companied him  plunged  a  knife  into  his  breast,  and  thus  ended  the  days 
of  u  chief  who  has  bpcn  rcnowne*!  for  singular  sagacity,  daring  courage, 
^reat  spirit  of  command,  and  indoed  numerous  other  qualities,  found  only 
in  those  bom  to  be  great. 


Ca4r. 


CHAPTER. IV 

Capt.  Pipe — SUvatUm  qf  affain  an  tKef/yMm  id  Ac  period  <if  fte  retw- 
lutian — Sad  eonditiim  ^ Ike  Moravian'ImHtau  at  Qda period — Ha^-king 
ewtgta  to  take  them  to  Canada — tRs  spei:ch  to  them—Thty  rtmomtnUe— 
lulu-king  indintt  not  to  moUat  them,  htd  Capt.  Ajpe'a  comuet  prevails, 
ana  they  are  aeited — Pve^t  conduct  Mertit/wn— Jmsaumanes  taken  to 
Detroit  and  examintd — Pipe  veent  to  accuse  them — Chan^  hia  conduct 
towards  them,  and  Oiey  are  aemntted — RenarkaHe  ddmeranee — Capt. 
WHiTE-ETKa,  or  KomuthagaeeMon,  oppose*  the  amdwi  i^  Pipe — mi 
speech  to  his  people — CoL  BroadhtaJPs  expedition — Brvdci  massacre  of  a 
eniei^PACHOA!iTsciHii.AS — SurpriseathemissionaritM — HtsspeeehtoAem 
— Tretis  them  with  great  tnuMe**— €>ELBi.EMBitD— BooKoirsAHEias— 
Murder  of^ajor  Tnieaum  and  others  disapproved  6y  him — His  speech  to 
the  murderers — In  the  batUe  of  Prtsque-lsU^His  death — ISa  great  tntre- 
pidUy— Further  parHculan  ofCajO.  Pipe — His  famous  speech— Expedi- 
tion and  defeat  of  Col.  Crawford,  toho  was  taken  prisoner  and  burnt  at  the 

stake — CbIKTOMMO—ToM-LEWIS— MeSSHAWA— KlHG-C&AIfE— LlTTLE- 

TURTLE — Defeats  Cm.  iSt  CU^s  army — Incidents  inthata^ffidr — LitUe- 
turtle'a  opinion  of  Gen,  fFayne — Visits  PhiladtipUa — His  mterviewwith 
C.  F.  FiAnm—^ecdUes — Bloe-jacket — Defeated  by  Cen.  Wayne  in 
the  haiUe  tf  Preajue-Ialc. 

Pipe,  or  Captain  P^*  as  he  in  usually  called,  firom  hia  having  been  a 
most  conspicuous  war-captain  among  the  Dclawarea,  during  the  period 
of  the  revolution,  in  particular,  was  chief  of  the  Wolf  tribe.  His  charac- 
ter is  a  very  prominent  one,  in  the  memorable  troubles  among  the  frontier 
settlements,  ut  the  breaking  out  of  the  war.    Situated  aa  were  the  Dela- 


*  A  chief  of  this  name  'if^ed  a  treaty  at  Foit  Greeaville,  in  1814^  with  112  other*, 
\>y  which  it  seems  the  l)cla«are$  peq>etuated  it.    it  followed  that  of  WkUe-eyei. 


[Bool  V. 

le  purauitof 
miDf  ■oclow 
r  her  gum, 
eg«,  mit  it  in 

nthi,  and  the 
impire,  ezten- 
r.  Awara  or 
S  for  Detroit 
^  which  WIS 
a.  He  aeema 
,  and  became 
granted  him  a 

in  lUinoia,  as 
hia  conduct; 
ed  hia  former 
who  had  ac- 
ded  the  days 
iring  courage, 
es,  found  only 


ClAP.  IV.] 


CAPTAIN  PIPE. 


39 


odoftkerevo- 
id^Hal"- 


I  rtmonst 
tmsd  prevails, 
aries  taken  to 
:«s  ht3  conduct 
wronce — Capt. 
(^Pipe^IKa 
mnaMoartof  a 
ItapeeekUtikem 
oneAHEiJis— 
-Hia  apeeeh  to 
Ha  great  iiUre- 
etek—Expedi- 
nd  burnt  at  the 

WfE — LlTTLE- 

qffair—LdtUe- 
tnterviewwith 
'•en.  tVayne  in 


laving  been  n 
ig  the  period 
His  charac- 
ig  the  frontier 
ere  the  Dela- 


with  IIS  others, 
luU-eyti. 


wan»  between  the  Engliah  of  Canada  and  tlio  Americana,  it  waa  hardly 
to  be  enaeted  but  that  they  ahould  be  drawn  into  that  war.  They  could 
not  well  weich  ita  nierita  or  demerita  upon  either  aide.  A  apeech  of  the 
renowned  Otm-planl  contaioa  the  beat  commentary  upon  tbia  matter. 
The  En^iab  atood  much  the  beat  chance  of  gaining  the  Indiana  to  their 
intereat,  uiaamueh  aa  they  were  prufuae  in  their  preaenlk  of  what  wuh 
uaefiji  to  them,  aa  well  aa  ornamental,  whereaa  the  Americana  required 
all  their  reaoureea  to  carry  on  the  war.  The  commanding  officer  at  De- 
troit, believing  that  the  Moravian  Indians  upon  the  Suaquehannah 
favored  the  Americana,  ordered  them,  dead  or  alive,  with  their  prieats,  to 
be  brought  into  Canada.  The  Iroquoia  agreed  that  it  should  be  done,  but, 
unwilling  to  do  it  themaelvea,  aent  meaaengera  to  the  Chippewava  and 
Ottawaa,  to  intimate  that  if  ihev  would  do  it,  "they  ahould  have  them  to 
make  aoup  of."  Theae  two  tribea,  however,  refuaed,  and  the  Hay-king  of 
the  Hurona  undertook  it  himself.  Ho  had  been  formerly  very  flriendly 
to  the  believing  Indiana,  and  now  pretended  that  he  only  concluded  to 
seize  upon  them,  to  save  them  from  destruction ;  and,  Mr.  Loakiel  adda, 
"  even  the  Haif-king  would  certainly  never  have  agreed  to  commit  this 
act  of  injustice,  had  not  the  Delaware,  Caftu  PV't  *  noted  enenw  of  the 
cospel  and  of  the  believing  It^dians,  instigated  him  to  do  it"  Pipe  and 
nia  company  of  Delawaroa,  joined  by  Hay-king  and  hia  warriors,  and 
aome  Shawanese,  held  a  war-feaat,  roaate*!  a  whole  o\,  and  agreed  upon 
the  manner  of  proceeding.  The  captains  only  of  this  expedition  knew 
fully  ita  deatination.  With  auch  aecrecy  did  they  proceed,  that  the  Monip 
vian  aettlementa  knew  nothing  of  their  approach,  until  they  were  in  their 
vicinity.  They  bore  an  English  flag,  and  an  English  oiHcer  was  among 
them.  It  waa  now  10  August,  1781.  Half-king  sent  in  a  niuasage  to 
Salem,  reeducating  the  inhabitants  not  to  be  alarmed,  for  tliey  ahould 
receive  no  injury,  and  that  he  had  good  worda  to  apeak  to  tncm,  and 
wwhed  to  know  at  which  of  the  aetUementa  they  might  bold  a  council 
mth  them.  Gnadenhuetten  being  fixed  upon,  ul  assembled  there  upou 
11  August. 

Meanwhile,  the  numbers  of  Pipe'*  expedition  had  increased  from  146 
to  900,  and  about  10  days  after,  Ha^-kmg  made  the  following  speech  to 
the  believing  Indians  and  their  teachers : — 

"  Cousins :  ye  believing  Indiana  in  Gnadenhuetten,  Schoenbriinn,  and 
Salem,  I  am  much  concerned  on  your  account,  perceiving  that  you  live 
in  a  very  dangeroiw  apot  Two  powerful,  angry  and  merciless  goda 
atand  ready,  opening  their  jaws  wide  against  each  other :  you  are  aitting 
down  between  both,  and  thus  in  danger  of  being  devoured  and  ground  to 
powder  by  the  teeth  of  either  one  or  the  other,  or  both.  It  is  therefore 
not  advisable  for  you  to  atay  here  nay  longer.  Consider  your  young 
people,  your  wives,  and  your  children,  and  preaerve  their  lives,  for  here 
they  must  all  perish.  I  therefore  takp  you  by  the  hand,  lift  you  up,  and 
place  you  in  or  near  my  dwelling,  where  you  will  be  safe  and  dwell  in 
peace.  Do  not  stand  looking  at  your  plantations  and  houses,  but  ariae 
and  follow  me !  Take  also  your  teachers  [prieata]  with  you,  and  worship 
God  in  the  place  to  which  I  shall  lead  you,  as  you  have  been  accustomed 
to  do.  You  shall  likewise  find  provisions,  and  our  ftther  beyond  the 
lake  [the  governor  at  Detroit,]  will  care  for  you.  This  is  my  message, 
and  I  am  come  hither  purposely  to  deliver  it." 

The  brethren,  after  taking  thia  into  conaideration,  remonstrated,  in  feeU 
ing  language,  against  such  an  immediate  removal ;  saying  they  did  not 
conceive  that  the  danger  waa  so  great,  aa,  moreover,  they  were  at  peace 
with  all  men,  and  took  no  part  in  the  war,  and  that  it  would  bring  famine 
aod  distreaa  upon  them,  to  set  out  before  their  harvest  with  nwiing  in 
their  hands^  but  that  they  would  keep  and  consider  hia  words,  and  would 


40 


CAPTAIN  riPE. 


(Book  V. 


uwwer  hlin  th«  neit  w'lDter.  It  wiw  aoppoMd  that  Ha^f-king  wm  willing 
to  comply,  but  for  th«  iniporliiiiity  of  Ptpt  and  the  Engliah  captain. 

Thia  amir  eventuated  in  thn  aei/ure  of  tlie  miaaionariea  and  tlieir 
remoTal  to  Sanduakj,  aa  haa  tiuen  wriltt-n  in  the  account  of  OlMnkan. 

Caut.  Pip*  m^w  publicly  boaated  of  hiti  exploit,  and  aaid  the  Indiana 
and  their  prieata  were  hia  ahiv jb.  They  had  hail  but  a  moiiient'a  repoae  at 
Handuakv,  when  the  governor  at  Detroit  ordered  Capt.  Pip*  to  conduct 
them  to  him.  They  were  glad  of  an  op|iortunity  of  aeeinc  the  governor 
(ace  to  face,  believing  they  could  convince  him  that  they  had  never 
aaaiated  the  Americana,  and  accordingly  attended  Pipe  thither.  Here  the 
miaiionariea  Zeiaberger,  iSinfeman,  Heekewelder  and  Edwtnrds  bad  to 
await  a  kind  of  trial,  and  Pipe  waa  the  evidence  againat  them.  On  the 
9  November,  thia  ^al  or  examination  came  on,  and  Capt.  Pipe  appear- 
ed, and  apoke  aa  f^ltowa:  **  Father,  you  have  eommantkd  iu  to  bring  the  be- 
lieving hdiani  ttnd  their  teaehere  from  the  Muekingum.  Thi$  mm  been 
done.  Hlten  we  had  brmight  them  to  Sandtukv,  you  ot^kndu$h  bring  their 
teaehen  and  $ome  of  their  eh^ft  unto  you.  Here  you  aee  them  btfart  vou  ; 
flow  you  may  ipeak  vfUh  them  yourt^f,  aa  you  have  desired.  But  I  hope 
you  wiU  apeak  good  worda  unto  them,  yea  I  tetl  you,  apeak  good  worda  unto 
them,  for  they  are  myJHenda,  and  I  ahould  be  aorry  to  aee  them  ill  tued." 
The  governor  then  repeated  to  Pipe  tlie  charges  lie  had  formerly  urged 
acaiiwt  the  brethren,  and  called  on  him  to  prove  hia  aaaertiona.  The 
chief  seemed  now  evidently  confused,  and  said  such  things  might  have 
happened,  but  they  would  do  so  no  itiiore,  for  they  were  now  at  Detroit. 
This  did  not  satiaiy  the  ^vemor,  au<t  he  peremptorily  demanded  that 
P^  should  answer  positively  to  the  point.  This  caused  him  still  greater 
embarraasiiient,  and  he  asked  his  counsellors  what  he  should  say,  but 
each  held  down  his  head  in  silence,  and  this  occasioned  his  choosing  the 
only  wise  course,  and  he  thus  ingenuously  spoke :  **  I  aaid  before,  that 
aome  aueh  thin^  might  haee  happened,  but  now  I  will  teU  you  the  plain  trtdh, 
Jlte  nnaaionanea  are  innocent.  They  have  done  nothing  qf  themaeivu: 
what  they  have  done,  they  were  eompetted  to  do.  lamtobUmefOndlheehitfa 
that  were  unlh  me  in  Ooachad^^uenk :  we  have  forced  them  to  do  it,when  they 
r^iued,"  The  governor  now  declared  them  mnocent,  in  the  presence  of 
the  c  "•*.  and  they  were  permitted  to  return  to  their  brethren. 

Onb  circumstance,  illustrative  of  savage  superstition,  we  will  notice 
herci.  When  Pipe'a  warriors  were  about  to  force  the  brethren  to  leave 
their  dwellings,  it  was  almost  unanimously  concluded  at  one  time  by  the 
'  ebicft,  that  the  white  brethren  should  be  put  to  death.  They,  however, 
would  not  adventure  upon  such  a  deed  without  the  advice  of  one  of  their 
eommon  warriors,  who  was  considereil  a  great  sorcerer.  His  answer 
waa,  ''he  could  not  uiiderstand  what  end  it  would  answer  to  kill  them.'* 
Upon  this,  the  chiefs  held  a  council,  in  which  it  was  resolved  to  kill  not 
only  the  white  brethren  and  their  wives,  but  the  Indian  assistants  also. 
When  they  made  this  resolution  known  to  the  sorcerer,  he  said  to  them, 
"Then  you  Lave  resolved  to  kill  my  friends;  for  most  of  their  chief  |>eo- 

rle  are  my  friends :  but  this  I  tell  you,  that  if  yo>i  hurt  any  one  of  them, 
know  what  I  will  do!**    This  threat  deterred  them:  thus  were  the 
minionaries  as  well  as  many  others  saved. 

It  is  stated  by  Mr.  Heekewelder,  that,  notwithstanding  Capt  Pipe  was  so 
eager  for  the  war  before  its  commencement,  he  soon  oecame  sorry  fbr  it 
afwrwards.  This  might  have  been  the  case ;  and  yet  he  was  one  of  the 
most  efficient  enemies  of  the  Americans  after  the  peace,  as  will  elsewhere 
appear.  Capt  White-euea,  or  Koqudhagaethkn,  which  was  his  Indian 
naintt,*  was  his  fiarticufar  friend,  and  they  were  both  great  men  of  the 


*  According  to  Mr.  HeckeutUer.    His  residence  was  at  the  moulli  of  the  Big  Beaver. 


Chap.  IV.J 


CAPTAIN  PIPK. 


It 


Dniawnre  nation,  having  bocn  nearly  nliko  (li^^tinffuiKhH  hy  thnirrourngn 
on  many  oocasions.  No  on«  runiti  hav«  nioro  nt  lioart  llit!  Wflfare  of  their 
country,  than  Capt.  H'kiU-eyu  hud  ihat  of  thn  Ui-luwaro  nation,  and  it  ia 
not  pmtKnded,  but  that  aa  much  ahould  hv  raid  of  CB|rt.  Pipt ;  but  they 
were  diflffrently  circiimatanced,  and  the  former  waa  open  and  foarleaa  in 
li»  declarations  in  favor  of  the  Americana,  while  the  latter  socretiv  (hvor- 
od  the  British.  Thus  they  were  unwillingly  opposed  to  each  other,  and 
for  almut  two  years,  one  by  his  frankneas  and  the  other  by  hia  clandestine 
operations,  strove  to  unite  and  strengthen  their  respective  fwrties. 

Meanwhile  a  circunwtance  happened,  which  Cupt  Pipe  seized  upon 
for  declaring  war.  JIfKee,  EUiol,  Ourly,  and  aeveral  others,  had  been  held 
At  Pittsburg  as  tones.  Early  in  the  s|>ring  of  1778,  they  made  an  escape, 
and  fled  ipto  the  Indian  countrv,  and,  as  they  went,  proclaimed  to  tnat 

1>eople,  that  the  Americans  had  determined  to  destroy  them ;  tliat  there- 
ore  their  only  safety  consisted  in  repelling  them ;  that  they  must  fly  to 
arms,  and  fl^ht  them  in  every  place.  i*ipe,  beinf(  rather  inclined  to  war, 
believe<i  all  that  those  exasperated  fugitives  said;  while,  on  the  other 
hand,  ffkik-eyea  would  give  no  crefiit  to  them.  Having  got  many  of  hia 
men  together,  Capt.  Pipe  addressed  them  with  great  eamestnen,  and 
with  great  foroe  of  oratory  said,  **  Every  man  if  an  enemy  to  Ma  eountry, 
who  endeavors  to  perauade  us  araintt  JlgUinr  the  Amerieantf  and  aU  meh 
ought  surely  to  he  jnU  to  deaths  Capt.  fHiue-eyts  was  not  idle,  and  at  the 
same  time  had  assembled  the  people  of  his  tribe,  and  the  substance  of 
what  he  said  was,  **ihTt  if  thtv  [niiy  of  his  warriors]  meant  in  eamtH  to 
jfo  ou/,  as  he  observed  some  o/jUum  were  preparing  to  do,  they  should  not  go 
wtihout  him.  He  had,  he  said,  talun  oeaee  measures  in  order  to  save  we 
naiion/rom  utter  destruction.  But  if  they  believed  that  he  was  in  the  vmmg, 
and  gave  more  credit  to  vagabond  fugitives,  tckom  he  knew  to  be  sveh,  than 
to  himsey,  who  urns  best  acquainted  with  the  real  state  of  thinf^s ;  if  they  had 
detemUvm  tofoUow  their  advice,  and  go  out  against  the  Ameneans,  he  leould 
go  out  with  them ;  but  not  like  the  bear  hunter,  who  sets  the  dogs^  on  the  ont- 
mal  to  be  beaten  about  with  Mr  paws,  white  he  hups  at  a  sqfe  distance ;  no . 
he  woult  lead  them  on,  place  himse(f  in  Upfront,  and  be  the  fnt  who  Aoula 
fall.  Thet  only  had  to  determine  on  what  they  meant  to  do ;  as  for  his  oim 
mini,  it  was  fully  made  up,  not  to  survive  his  nation ;  and  he  would  not 
spend  the  remainder  of  a  miserable  life,  in  bewaUing  the  total  destruction  of 
a  brnve  people,  who  deserved  a  belter  fate. " 

This  speech  wos  spoken  with  a  pathos  and  in  a  manner  calculated  to 
touch  the  hearts  of  all  who  listened  to  it,  and  its  impression  was  such, 
that  all  iinanimoiiBiv  came  to  the  determination  to  obey  its  instructions 
and  orders,  and  to  hear  or  receive  directions  from  no  other  penon,  of  any 
nation  or  color,  but  Capt.  fVhite-eyes. 

At  the  same  time,  Capt  White-eyes,  in  order  to  counteract,  as  much  as 
possible,  thv  evil  counsel  of  the  white  men  just  mentioned,  despatched 
runners  to  the  Shawanesc  towns  on  the  Scioto,  where  these  impostors 
had  gone,  with  the  following  speech :  "  GrandehilJrtn,  ye  Shawanese, 
some  days  (i^o,  a  flock  (f  birds,  thai  had  conu  on  from  the  east,  lU  at  Gos- 
chochking,  imponruf  a  song  of  theirs  upon  us,  which  song  had  nigh  proved 
our  ruin.  Should  these  birds,  which  on  leaving  us,  took  thfirjlign  towards 
Scioto,  endeavor  to  impose  a  song  on  you  likewise,  do  not  listen  to  them,  for 
they  lie!" 

A  knowledge  of  the  proceedings  of  Capt.  WMte-eyes  having  reached 
Pipe,  he  knew  not  what  course  to  take,  and,  while  thus  confounded,  a  kind 
and  conciliatory  message  wan  received  in  the  Delaware  nation,  from  the 
American  agent  of  Indian  afliiirs  at  Pittsburg.  It  particularly  cautioned 
the  people  of  that  nation  *^  not  to  hearken  to  thou  wicked  and  worihUsa 
men,  who  had  run  away  from  their  friends  in  the  night,  and  to  be  aaaured  ^ 


43 


CAPTAIN  PIPE. 


[Book  V. 


Oe  redfirtendship  (^  ike  United  ^tet.**  This  completed  Pipe*»  confii- 
•ion.  But  after  pondering  a  while  upon  the  wrongs  to  which  his  coun- 
trymen had  for  a  Ions  time  been  subjected,  like  the  sachem  of  the  Wam- 
paooags,  he  permitted  his  warriors  to  go  out,  and  surprise,  and  murder  all 
the  Americans  they  could  lay  their  handn  upon. 

Blood  having  now  begun  to  flow,  barbariues  followed  in  quick  iueces- 
sion.  E^ly  in  the  spring  of  1781,  Col.  Broadhtad  arrived  near  the  Mora- 
viafi  town  of  Salem,  aqd  notified  die  inhabitants  that  he  was  on  an  expe- 
dition against  the  hostile  Indians^  and  gave  them  that  timely  notice  ttiat 
they  might  collect  their  people,  if  any  were  abroad,  that  they  mi[|ht  not 
be  takfin  for  enemies.  "  However,"  says  Mr.  Heekewdder^  **  whilst  the 
colonel,  was  assuring  me  that  our  Indians  bad  nothing  to  fear,  an  officer 
came  with  groat  speed  ftom  one  quarter  of  the  camp,  and  reported  that  a 
particular  oivision  of  the  militia  <  were  preparing  to  break  off  for  the 
purpose  of  destroying  the  Moravian  settlements  up  the  river,  and  he 
feared  they  could  not  De  restrained  from  so  doing.'*'  They  were,  how- 
ever, by  the  exertions  of  the  commander  in  chie^  aided  Mr  Col.  iSKepfterd^ 
of  Wheeling,  prevented  from  their  murderous  detrisn.  Thus  these  Chris- 
tian Indians  were  situated  precisely  like  many  of  those  of  N.  E.  in  Phil- 
ip's war.  But  we  have  no  instance  to  record,  of  the  latter,  equal  in  extent, 
ror  diabolical  atrocity,  to  that  of  the  massacre  of  Gnadenhuetten,  elsewhere 
mentioned. 

Meanwhile  Col.  Broadhtad  proceeded  to  Coshocton,  a  hostiltt  settle- 
ment near  the  forks  of  the  Muskingum ;  and  with  such  secirecv  did  he 
proceed,  that  not  a  person  escaped.  How  many  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
army  is  not  mentioned ;  but,  not  long  after,  16  warriors  were  put  to  death 
with  shocking  manifestations  of  depravity.  There  accompanied  Col. 
Broadheair$  army  a  Delaware  chief  named  PtJdBan.*  Sixteen  of  the 
captive  warriors  were  derign«tod  by  him  as  pfrpetrators  of  murders,  and 
Aey  were  forthwith  tomahawkea  and  scajped.  They  were  executed 
pursuant  to  the  decree  of  a  court-martial. 

Some  extenuation  has  been  urged  fer  this  revolting  tmneaction,  and 
that  alone  in  which,  perhaps,  the  mind  can  find  any  relief.  But  a  short 
time  before  Broadhtad's  expedition,  a  large  Indian  force,  called  by  the 
whites  an  arm^,  collected,  and  set  out  for  the  destruction  of  North-western 
Virginia*  This  army  wm  divided  into  two  parts,  and  thoir  expectations 
were  wrought  up  to  a  very  high  decree,  which,  when  suddenly  blasted, 
were  cbanjpd  into  rase  and  fury.  Having,  in  their  mareh,  taken  a  large 
number  ofcaptives,  they  retreated  to' a  place  of  safety,  and  there  tied  tliem 
to  trees  and  put  them  to  death  in  their  barbarous  manner.  This  massacre 
was,  however,  confined  to  their  male  prisoners.  Fatheia,  in  presence  of 
their  families,  were  led  forth  to  execution,  amid  tears  and  hunentationn, 
which  no  creature  but  infuriated  man  could  widntand.  This  barbaritv 
was  the  mora  aggravating,  when  it  was  contemplated  that  those  who  fell 
ir  a  their  bands  had  made  no  resistance !  Nothinc,  therefore,  like  iost 
retribution  was  to  be  expected  from  an  army  of  frontier  militia,  when 
vengeance  was  the  only  pursuit 

After  every  thing  had  been  destroyed  in  the  Indian  country  dirough 
which  the  Americans  passed,  they  returned  to  Pittsburg.  Befbre  leaving 
Coshocton,  a  shocking  circumstance  occurred,  which  alone  was  sufficient 
to  have  tarnished  the  tnoet  brilliant  exploits.  An  Indian  came  to  the  side 
of  the  river  over  against  the  encampment,  and  called  to  the  sentinels,  who 
ifked  him  what  he  wanted.  He  answered  that  he  wished  to  see  the  big 
eaptaiik  (the  name  by  which  Indians  commonly  desi|piate  the  commander 
far  chiek)    CqL  Broadhtad  appeared,  and  asked  him  what  be  wanted, 


*  The  MUMO  who,  aAwwsrds,  as  I  conclude,  was  a  party  to  WmfM't  traaly. 


[Book  V. 

npe'«  confii- 
ch  liia  coun- 
of  the  Wam- 
id  mtuder  all 

quick  iueces- 
tbe  Mora- 


CHAr.  IV.] 


PETCHENANALA8. 


43 


on  anezpe- 
Y  notice  tnat 
ey  might  not 

"whilst  the 
lar,  an  officer 
ported  that  a 
off  for  Uie 
river,  and  he 
y  were,  how- 

B  these  Chris- 
r.  R.  in  Phil- 
|ual  in  extent, 
en,  elsewhere 

lOBtilt)  settle- 
ecrecv  did  he 
I  hands  of  the 
I  put  to  death 
iponied  Col. 
Meen  of  the 
tnnrders,  and 
ere  executed 

neaction,  and 

But  a  shon 

called  by  the 

Forth- 


expectations 
lenly  blasted, 
taken  a  large 
ere  tied  tliem 
^his  massacre 
I  presence  of 
lainentation<i, 
liis  barbarinr 
lose  who  ftll 
9re,  like  iust 
nilitia,  when 

ntiy  through 
ifbre  leaving 
ras  sufficient 
e  to  the  side 
ntioels,  who 
>  see  the  big 
commander 
be  wanted. 

iXntiy. 


who  replied,  "  7b  moAe  Ptaee.*'  Then,  said  the  coloncd,  send  over  some 
of  yuur  chie&  fhe  Inaiiui  interrogstively  said,  "Mag  oe you  AiUf*  No, 
said  the  colonel,  they  shall  come  and  go  in  safeQr.  Hereupon  a  chief  of 
most  elegant  appearance  crossed  to  the  encampment,  ana — I  heatate  to 
relate  it-^while  this  chief  was  conversing  with  the  coiood,  a  monster,  of 
the  militia,  came  up,  and  wit^  a  tomahawk,  which  he  had  concealed  in 
his  clodies,  laid  him  dead  with  a  single  stroke  !*  Thus  the  peace  which 
might  have  been  concluded  was  unhappily  suspended,  and  the  war  after- 
wards might  well  have  been  expected  to  exJiioit  scenes  no  less  bloody 
than  bef<H«. 

A  chief,  called  PaehgaiiUckAilai,  distinguisbed  himself  upon  the  fron- 
tiers, immediately  upon  the  retreat  of  Col.  BroadhtaJPt  army  y  not  as 
many  others  have,  but  by  magnanimity  and  address.  He  was^  wcordinc 
to  Mr.  HukewtUtrj^  the  beaa  war  chief  of  the  Delaware  nation.  And 
subsequently  his  name  was  set  to  many  treaties  between  his  nation  and 
Uie  United  Statee,  from  that  of  Gen.  Wagnt  at  Greenville  to  that  of  St 
Mary'd  in  1818:  if,  indeed,  PeteAenan(ii(u,£Mkof^&elM,  and  several  other 
variations,  stand  for  the  same  person. 

Pekhtnimalaa^  at  the  head  of  80  warriora,  appeared  suddenly  at  Gna- 
denhuetten,  surrounding  it  before  day,  allowins  no  one  a  chance  for  escape. 
Not  knowing  his  object,  the  people  were  filled  with  terror.  But  he  soon 
dispelled  their  fearsi  by  telling  them  that  he  came  to  take  the  chief  GUe- 
Umtnd^  and  a  few  other  head  men,  whom  he  would  have,  either  dead  or 
alive.  As  it  happened,  not  one  of  those  he  sought  after  was  there  at 
the  time.  Having  satisfied  himself  of  this  fact,  the  chief  demanded  that 
deputies  from  the  three  Chiistian  towns  should  meet  to  bear  what  he  had 
to  say  to  them.  When  the  deputies  and  others  had  met,  be  spoke  to  them 
as  follows: — 

"  Friends  and  kinsmen,  listen  to  what  I  aav  to  you.  You  see  a  great 
and  powerful  nation  divided.  You  see  the  Atner  ^ghting  against  the  son, 
•nd  the  son  against  the  father. — ^The  lather  has  called  on  his  Indian  chil- 
dren to  assist  him  in  punishing  his  children,  the  A^nericans,  who  have 
become  refractoiy.  I  took  time  to  couaider  whftt  I  should  do  *,  whether 
or  not  I  should  receive  the  hatchet  of  my  father,  to  assist  him.  At  first  I 
looked  upon  it  as  a  family  quarrel,  in  which  I  was  not  interested.  At 
length  it  appeared  to  roe,  that  the  iUther  was  in  the  right,  and  his  children 
deserved  to  be  pAnislied  a  little. — That  this  must  be  the  case,  I  concluded 
frani  the  many  cruel  acts  his  ofFspriug  had  committed,  from  time  to  time, 
on  his  Indian  children — in  encroaching  on  their  lands,  stealing  their 
property — shooting  at  and  murdering  without  cause,  men,  women,  and 
cbildron: — ^yes,  even  murdering  those,  who  at  all  times  had  been  friendlv 
to  them,  and  were  placed  (br  protection  under  the  roof  of  their  father's 
house  ^  the  fiither  himself  standing  sentry  at  the  door,  at  the  time ! — 
Friends  and  relatives,  often  has  the  mther  been  obliged  to  settle  and  make 
amemls  for  the  wrongs  and  mischiefs  done  us,  by  bis  refractory  children ; 
yet  these  do  not  grow  better.  No !  they  remain  the  same,  and  will  con- 
tinue to  lie  so,  as  long  oh  we  have  afty  land  left  us !  Look  Iwck  at  the 
murdera  committed  ny  *he  Long  Knives  on  many  of  our  relations,  who 
lived  peaceable  neighbors  to  them  on  tlic  Ohio !  Did  they  not  kill  them 
without  the  least  provocation  ? — Are  they,  do  you  think,  Mtter  now,  than 
they  were  then  ?  No!  indeed  not;  and  many  days  are  not  elapsed, since 
you  had  a  number  of  these  very  men  near  your  doors,  who  panted  to  kill 

*  Chronicles  of  Weatoni  SettlemaiU,  jMwdM. 
<    t  Niirrativ«,XI6. 

. .  %  AIUkUuk  to  tlw  murder  of  tbe  Cone«ton  InrfisM,  which  wai  u  atioeiciu  at  that 
at  Goadeuhuetlen,  and  of  which  we  shall  in  due  oourse  give  aralation. 


44 


BUOKONGAHELAS. 


[Book  V. 


you,  but  fortunately  were  prevented  from  bo  doing,  by  the  Great  Sun,* 
wbo,  at  that  time,  had  by  the  Great  Spirit  been  ordaineid  to  protect  yon!" 
The  chief  then  spoke  with  respect  of  their  peaceable  mode  of  life,  and 
commended  their  desire  to  live  in  friendship  with  all  roaokind ;  but  said, 
they  must  be  aware  of  their  exposed  situation — living  in  the  very  road 
the  hostile  parties  must  pass  over,  in  going  to  flght  each  other;  that  they 
had  just  escaped  destruction,  fh>m  one  of  these  parties ;  that  therefore  no 
time  should  be  lost,  but  they  should  go  to  the  country  on  the  Miami, 
where  they  would  be  entirely  out  of  danger. 

■"The  Christian  Indians  replied,  that,  as  they  had  never  injured  the  Amer- 
icans, they  thunght  they  need  not  fear  iniurv  from  them ;  that  if  their 
friends  at  war  wished  them  well,  in  truth,  they  would  not  make  their 
settleinem  upon  the  path  they  took  to  go  to  war,  as  it  would  lead  their 
antagonists  the  same  way ;  and  that  they  could  not  remove  without  great 
detriment ;  and  therefore,  as  they  were  then  situated,  they  could  not  con- 
sent to  go. 
Paef^anttekikiku  consulted  in  the  mean  time  with  his  ehief  men,  and 

'  ainswered  very  feelmgly  to  what  the  brethren  had  said.  He  observed 
that  he  was  sorry  that  they  should  differ  firom  him  in  opinion,  but  that  he 
had  no  intention  to  use  compulsion,  and  only  requested  that  those  might 
be  permitted  to  go,  whose  fenn*  prompted  them  to  it  This  was  readily 
assented  to,  anil  tlie  council  broke  up,  and  the  warriors  depart'id.  At 
Salem  they  made  a  short  stay,  where  they  conducted  themselves  as  they 
had  done  at  Gnadenhuetten.  Here  a  fiimily  of  old  people  joined  them, 
through  fear  of  what  PachgantKhiMUu  had  predicted,  aiid  the  event  justi- 
fied  the  proceeding !  The  massacre  of  Gnadenhuetten  will  ever  be  re- 
membered with  the  deepest  resret  and  indignation. 

'■  Nothing  was  feared  fh>m  the  good  PefeAenana&u;  but  the  prowling 
monsters  JiPKee,  Girty,  Elliott  and  perhaps  others,  calling  themselves 
white,  were  the  plotters  of  the  ruin  of  the  innocent  people  at  Chiaden- 
buetten,  which  followed  not  long  after. 

Our  present  desiffn  makes  it  expedient  that  we  pass  over  many  events 
in  the  chronicles  of  the  frontier  wars,  that  we  may  he  enabled  to  proceed 
with  more  minutencu  of  detail,  in  the  lives  of  the  eminent  chicfi. 
Although  we  cannot,  by  any  rule  known  to  us,d'  *ve  Buokm>gahi!a» 
from  Paehgantaeihilat  or  Petckenanalat,  yet,  as  they  have  as  much  affinity 
as  Pometaeom  and  Metacomet,  we  shall  let  them  peas  for  the  same  pereon, 
and  thus  continue  our  narrative. 

"''  Buokongak^B  was  not  only  a  great,  but  a  noble  warrior.  He  took  no 
delight  in  shedding  blood ;  and  when  iio  raised  the  hatchet  on  the  side  of 
the  British  in  the  revolution,  it  was  for  tho  bc«t  of  reasons ;  and  would 
that  numerous  other  allies  we  could  name  had  acted  fiiim  as  pure 
motives.  Our  next  notice  of  Buokon/rj/idas  is  in  1798,  when  he  showed 
himself  no  less  itiagnaniinous  than  at  Gnadenhuetten  and  Salem.  Col 
Hardin,  Major  TVueman,  and  several  others,  were  sent,  in  May  of  this 
year,  with  a  flag  of  truce,  to  the  Indian  nations  of  the  west,  imrticulnrly  the 
Manmee  towns.  They  having  arrived  near  the  Indian  town  of  An  Gflaizc 
on  the  S.  W.  branch  of  the  Miami  of  the  Luke,  fell  in  with  some  Indians, 
who  treated  them  well  at  firrt,  and  made  many  profeaeions  of  Irieiidship, 
but  in  the  end  took  a<i vantage  of  tlicm,  while  off  iheir  guard,  and  murder- 
ed nearly  all  of  them.  The  interpreter  made  his  escape,  after  some  time, 
and  gave  an  account  of  the  transaction.  His  name  was  ffUHam  SmaUy; 
and  he  had  been  some  time  before  with  the  Indiana,  and  had  ItMuned 
their  mannera  and  nustoms,  which  gave  him  some  advantage  it  being 
able  to  save  himself.    He  was  at  first  conducted  to  Au  GIoim,  and  soon 

*  Referring  lo  what  we  have  just  related  ot  Col.  DmriiiMimihMd  and  his  araiy. 


Crap.  IV.]  BUOKONGAHELA8.  4^ 

after  to  **  Buokungahela,  kins  of  the  Delawarea,  by  bb  capton.**  Tbe 
chief  told  tboae  mat  committed  the  murder,  ht  uxu  wry  torn  Mcy  had 
kUUd  tKe  men.  T%at  inttead  o/*  $o  doing,  theu  $hotdd  hace  onught  Ihem  to 
^  Indian  toums;  and  then,  jr  <<>^  ^  Aod  io  $au  had  nat  been  liked,  U 
wotdd  luue  been  time  enough  to  hme  Kuled  them  then.  Mbtbing,  he  aaid, 
eoutdjiutyy  them  for  putting  than  to  4eath,  a$  there  woe  no  chance  for  them 
to  eecape.  The  truth  wu,  diey  killed  them  to  plunder  their  effect!. 
Buokongahdaa  took  Mr.  SlmaUy  into  his  cabin,  and  showed  him  great 
kindness;  told  him  to  stay  there  while  he  could  go  safely  to  his  former 
Indian  friends.  (He  bavmg  been  adopted  into  an  Indian  fiimilv,  in  place 
of  one  who  had  been  killec^  in  his  former  captivity.)  While  here  with 
Buokongahelas,  which  was  near  a  month,  Mr.  Smal^  said  the  chief 
would  not  permit  him  to  oo  abroad  alone,  for  fear,  be  said,  that  the  young 
Indians  would  kill  'aim.  Thus,  though  we  do  not  meet  often  with  ^tio- 
kongahelae,  but  when  we  do,  tbe  interview  is  no  less  honorable  to  him, 
than  in  the  instances  we  have  civen. 

It  is  said  that  tbe  conduct  of^the  British,  at  the  battle  of  Presoue  Ue, 
forever  changed  the  mind  of  this  chieC  as  it  did  that  of  many  otnerr,  in 
regard  to  them.  Buokongahela$  said  be  would  bencefhrth  trust  them  no 
more.  Tbe  fort  at  Maumee  was  critically  situated,  but  bv  its  own  impru- 
dence. The  officers  of  it  had  told  the  Indians  that  if  the  battle  turned 
against  them,  they  should  have  protection  in  the  fort.  Immediateljjr  after, 
Qbb.  Wa^ne  informed  them,  that  if  they  did  protect  the  Indians  m  that 
event,  he^ould  treat  them  as  though  found  in  arms  against  him ;  there- 
fiire,  think{jng  their  own  safety  of  more  consequence  uian  keeping  thnr 
faith  with  Uie  Indians,  they  barred  the  gates,  and  were  idle  spectators  of 
those  they  bad  baselv  betrayed,  cut  down  in  great  numbers  by  the  swords 
of  the  horaeinen,  under  their  very  ramparts! 

It  would  seem  ftom  a  passage  in  tbe  Memoirs  of  Gen.  Jbrriaon^  that 
BwikonitahiUu  died  soon  «  after  die  treaty  of  1804  ;**  that  if  he  had  been 
alive,  Mr.  Dawton  thinks,  when  IhemfiA  aod  the  Prophd  enlisted  ao 
mjuiy  nations  against  the  Americans,  he  would  not  have  suflbred  their 
pj^ip^ito  bave  been  matured.  The  same  author  relates  an  incident  of 
necuKar  interest,  concerning  our  subject,  which  is  as  follows : — After  the 
fight  with  ffoyneV  army  bdfbre  mentioned,  Buohongahiat  odlected  the 
remnant  of  bis  band,  and  embariced  with  them  in  canoes,  and  passed  up 
the  river,  to  send  a  flag  of  truce  to  Fort  Wayne.  When  the  chief  arrived 
against  the  British  fort,  he  was  requested  to  land,  which  he  did.  When 
be  had  approached  the  sentinel,  he  demanded, "  fl'lui  hifoe  you  to  $ajf  to 
meV  He  was  answered  that  the  commandant  desired  to  spsuk  with  bim. 
«  3TI^  he  may  come  aaaB,**  was  tbe  reply.  The  sentry  then  said  the  offi- 
cer would  not  do  that,  and  that  he  would  not  he  allowed  to  pans  the  fort, 
if  be  did  not  comply  with  its  rules.  "  fFhat  ahaU  prevent  meV  said  the 
intrepid  chief.  Pomting  to  the  cannon  of  the  fort,  the  sentry  said, 
<*  Those.**    The  chief  replied  indignantly,  '*  I /ear  not  tyour  cannon  .*  ^Uter 


an  ironical  reproach  to  the  iBritish  garrison  for  their  troacheiy  to 
Indian*,  whicn,  has  been  mrationed.  , 

,  It  is  said  that  Buokongahdaa  was  present  at  Fort  Bl'Intosh,  at  the  treaty 
0^  1^85 ;  but  as  his  name  is  not  among  the  signers,  we  suppose  he  was 
opposed  to  it.  Oen.  Otorre  R.  CUA,  Arthur  I*e,  and  JRicftordf  Butter, 
were  tbe  American  commissionen;  the  former  had  been  a  successftu 
warrior  a^nst  tbe  Indians,  which  had  gained  hini  the  respect  of  JSitofton- 

*  By  Mr.  Danuon,  f»ge  8S. 


46 


CAPTAIN  PIPE. 


[Book  V. 


gdhdat;  and  when  he  had  an  opportuniqr,  he  paned  the  others  without 
noticing  them,  but  went  anil  took  Gen.  Cktrk  by  the  hand,  and  said,  **!' 
Oumk  £e  Gnat  SpirH  for  having  Otu  dmi  broufAt  togtiher  two  twh  grtat 
waniort,  as  BcoKONflABEi^s  ami  Grh.  Ulakk. 

A  separate  article  in  the  treaty  just  named,  illustrates  the  hntcrjr  of 
several  chieft  already  mentioned.  It  is  in  these  words : — **  It  is  agreed 
that  the  Delaware  chiefs  Kdehanand,  [(kkUmend,  KSlbuek,']  or  Col. 
Henry ;  Hengve-muhets,  or  the  _Big-eat ;  WieoeaKnd,  or  Capt.  nlnU-tyea  ; 
who  took  up  the  natchet  for  the  United  States^  and  their  families,  shall  be 
received  into  the  Delaware  nation,  in  rhe  same  situation  and  rank  tm 
heftre  the  war,  and  enjoy  their  due  portions  of  the  lands  to  the  Wyandot 
acd  Delaware  nations  m  this  treaty,  as  fully  as  if  they  had  not  taken  part 
with  America."  We  shdl  have  occasion  again  to  conmder  fttrther  some 
of  the  characters  which  we  have  but  incidentally  mentioned  hers.  For 
the  present,  we  will  proceed  with  some  matters  of  deep  interest  in  the  life 
of  C&pt.  Fqit, 

At  one  time,  after  an  expedition  against  the  Americans,  Capt  Pipe 
went  to  Detroit,  where  he  was  received  with  respect  by  the  British  com- 
mandant, who,  with  his  attendants,  was  invited  to  the  council-house,  to 
ffive  an  account  of  ^ast  transactions.  He  was  seated  in  fh>nt  of  his 
IndianB,  ftcing  the  chief  officer,  and  held  in  his  left  hand  a  short  stick,  to 
which  was  ihstened  a  scalp.  Aifter  a  usual  pause,  he  arose  and  spoke  as 
ft>]lows : — 

*  JVttiler,  [then  he  stooped  a  little,  and,  turning  towards  the  audience, 
widi  a  countenance  ftil!  of  great  expresnon,  and  a  sarcastic  look,  said,  in 
a  lower  tone  of  voice,]  "  /  have  said  father,  although,  indeed,  I  do  not 
iiuw  WHT  I  am  to  c<dl  mw  to,  having^  never  Jbnotvn  <my  other  fother  than 
Ae  French,  and  eoniidering  ffte  Enmdi  only  at  brothers.  Bvt  at  tiu* 
name  it  alio  impoted  upon  ut,  lahm  make  *veof  it,  and  toy,  [at  the  same 
time  fizinff  hb  eyes  upon  the  commandant,]  Father,  tome  hme  (jgo  you 
put  a  uiarnatthtt  into  myhandt,  taking,  *  Thke  thit  weapon  and  try  it  on  the 
\tad»  tfmy  enemiu,the  Long-Knnet,  and  let  me  afttrwardt  know  if  it  wag 
tharp  and  good.^  FoAer,  at  the  time  when  you  fiate  me  thit  weapon,  I  had 
neither  eautt  nor  indinaliotx  to  go  to  war  agamtt  a  people  who  had  done 
me  no  ifijfuru:  yet  in  oftedSenee  to  you,  who  toy  you  are  my  father,  and  call 
meyourehmt,  ireeeivedthehateha;wdlknowittg,Aat}fimdnotobty,yott 
unwd  wHMMfrom  me  Ike  neeettariet  oflyfe,  wmaut  mi(3%  I  eould  not  tub- 
titt,  and  wkiai  are  not  eltewhtre  to  be  procured,  but  at  the  houte  of  mw 
Jmer. — Toumduperhapt  {jbtni  me  a  fool,  for  risking  myl\fi  at  your  bid- 
ding, m  n  co««e  loo,  fiy  wihieh  1  have  no  protpeet  qfgaimng  avy  thtw ;  for  it 
it  your  caute  and  not  mine.  K  it  your  concern  to  fgkt  the  Long'Knivet ; 
you  have  raittd  a  quarrd  amongtt  yowselves,  and  you  ought  yourtthet  to 
'jight  it  out.  You  thould  not  conqtd  your  ekHdren,  the  ftdiant,  to  expose 
tlSmtelvet  to  danger,  for  vour  taket. — father,  many  Kvet  have  ahtady  teen 
lotion  your  aeeoutd! — jYationt  have  tuffered,  and  been  weakened! — chil- 
dren ham  lost  parentt,  brothert,  and  rtlattves  ! — wivet  have  lott  hutbandt ! — 
Bis  not  known  how  many  more  may  peritk  before  your  war  wilt  beat  an 
end! — Fftker,  I  have  taid,  that  you  may,perheat,  think  me  a  fo)ol,for  thug 
thou^ttetriy  ruthing  on  yonr  enemy  !—Do  nfH  btHeve  1iat,fiaher :  TkMk 
noit  thid  I  want  tense  to  convtnce  me,  Oud  altheugh  you  now  pretend  to  keep 
up  a  perpetual  enmity  to  the  Long-Knives,  you  mm  b^bremng  eondude  a 
peace  with  them. — Father,  you  say  yeu  love  your  elaldren,  the  /hoian*.— 7%w 
you  have  o/ten  told  Mem,  md  inated  it  it  your  interett  to  toy  to  to  them,  Uuit 
you  moy  have  them  at  your  aervice.  But,fother,  who  tf  ut  can  believe  that 
you  eon  hve  apeopie  of  a  d^ffkrent  color  firom  your  own,  better  than  thote 
who  haei  a  whiu  tkin  like  yourtdveif  Inther,  pay  attention  to  what  I  am 
going  to  toy.    Wkde  you,  father,  are  tettir^  me  [meaning  the  Indiana  in 


[Book  V. 

without 
said,  T 
uek  grtat 


Vbap.  IV.| 


CAPTAIN  PIPE. 


d 


liistcry  of 

is  agreed 

or  Col. 

8,  shall  be 
rank  aH 
Wyandot 
taken  part 
ther  soiAe 
ere.  For 
n  the  life 


general]  on  your  enmy,  mudi  m  Qu  same  manner  om  a  hunttr  »d$  his  tiog 
onthegame;  tokiU  lam  uiVuiOct  qfnuhing  on  that  enemy  ofj/ourt,  wi& 
the  bloody  deetrudwe  leeapon  jfou  gave  me,  I  ma;/,  ptrehanet,  happen  to  loot 
baek  to  the  place/rom  tmenee  you  ittarted  me ;  md  uihat  thall  itttJ  Ptr- 
hapa  Imajitet  mv  father  ahaiing  hands  urith  the  Long'Kmvtt;  yet,  wUk 
ttese  very  people  he  now  caUa  hit  enemiu.  I  may  Oun  tee  him  lauffh  at  rw 
folly  for  hamng  obeyed  hit  ordert;  andyet  lam  now  ritking  my  l\fe  at  hu 
cowuniandJ  Father,  keqjt  what  I  have  taid  m  rtmtMmMee. — Jyow,  falher, 
here  it  what  hat  been  dime  wUh  the  hatchet  you  gave  me.  [With  these  words 
he  handed  the  stick  to  the  commandant,  with  the  scalp  upon  it,  above  men- 
tioned.] I  have  done  with  the  htdchet  what  you  ordered  me  to  do,  and  found 
it  thorp.  JVeoerthelett,  tdidnat  do  all  ihat  /mi^ht  have  done.  J<fo,  I  did 
noL  My  heart  fmled  within  me.  I  felt  cotnpaanon  for  your  enemy.  Inno- 
cence nielj)Iess  women  and  children]  had  no  part  in  your  tpiarrut ;  thtre- 
fore  I  dittmguithed — /  tpared.  I  t-j  z  tome  live  flesh,  uxfttcA,  whUe  Iwat 
winging  to  you,  I  tfied  one  of  your  large  eanaea,  on  which  I  put  it  for 
you.  in  a  /ew  days  you  unU  recover  thit  flesh,  and  find  that  the  tkin  it  of 
the  tame  color  wUh  your  own.  Father,  I  hope  you  toiU  not  destroy  what 
/  have  taved.  You,  father,  have  the  meant  <f  preserving  that  which  with 
me  would  perish  for  want.  The  warrior  is  poor,  and  his  cabin  it  alwayt 
emp^;  but  your  haute,  father,  is  always  full. 

Aner  a  high  encomium  upon  this  speech,  which  need  not  be  repeated, 
Mr.  Heckewelder  says,  **  It  is  but  justice  here  to  say,  that  Pipe  was  well 
acquainted  with  the  noble  and  generous  character  of  the  British  officer  to 
whom  this  e^ieech  was  addressed.  He  is  still  living  in  bis  own  country, 
an  honor  to  the  British  name.  He  obeyed  the  orders  of  his  superiors  m 
employing  the  Indians  to  flght  asainst  us ;  but  he  did  it  with  reluctance, 
and  softened  as  much  as  was  in  nia  power  the  horrors  of  that  abominable 
warfiire.  He  esteemed  Capt.  Pipe,  and,  I  have  no  <Ioubt,  was  well  pleased 
with  the  humane  conduct  of  this  Indian  ch'ef,  w^hose  sagacity  in  this  in- 
stance is  no  less  deserving  of  praise  than  bis  eloquence." 

The  name  of  Capt.  Pipe  is  unfortunately  associated  with  the  history  of 
the  lamented  Col.  fFHtiam  Crawford,  who  perished  at  the  stake,  after 
sufiering  the  most  horrible  and  excruciating  tortures  possible  for  Indians 
to  inflict  He  was  particularly  obnoxious  to  them,  (mm  having  been 
many  years  a  successful  commander  against  them.  He  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  Indians  not  far  from  Upper  Sandusky,  in  the  latter  end  of  May, 
1782.  At  this  time  he  was  arrived  there,  at  the  head  of  a  band  of  about 
500  volunteers,  who  were  attacked  and  put  to  flight,  without  having  ac- 

Iuitted  themselves  like  soidiers  in  any  aegree ;  except,  indeed,  some  iu- 
ividual  ibstances.    At  least  a  hundred  were  killed  and  tuken,  and  of 
the  latter,  but  two  are  said  ever  to  have  escapod. 

Capt  PipCf  if  not  the  principal,  was  probably  one  of  the  chief  leaders  of 
the  Indians  at  this  time.  When  the  rout  of  the  arrny  lieean,  instead  of 
retreatins  in  a  body,  they  fled  in  small  parties,  and  thus  fell  an  easy  prey 
into  the  hands  of  their  pursuers.  Col.  Crawford  became  separated  from 
the  main  body  of  his  soldiers,  by  his  extrem  j  anxiety  for  his  son,  and  two 
or  three  other  relations,  whom  he  suspected  v^ere  in  the  rear,  and  there- 
lore  waited  for  them  an  unreasonable  time.  He  at  length  fled,  in  com- 
pany with  a  Dr.  Knight  and  two  others.  Unfortunately,  afler  travelling 
newly  two  days,  they  were,  with  several  others,  surprised  by  a  party  of 
Delawares,  and  conducted  to  the  Old  Wyandot  Town.  Here  Capt  Pipe, 
with  his  own  hands,  painted  Crauford  and  Knigkl  black  in  every  part  of 
their  bodies.  A  place  called  the  New  Wyandot  Town  was  not  lar  ofl*. 
To  this  place  they  were  now  ordered,  and  Pt;ie  told  Crawford,  that  when 
he  arrived  there,  his  head  should  be  shaved;  of  which,  it  seems,  he  did 
act  understand  the  import    These  miserable  men  were  accompanied  by 


48 


CqOKATQIIIIO. 


[Book  V. 


Pae  and  another  noted  Dekware  chief^  named  tfimgadm.  Seveial 
otfier  captives  had  been  nnt  Ibrvrard  ;  and  in  the  wav,  aa  KmfjiA  and 
Cnuffon  paaaed  alouj^  they  saw  four  of  the  mnmried  bodies  of  tMr 
^enda,  lying  upon  the  ground,  dead  and  scalped.  Nine  odwfs  had  been 
.pneked  up  at  tbe  same  tune  the  two  iiM  nanwd  were,  and  fcur  of  tbeae 
were  those  muitlered  in  the  way.  Tlie  other  five  met  a  She  frte,  hvn 
the  hands  of  Indian  aquawa  and  boys  at  die  diiMinwl  village.  Here 
Crmtford  and  JD^fU  saw  Smm  Ov^  of  whom  no  human  being  ainee, 
we  apprehend,  lias  spoken  or  written  without  indiijiiatiOB.  He  is  repre- 
sented to  have  witnessed  the  torture  of  Owj^rrf-with  much  satisfection ! 

After  the  coktnel  was  tied  to  the  fttal  post,  Capt.  Pift  addressed  the 
sflsembled  Indiana  in  an  earnest  aneech,  wnieh  iraen  he  had  eloaed,  di^y 
all  joined  in  a  hideous  yell,  and  fell  to  torturing  the  priaooer,  which  con- 
tinued for  about  three  houis^  when  he  sunk  down  upon  his  ftoe,  and  with 
a  groeu  expired. 

Dr.  JTn^gAl  was  reserved  for  the  same  fate,  and  was  present,  and  ob&ijMl 
to  hear  the  agonising  eneulationa  of  his  firiend,  and  at  hat  to  aee  Um 
expire,  without  being  able  to  rendo*  lum  erm  the  i—imanm  of  a  con- 
soling word ! — IndeM  the  thoughts  of  hie  own  condition,  and  the  end 
that  awaited  him,  wrere  aa  much,  najr,  more,  perhapa,  dun  a  rational  mind 
eould  bear.  There  seemed  no  possmili^  <^a  delivwance ;  but  it  came  in 
an  unexpected  boor.    Ho  was  to  be  aent  to  Ae  Sawanee  Town,  and  fbr 


this  puipoae  was  intruaied  to  a  young  warrior,  who  watched  him  incea- 
saniqr.  The  distance  waa  about  40  milsB;  and,  during  their  march,  he 
found  means  to  knock  down  bin  driver  and  make  mod  his  escape.  He 
was  31  days  in  the  wilderness  alone,  and  wan  neany  ftmished  vrhen  he 
arrived  at  Fort  ITIntoak.  At  the  phce  to  whkh  he  was  destined  fay  the 
Indiauk  CoL  Ormrfv^a  aov.,  aon-in-kw,  and  aavetal  odien^  were  put  to 
death  aiwut  the  same  time. 

The  expedition  of  Col.  Omrfvrd  vras  not  so  laudably  undertaken  as 
many  others,  in  as  for  as  it  was  directed  against  the  Moravian  towns 
upon  the  Muskingum,  where  simtf,  who  composed  it,  were  determined 
that  the  Christian  Indians,  vdiich  tney  there  expected  to  find,  should  f^t 
thw  vengeance  bv  their  blood,  as  diose  at  Gnaaenhuetten  had  done  but  a 
short  time  before,*  as  will  elsewhere  be  fbond  noticed.  We  msy  again, 
in  a  fiitiir<)  ehap<c  ,  extend  our  account  of  dicae  aflairs,  vrhich  vre  pass 
here,  to  nvo  phwe  to  the  eventa  in  die  Bfb  of  a  noted  Shawanese  chic^ 
who  made  kmnself  conspicuous  by  his  succesafiil  depredati<His  at  thia 
period.    This  waa 

CUXatoHMao.  In  1790^  be  succeeded  in  capturins  many  boats  upon 
the  Ohio  River,  killing  many  of  those  in  diem,  and  taking  and  destroying 
a  vast  armount  of  propeitv.  Among  the  ImmUb  vdiich  fiul  into  the  banda 
of  Chfkalomuio  was  one  in  which  waa  a  Mr.  Cftarles  Mmdom  of  Boin- 
tourt  cotaity,  Viiginia,  and  several  others,  and  from  whose  narrative  we 
derive  much  of  this  information — k  book  r^ele  with  instractioii,  and  one 
of  the  most  valuable  in  its  kiiid.t  As  diis  company  were  deeoeiHfing  the 
Ohio  in  an  unwieldy  flat-bottomed  boat,  in  whien  were  a  numbw  of 
horses  and  conwierabie  merrJiandiae,  two  while  men  appeared  upon  the 
shore,  and  called  to  them,  aflbcting  great  diatieas  and  b^ged  to  be  taken 


*  Oat  ehier  aDUMritjr  for  Ikna  evvala  ia  Uw  iralwhlo  Cbkohicus  by  Mr.  li^iillker*, 
bofora  raierrad  to. 

I  lo  Ht  priifieBiiao  by  ihe  midatcnreia- 
*  iMMMTf  ;  wboai,  by  the  way,  wo  4(»  Soi 
Iko  aalbar  ■•  «■•  mgbl  mppnhud 
, ,  n  b  totk  mimur  poials  ao  ib« 
■pelliac  <if  auMt :  Ihw,  ia  a»iisglbo  pofawH  e«Mivaiad,  far  Skyin  he  writa  Shnf . 
SrMlyFlamg,iM^nMi^;A?Ffa^Miiii^*c 


t  Tbe  MiUmr  oppeon  to  hove  booi 
lioaofhitoral 


ibd  to  differ  ao  BotuiaUy,  ■ 
frMM  hi*  rtmwMt.    Hw  cUtT 


»  booi  prMopied  I 

MB   SMQWM.  D'QK 


(Boob  V. 


Chap.  IV.] 


CIIIKATOMMO. 


49 


m^ 


on  hoard.  Beibre  these  two  whites  showed  thotnoolvea,  however,  a 
smoke  was  seen  above  the  trees,  tu\d  for  some  time  lield  them  in  doubt  on 
which  side  of  the  river  it  was.  They  wished  to  aficertain  this  fact,  as 
thereby  they  miglit  Icccp  clos<:  in  upon  the  opposite  shore,  and  so  escape 
mischief  in  the  event  of  an  ambnshment  of  Indians.  They  wcro  tliua 
wary,  as  tiic  Indians  were  cnnstaiitly  doing  mischief  upon  the  rivers,  and 
had  but  a  short  time  bcfoi-c  destroyed  a  settlement  at  a  place  called  Ken- 
nedy's Bottom,  in  Kentucky. 

It  was  before  sunrise  on  the  30  March,  that  the  two  white  men  before 
mentioned  hailed  the  boat,  which  was  safely  out  of  the  I'each  of  fire-arms, 
having  discovered  the  smoke  to  be  upon  the  N.  W.  shore,  and  therefore 
they  kept  upon  the  S.  W.  These  white  men,  the  more  effectually  to 
decoy  the  boatV  crew,  said  they  had  been  taken  prisoners  by  the  Indians 
at  Kennedy's  Botton  i,  and  had  jimt  escaped  from  them,  and  unless  they 
woukl  take'  them  on  board  they  imist  perish  iVom  hunger  and  cold.  The 
trudi  was,  one  or  both  of  tlietii  were  abandoned  wretches,  who  had 
leagued  with  n  bond  of  depredators  under  Chtkatommo,  nn<I  thus  were 
the  means  of  destroyinz  muhy  innocent  lives  in  the  most  atrocious  man- 
ner. When  hailed  by  tlicm,  as  we  have  just  said,  some  in  the  boat  were 
for  listening  to  them,  and  some  agiiinst  it.  In  the  mean  time,  tJie  boat 
floated  fast  down  the  current,  and  left  those  on  shore  considerably  in  the 
rear,  although  they  exerted  themselves  to  keep  abreast  of  the  boat.  Those 
who  were  against  taking  them  on  board  had  their  objections  ..ell  ground- 
ed; for  v/hen  these  men  were  asked  the  occasion  of  the  smoke  upon  their 
side  of  the  river,  they  denied  that  there  had  been  any,  or  said  tlicy  knew  of 
no  such  thing ;  and  this  was  urged  as  a  sufficient  reason  why  tliey  should 
reject  the  other  j)art  of  their  story.  Still,  as  the  boat  glided  down,  thosw 
on  board  debated  the  subject,  and  at  length  concluded,  that  if  thore  were 
Indians  where  they  first  saw  the  men,  they  must  then  be  far  up  the  river, 
as  it  was  thought  impossible  that  they  could  have  got  through  the  woods 
so  fast  as  they  had  floated  down  ;  and  one  of  the  company,  a  Mr.  Hinn, 
Mrhose  kindness  of  h(*art  brought  upon  them  this  calamity,  proposed  haz- 
arding his  own  person  on  shore,  without  in  the  least  endangering  the  rest. 
His  plan  was  os  follows :  that  whereas  they  must  l)e  now  out  ofthe  reach 
of  the  Indians,  they  should  haul  in,  and  barely  touch  upon  tho  shore,  and 
he  would  jump  out,  nnd  the  bont  should  r.t  the  same  time  haul  off;  so 
that  if  Indians  should  be  coming,  the  boat  would  have  time  to  get  ofl'safe, 
and  as  to  himself,  he  could  well  outrun  them,  and  would  get  on  board  the 
boat  again  at  a  certain  point  below.  And  thus  was  the  humane  nian  laid 
of  relieving  supposed  distress,  the  sad  recompense  of  which  we  now  pro- 
ceed to  relate. 

One  circumstance  had  not  been  taken  into  account  by  this  devntr/ti 
company.  The  current  being  rapid,  '♦  took  them  much  longer  than  thtiv 
had  anticipated  to  gain  the  shore  ;  and  this  gave  some  of  the  most  swift- 
fbdted  of  Chikatommo'a  party  time  to  arrive  at  the  point  at  the  same  time 
with  them.  Having  arrived  close  to  the  shore,  Mr.  Flinn  had  but  barely 
cleared  himself  from  the  boat,  when  a  large  number  of  Indians,  painted 
in  the  most  frightfbl  manner,  came  rushing  upon  them.  Some  of  the 
boat's  crew  seized  their  guns,  and  determined  to  resist,  while  the  others 
used  every  means  to  get  tneir  boat  from  the  shore ;  but  every  thing  seemed 
to  conspire  against  them.  Their  boat  became  entangled  in  the  branches 
of  a  large  tree,  and  the  whole  body  of  Indians,  having  arrived,  being  54  in 
number,  gave  a  horrible  yell,  and  poured  in  their  whole  fire  upon  the 
boat.  From  tho  protection  afforded  by  the  side  of  the  Ixwt,  one  only 
was  kill^,  DMy  Fleming,  and  Mr.  Skyles  wounded.  All  resistance  was 
vain,  and  the  others  lay  down  upon  the  bottom  v  f  the  boat,  to  prevent 
lieing  imnnediately  killed.  The  Indians  kept  up  their  fire  until  all  the 
5 


so 


CHIKATOMMO. 


[Book  V, 


hoRies  were  shot  down,  which  added  much  to  the  horror  of  the  situation 
of  those  U[>oii  the  bottom  of  the  Itoat,  an  they  were  in  sreat  danger  of 
Itciug  trampled  to  death  by  (hem  before  they  fell,  and  anerwarda  from 
their  strivings.  When  this  was  fiuishetl,  the  firing  ceased,  and  Mr.  JIfay 
stood  up,  and  held  up  a  white  cap  in  token  of  9urrend«';but  he  fell  in  a  mo- 
iiiciit  idler,  with  a  ball  shot  throuffh  his  head.  Several  of  the  Indians  now 
Hvvurn  to  the  boat,  and  were  iiel|)ed  into  it  by  those  within.  Having  now  got 
|>ossessioa  of  it,  they  seeuKid  well  pleased,  and  offered  no  further  violence. 
All  things  were  now  taken  on  shore,  and  un  immense  fire  kindled ;  the 
dead  wero  scalped,  and  thrown  into  the  river,  and  the  captives  divested 
of  most  of  their  clothes.  As  several  Indians  were  gathered  around  Mr. 
Johnston  when  he  was  stripped,  one,  observing  that  he  nad  on  a  kind  of  red 
vest,  approached  and  said  to  him  in  English,  "  Oh  !  you  cappalin  ?"  He 
fciaid,  "  Ao."  Then  (he  Indian  pointed  to  his  own  breast,  and  said,  "Me 
cappattn—M  dete^  my  sogers."  This  was  Chikatommo,  An  Indian, 
iinmed  Tom  Letois,  discovered  much  humanity  to  Mr.  Johnston,  in  that 
hu  covered  hiiii  with  his  own  blanket  after  he  had  lost  his  clothes. 

Being  all  stationed  about  the  fire,  Chikatommo  was  at  one  end  of  it,  (it 
being  about  50  feet  in  length,)  who,  rising  up,  ir  ~de  a  speech  to  the  multi- 
tude. An  old  Shawanee  chief,  whose  name  is  t  mentioned,  made  the 
first  speech,  at  the  erd  of  which  Chikatommo  conducted  Johnston  to 
another  Shawanee  chief,  whose  name  was  Mes-shaw-a,  to  whom  he  was 
given  or  assigned,  and  infunncd  that  he  was  his  friend.  At  the  end  of 
CAttofommo'x  speech,  another  prisoner  was  disposed  of.  The  same  cere- 
mony was  repeated  with  the  third  and  last.  Johnston,  Skyles  and  Flinn 
went  to  the  Snawanese,  and  Peggy  Fleming  to  the  Cherokees.  This  band 
of  robbers  appears  to  have  been  made  u]>  of  adventurers  from  the  tribes 
just  mentioned,  with  the  addition  of  a  few  Delawares.  The  latter  had 
none  of  the  prisoners,  as  they  did  not  wish  to  he  known  in  the  business, 
thinking  it  might  involve  their  nation  in  a  war  with  the  U.  States. 

The  two  white  men  who  had  decoyed  the  boat  into  the  Indians'  hands, 
were  still  with  them,  and  the  next  duy  all  the  captives  were  ordered  to 
take  a  position  upon  the  edge  of  the  river,  to  decoy  the  fii-st  that  should 
be  passing.  A  boat  soon  appeared,  and,  repugnant  as  such  an  employment 
was  to  the  feelings  of  these  captives,  yet  they  were  obliged  thus  to  do,  or 
Mjfier  a  horrible  death.  Divine  and  Thomas  were  the  names  of  the  two 
.whites  so  often  mentioned :  the  former  was  the  voluntary  agent,  and,  as 
Mr.  /oftfufcm  expresses  it,  the  one  who  "alone  bad  devised  and  carried 
into  eflect  their  destruction;"  and,  "ingenious  in  wicked  stratagems, 
seemed  to  be  perfectly  gratified  to  aid  the  savages  in  their  views,  and  to 
feel  no  scruples  in  suggesting  means  for  their  accomplishment.  He  fabri- 
cated a  tale,  that  we  were  passengers  down  the  Ohio,  whose  boat  had 
suffered  so  great  an  injury,  that  we  were  unable  to  proceed  until  it  was 
repaired ;  but  that  for  want  of  an  axe,  it  was  impossible  for  us  to  do  the 
necessary  work.  These  unsuspecting  canoe-men  turned  towards  us; 
but  the  current  bore  them  down  so  far  below  us,  as  to  preclude  all  chance 
of  my  putting  them  on  their  guard.  [Mr.  Johnston  having  intended  by 
some  sign  to  have  given  them  warning  of  what  awaited  them.]  The 
Indians,  as  they  had  acted  in  our  case,  ran  down  the  river  at  such  a  dis- 
tance from  it,  and  under  cover  of  the  woods,  that  they  were  not  discover- 
ed until  the  canoe  was  close  to  the  shore,  when  they  fired  into  it,  and 
shot  every  one  on  board.  As  they  tumbled  into  the  water,  their  little 
bark  was  overset.  Two,  who  were  not  yet  dead,  kept  themselves  afloat, 
but  were  so  severely  wounded  that  they  could  not  swim  off.  The  In- 
dians leaped  into  the  river,  and,  after  dragging  them  to  the  shore,  de- 
,^piUched  them  with  the  tomahawk.  The  bodies  of  the  four  who  were 
kdled  were  also  brought  to  land,  and  the  whole  six  were  scalped.    All 


camp, 


€ 


Chap.  IV.] 


KmCM^RANK. 


51 


were  then  thrown  into  the  rhrer.  Nothing  I  could  then  learn,  or  which 
has  since  come  to  my  knowiedn,  haa  enabled  me  to  understand  who 
these  unfortunate  sufferers  were. 

After  various  successra  and  encounters  upon  the  river,  Ckikatommo  left 
it,  and  met  a  number  of  his  company  at  an  encampment  about  five  miles 
from  it.  Here  he  left  the  rest,  taking  with  him  a  select  number  and  some 
of  the  Cherokees,  with  Miss  Fleming;  and  the  company  with  whom 
Johuion  remained  did  not  join  him  again  for  many  days.  After  much 
delay  and  interesting  incident,  they  reached  tlie  Indian  town  of  Upper 
Sandusky.  Here  they  squandered  all  their  rich  booty  for  whiskcjr,  and, 
as  usual,  rioted  in  drunkenness  for  several  day&  CkiluUommo  at  this  time 
shewed  himself  very  savage  to  the  prisoners,  and  had  ho  not  been  pre- 
vented by  the  humane  and  benevolent  Mesahawa,*  would  have  killed  some 
of  them.  The  unfortunate  SkyUt  had  some  time  before  left  them,  and 
gone  in  an  unknown  direction  with  his  cruel  master.  ^ 

A  French  trader  at  Sandusky,  a  Mr.  Dudtou^utt,  had  used  endeavors 
to  ransom  Johniton ;  but  his  master  for  some  time  would  hear  nothing 
of  it  At  length,  having  dissipated  all  his  booty,  and  ashamed  to  return 
home  in  such  a  state,  he  concluded  to  sell  Johniton  for  the  most  he  could 
get ;  and  accordingly  600  silver  broaches  were  paid  him,  eqjual  in  value 
to  100  dollars,  the  amount  agreed  upon.  Chikatommo  and  his  party  then 
took  up  their  march  for  Detroit.  Not  long  after  this,  Mr.  JohntUm  return- 
ed home  by  way  of  that  piacu.  Before,  he  left  Snndusky,  he  was  informed 
of  the  burning  of  the  ill-fated  Flimt:  he  suffered  at  the  stake  at  the  Miami 
village,  and  was  eaten  by  his  torturers.  The  Indian  who  brought  the 
news  to  Sandusky,  said  that  he  himself  had  feasted  upon  him. 

King-crane,  a  Wyandot  chief,  appears  conspicuous  in  this  narrative, 
and  illustrates  a  valuable  trait  of  character  in  Indian  life.  When  Mr. 
Ihuhoiupiet  and  Johnson  had  arrived  at  Lower  Sandusky,  in  their  way  to 
Detroit,  the  town  was  filled  with  abtrm,  and  the^  soon  learned  the  occa- 
sion to  be  firom  the  arrival  of  some  Cherokees  in  the  neighborhood  with 
a  female  captive.  The  traders  in  the  place  immediately  went  t(i  their 
camp,  where  they  found  Peggu  Fleming,  who  some  time  before  had 
been  separated  firom  JohntUtn  and  the  other  captives.  Among  those  who 
went  to  see  her,  was  a  white  man  by  the  name  of  Whitaker,  who,  having 
been  carried  into  captivity  in  his  youth,  had  grown  up  in  all  the  Indian 
habits,  and  being  a  man  of  considerable  physical  fwwers  and  enterprise, 
had  become  a  chief  among  the  Wyandot8.t  He  had  been  upon  the  fix>n- 
tiers  with  the  Indians  upon  trading  expeditions,  and  had  lod^d  at  times 
in  Pittsburg  in  the  tavern  of  Miss  FUming^a  father.  She  immediately 
knew  him,  and  besought  him,  in  the  most  affecting  manner,  to  deliver  her 
from  bondage.  He  went  immediately  to  KiAg-erane,  and  told  him  that 
the  woman  with  the  Cherokees  was  his  sister,^  and  urged  him  to  use 
means  for  her  relie£  Xing-crane  went  vrithout  loss  of  time,  and  urged 
the  Cherokees  to  restore  her  to  her  brother.  They  were  enraged  at  the 
request,  and  there  was  danger  of  their  murdering*  her  lest  she  slioiild  be 
taken  from  them.  He  next  tried  to  purchase  her ;  but  his  lienevolent 
offers  were  indignantly  refused,  and  their  rage  was  still  increased.  Re- 
solved to  rescue  her  out  of  their  hands,  J&ng-crane  repaired  to  their 
camp  eariy  the  next  morning,  accor.^nanicd  with  8  or  10  youn^  warriors. 
They  found  the  Cherokees  asleep,  but  the  captive — it  is  shocking  to  hu- 
manity to  relate — was  without  the  least  attire !  extended  and  lashed  to 
the  stoke ! — ready  to  be  burned ! — her  body  painted  all  over  with  black. 

*  Mr.  Johntton,  throusfaout  bis  narrative,  gives  him  an  excellent  rharactor.    He  was 
alive  afier  the  ".■?r  of  1812  began,  and  was  one  of  the  followers  of  Teeuuueh, 
'  i  f^-^,  tm»  and  Wyandott  are  synonymous  terms  with  most  writers. 
i  If  aver  good  came  out  of  evil,  we  should  expect  it  in  a  case  Hke  this. 


s 


89 


LITTLE-TURTLE. 


[Book  V. 


Kvne-rraixc  silunll.v  rut  th«  thongs  with  wiiieli  she  wan  hound,  then 
awakiiiril  tli<>  niunlcrcrH,  uiiil  thn^w  down  upon  thn  ground  tlie  price  of 
a  cai»^ivu  in  silver  hmache?,  (which  ar«  current  money  among  them,)  and 
deparlfd.  She  \ms  wHin  niler  sent  forward  fi>r  lier  home,  diaguised  in 
the  uttiru  ol'  n  squaw.  The  Clivrokecs  pruwicti  about  ae^king  vengeance 
upon  8UII10  white  itcreon  for  u  few  dayts  and  then  disanpeared. 

The  reader  inuy  wish  to  know  what  bocauie  of  Shftea : — be  was  taken 
to  a  pincu  upon  the  Miami  River,  wiiere  he  was  doomed  to  be  burnt,  but 
made  his  tf8ca|>e  tiie  night  previous  to  tlie  day  on  which  he  was  to  have 
suffered.  After  ondunug  the  ruoat  painful  fatigues  and  hunger,  from 
wandering  nlonc  in  the  wilderness,  he  met  with  some  traders  who  con- 
veyed him  to  Detrait,  and  from  thence  home  to  Vii^inia. 

TJic  sequel  of  the  life  of  the  old  liard-hearted  Chikatotnmo  is  as  follows: 
Fol^fotir  years  succeeding  the  events  above  related,  he  followed  his  dep- 
redating career,  and  wiis  concerned  in  opposing  the  war  parties  ofi^Amer- 
icans  until  the  time  of  Uen.  Wmpte'a  fiiiious  ox|)edition.  As  thai  veterai] 
was  advancing  into  the  western  region,  Chikalommo  met  an  advance  par- 
ty of  his  army  at  the  head  of  a  band  of  his  desperate  warriors,  who  were 
Hunt  forward  as  the  Indian  forlorn  hope.  A  sharp  skirmish  followed,  and 
Chiekatommo  wns  siniii.  This  was  the  artion  near  Fort  Defiance.  Kng- 
crant  wus  also  in  itrms  to  oppose  ( jen.  n'ai/ne ;  but  in  the  last  war  against 
England,  he  fought  tor  the  Ameriraiis,  and  is  supposed  to  have  died 
three  or  four  years  ailcr  ite  close.  He  was  one  of  the  signers  of  IFoync'c 
famous  treaty  at  Fort  Greenville,  and  several  others. 

We  now  pass  to  a  chief  by  fkr  more  prominent  in  Indian  history  than 
many  who  liavc  received  in|ich  greater  notice  from  historianB.  This  was 
Miahikinckwa,  (a  name  by  no  means  settled  in  oithctfrapby,)  which,  in- 
terpreted, is  said  to  mean  the  LitOe-birtlt.  To  the  dinerent  treaties  beer- 
ing  his  name,  wo  find  these  spellings:  Mediekwtmoghqifoh,  Greenville,  3 
Aug.  1795;  MeshrJnmnogkquoh,  Fort  Wayne,  7  June,  1803;  Mashekan- 
akmiak,  Vincennes,  31  Aug.  1805 ;  Muhekatoghpia,  Fort  Wayne,  30  Sep;^ 
1809 ;  and  were  we  disposed  to  look  into  the  various  authors  who  have 
used  the  name,  we  might  nearly  finisii  out  our  page  with  its  variations. 

lAUk-turUe  was  chief  of  the  Miamis,  and  the  scenes  of  his  w/Iike 
achiovemcnts  were  upon  the  country  of  his  birth.  He  had,  in  conjuii"- 
tion  with  the  tribes  of  that  region,  successfully  fought  the  armies  of  Har- 
tner  and  St.  Clair ;  and  in  tlie  fight  with  the  mtter,  he  is  said  to  have  had 
the  chief  command ;  hence  a  detailed  account  of  that  afiair  belongs  to 
his  life. 

It  is  well  known  that  the  Americans  inveighed  loudly  against  the 
English  of  Canada,  in  most  instances,  charging  them  with  all  the  guilt  of 
the  enormities  committed  on  their  frontiers  by  the  Indians.  It  is  equally 
well  known,  at  this  day,  by  every  judicious  inquirer,  that  they  were  not 
so  blamable  os  the  Americans  represented,  nor  so  innocent  as  themselves 
and  friends,  even  long  after,  represented  them.  That  tfie  British  govern- 
ment encouraged  depredations  upon  the'  frontiers  in  times  of^  peace, 
should  not  too  easily  be  received  for  truth ;  still,  there  is  reason  to  believe 
that  some  who  held  inferior  ofiRces  under  it,  were  secret  abettors  of  bar- 
barities. In  the  attack  upon  Gen.  iSt.  Ctait'a  army,  now  about  to  be  re- 
lated, there  was  much  cause  of  suspicion  against  the  Canadians,  as  it 
was  known  that  many  of  them  even  exceeded  in  that  bloody  aflbir  the 
Indians  themselves.  Mr.  Weld,  the  intelligent  traveller,  says,*  "  A  great 
many  young  Canadions,  and  in  particular  many  that  were  tram  of  Indian 
women,  fought  on  the  side  of  the  Indians  in  tnis  action ;  a  circumstance 
which  confirmed  the  people  of  the  States  in  the  opinion  they  had  pre- 


Bon, 


*  Travth  m  Canada,  496-7,  8vo.  Londoa,  (4  «d.)  ISOa 


Chaf.  IV] 


LITTI.E.TURTI^E. 


viomly  (brmetl,  thnt  tho  Indinnn  were  cnroiirnffed  nnd  abetted  in  ihoir 
attacks  upoD  them  by  tlie  Hritiah.  1  ran  mfeiy  nflirin,  bowever,  fn>m 
havinK  ronveraed  with  many  of  theen  young  inen  wlio  fiMight  o^iiM 
iSt.  Ctmr,  that  it  waa  with  the  mmodt  MRn-cy  lliey  leA  their  boinva  to  join 
the  Indians,  fearful  lest  the  government  should  censure  ttieir  comluct. 

The  western  Indians  were  only  emboldened  by  the  battles  lietweer. 
them  and  detachments  of  Gen.  Harmer't  arm^,  in  17U0,  and,  under  such 
a  leader  as  Muhikinakwa,  entertained  aangume  hopes  of  hrinf^ing  the 
Americans  to  their  own  terms.  One  murder  followed  another,  m  rapid 
succesHion,  attended  bv  all  the  horrors  peculiar  to  their  warfiire,  which 
caused  President  fyauiingUm  to  take  the  earliest  opportunity  of  rrconv' 
mending  Congress  to  ado|it  prompt  and  efficient  measures  tor  checking 
those  calamities;  and  2000  men  were  immediately  raiwd  and  |)ut  under 
the  cominatid  of  Oen.  S.  CUtir,  then  governor  of  the  Nortli-Wescem  Ter- 
ritory. He  received  his  appointment  the  4th  of  March,  1791 ;  and  pro- 
ceeded to  Fort  Washington,  by  way  of  Kentucky,  with  all  (losMible  de- 
spatch, where  he  arrived  15  May.*  There  was  much  time  lost  in  getting 
the  troo|w  embodied  at  this  place ;  Gen.  BtUUr,  with  the  residue,  not  ar- 
riving uutii  the  middle  of  September.  There  were  various  circumstance* 
to  accoinit  for  the  delays,  which  it  is  unnecessary  to  recount  here. 

Col.  Darke  proceeded  immediately  on  his  arrtvul,  which  was  al>out  the 
end  of  August,  and  built  Fort  Hamilton,  on  the  Miami,  in  the  country  of 
LittU4urtU ;  and  soon  after  Fort  Jefferson  was  built,  forty  miles  farther  on- 
ward. These  two  forts  being  left  manned,  about  the  end  of  Octolier  the 
army  advanced,  being  about  3000  strong,  militia  included,  whose  numbers 
were  not  inconsiderable,  as  will  appear  by  the  miserable  manner  in  which 
they  not  only  confused  themselves,  but  the  regular  soldiers  also. 

Gen.  St.  Clair  had  advanced  but  about  six  miles  in  firont  of  Fort  Jeffer- 
son, when  60  of'  his  miKcia,  from  pretended  disaffection,  commenoed  a 
retreat ;  and  it  was  discovered  that  the  evil  had  spread  considerably  among 
the  rest  of  the  army.  Being  fearful  they  wouM  seize  upon  the  convoy  or 
provisions,  the  general  ordered  Col.  Heaidramk  to  pursue  them  with'  hit 
regiment,  and  force  them  to  return.  The  army  now  consisted  of  but 
1400  effective  men,  and  this  was  the  number  attacked  by  LittU-turUe  and 
his  wai'riors,  IS  miles  from  the  Miami  villages. 

Gen.  Butler  commanded  the  right  wing,  and  Col.  Darke  the  led.  The 
militia  were  posted  a  quarter  of  a  mile  in  advance,  and  were  encamped 
in  two  lines.  They  had  not  finished  securing  their  baggage,  when  they 
were  attacked  in  their  camp.  It  was  their  intention  to  have  uiarehea 
immediately  to  the  destniction  of  the  Miami  villages.  Of  this  thehr 
movements  apprized  the  Indians,  who  acted  with  great  wisdom  and  firm- 
ness. They  ftll  upon  the  militia  before  sunrise,  4  November,  who  at 
once  fled  into  the  main  camp,  in  the  most  disonlerly  and  tumultuntrt 
manner:  mai«y  of  them,  haviug  thrown  away  their  gims,  were  |NjrsUed 
and  slaughter  jd.  At  the  main  camp  the  fight  was  sustained  some  tinne, 
by  the  great  exertions  of  the  officers,  but  with  great  inequulity ;  the  In- 
dians under  LUtU'twrlle  amounting  to  about  1500  warriors,  (^ols.  Darke 
and  Butlerf  and  Major  Clark,  made  several  successful  charges,  which  ena- 
bled tliem  t»  save  some  of  their  uumben  by  checking  the  enemy  while 
flight  was  more  practicable. 

Of  the  Americans,  593  wore  killed  and  missing,  beside  tkirtj/-«ight 
oflicers;  and  242  soldiers  ard  twenty-one  officers  were  wounded,  man^ 
of  whom  died.  Col.  BuUe  ■  was  among  the  slain.  The  accoimi  of  hif 
fall  is  shocking.  He  wai  severely  woimded,  and  left  on  tbe  grotnid. 
The  well-known  and  infe  nous  Simon  Gwfy  came  up  to  him,  and  ouervlBd 


5* 


St.  Cltm't  Narrative,  p.  4. 


LITTLF-WRTLE. 


fBortu  V. 


bim  writhing  under  ficvcro  |>ain  from  liiH  wiiundi;.  Oirty  know  and  Hpokf 
to  him.  Knowing  thnt  Iw  could  not  live,  the  colonel  Mggnd  of  Girty  to 
put  an  «nd  to  his  iniaery.  Thia  he  rcAiaed  t(*  do,  hut  turned  to  an  In- 
dian, whom  he  told  that  the  officer  woa  the  commander  of  the  army ; 
upon  which  he  drove  hia  tomahawk  into  his  head.  A  numher  of  othnra 
then  came  around,  and  after  taking  off  hia  acalp,  they  took  out  his  heurt, 
and  cut  it  into  aa  many  pieces  as  there  were  Iribea  in  the  action,  and  di- 
vided it  among  them.  All  manner  of  bniul  acts  were  committed  on  the 
bodies  of  the  slain.  It  need  not  bo  mentioned  fur  the  information  of  the 
obaervcr  of  Indian  aiTairs,  that  land  was  the  main  cause  of  this  aa  well  us 
most  other  wars  between  the  Indians  and  whites;  and  hence  it  was  vcrv 
easy  to  account  for  the  Indians  filling  the  mouths  of  the  slain  with  earth 
after  this  battle.  This  was  actually  the  case,  as  refwrted  by  those  who 
shortly  after  visited  the  scene  of  action  and  buried  the  dead. 

Oen.  iSi(.  Clair  was  called  to  an  account  for  the  disastrous  issue  of  this 
campaign,  and  was  honorablv  acquitted.  He  published  a  nahntive  in 
vindication  of  his  conduct,  which,  at  this  dav.  few  will  think  it  reauired. 
What  he  aays  of  hia  retreat  we  will  give  in  h«  own  words.*    '•The 


re- 


treat was,  you  may  be  sure,  a  precipitate  one ;  it  was  in  fact  a  flight. 
The  camp  and  the  artillery  were  abandoned  ;  but  that  was  unavoidanle, 
fiir  not  a  horse  was  left  ative  to  have  drawn  it  off,  had  it  otherwise  been 
practicable.  But  the  most  disgrnceful  part  of  the  business  is,  that  the 
greatest  part  of  the  men  threw  away  their  arms  and  accoutrements,  even 
after  the  pursuit,  which  continued  about  four  miles,  hod  ceased.  I  found 
the  road  strewed  with  them  for  nianv  miles,  but  was  not  able  to  remedy 
it ;  for,  having  hud  all  my  horses  killed,  and  being  mounted  upon  one  that 
could  not  be  pricked  out  of  a  walk,  I  conld  not  get  forward  myself,  and 
the  orders  I  sent  forward,  either  to  halt  the  firont,  or  prevent  the  men 
from  parting  with  their  arms,  were  unattended  to." 

The  remnant  of  the  army  arrived  at  Fort  Jefl^raon  the  same  day,  just 
liefore  sunset,  the  place  from  which  they  fled  being  fg)  miles  distant. 
Gen.  St.  Clair  did  every  thing  that  a  brave  general  could  do.  He  ex- 
posed himself  to  every  danger,  having,  during  the  action,  eight  bullets 
abot  through  his  clothes.  In  no  attack  related  in  our  records,  did  the 
Indians  discover  greater  bravery  and  determination.  After  giving  the 
first  Are,  they  rushed  forward  with  tomahawk  in  hand.  Their  loss  wae 
inconsiderable ;  but  the  traders  afterwards  learned  among  them  that  lAUU- 
twtU  bad  150  killed  and  manv  wounded.*  '•They  rushed  on  the  aftil- 
lery,  heedless  of  their  Are,  and  took  two  pieces  in  an  instant  They  were 
again  retaken  by  our  troops ;  and  whenever  the  army  charged  them,  they 
were  seen  to  give  way,  and  advance  again  as  soon  as  they  M|(U>  to  retreat, 
doiiig  great  execution,  both  in  the  retreat  and  advance.  They  are  very 
dextrous  in  covering  themselves  with  trees;  many  of  them  however  fell, 
both  of  the  infantry  and  artillery."  *'  Six  or  eight  pieces  of  artillery  fell 
into  their  bonds,  with  about  400  horses,  all  the  baggage,  ammunition,  and 
provi8ions.''t 

It  has  been  generally  said,  that  had  the  advice  of  LitUe-lwtie  been  taken 
at  the  disastrous  fight  afterwards  with  Gen.  Wcnmt,  there  is  very  littlt^ 
doubt  but  he  had  met  as  ill  succes8|  as  Gen.  St.  Clair^  did  before  him. 


*  Pcim.  Oatette,  of  that  year. 

t  Letter  from  Fort  Hamilton,  dated  six  days  aOer  the  battle. 

X  LiaU-turtle  told  Mr.  Voltiey  circumslaDces  which  gave  him  that  opbion.  See  his 
ISrtmeU  in  America,  ed.  Load.  1804. 

f  Oen.  Arthur  8t.  Clair  was  of  Edinburgh,  Scotland.  He  came  to  America  in  the 
lleM  which  broucht  over  Admiral  Boieauien,  in  1765,  and  having  served  through  the  rcv- 
ohitionary  and  Indian  wars,  died  at  his  farm  near  Greensburgfa,  Pa.  31  Aug.  1818. 
ilflMT.  Mom.  Mag.  ii.  469,  (N.  Y.  1818.) 


Gmap.  IV. 


LirrLE-riiRTi.E. 


ss 


DioD.    See  his 


He  wan  not  for  fightiii((  Gen.  Wayne  at  FreM|U«  Isle,  and  inclined  rather 
to  peocu  tlmn  fighting  tiim  at  ttli.     In  a  coiiitcil  hold  ttio  uislii  iNtfun  the 
tmttlu,  ho  argued  as  mlluwa :  "  H^e  have  beaten  the  enemy  limee,  under  $epa- 
rate  eommanderi.     We  cannot  expert  the  game  good  foriunt.  id\emj$  to  attend 
Uf.     The  Americana  art  now  lea  bif  a  chirfwho  never  $leep»:  the  nigtU  and 
(Ae  daif  are  alike  to  him.    Jlni  during  tdl  the  time  that  he  has  been  nuercking 
upon  our  vUlageJi,  nolwilhatanding  the  tealch/idnui  of  our  young  men,  uk 
hitve  never  been  able  to  aurprise  him.     Think  xetU  of  U.     Then  i»  lomething 
whijpera  me,  it  touutd  be  prudent  to  liaten  to  hia  qffera  of  peace."     For  hold- 
ing this  lunguuge  hu  was  reproached  by  anotlier  chief  with  cowardict*, 
which  put  an  end  to  all  l\irUier  discounte.    Nothing  woundi  tlie  feelinfp 
of  a  warrior  like  the  reproach  of  cowardice ;  but  LitUc'turtle  atifled  his 
resentiiiout,  did  his  duly  in  the  battle,  uud  its  issue  proveil  him  a  truer 
prophet  than  hia  accuser  believed.*     His  residence  was  upon  Eel  River, 
about  90  miles  from  Fort  Wayne,  whei-u  our  govoinment  built  him  a 
house,  and  furnished  him  with  means  of  living,  much  to  the  envy  of  his 
countrymen.    Therefore,  what  had  been  bestowed  U|)on  Urn,  to  induce 
others  to  a  like  mode  of  lif;  by  tiieir  own  exertions,  proved  not  only  pre- 
judicial to  the  cause,  but  engendered  hatred  against  him  in  the  minds  of 
all  the  Indians.    Ho  was  not  a  chief  by  birth,  but  was  raised  to  that 
standing  by  his  superior  talents.    This  was  the  cause  of  so  much  jealousy 
and  envy  at  this  time,  as  also  a  neglect  of  his  counsel  heretofore.    The 
same  autlior,f  from  whom  we  get  tho  tiicts  in  the  preceding  part  of  this 
paragraph,  says,  "  Meahecunnaqua,  or  tiie  LitUe-turtle,  wus  the  son  of  a 
Miami  chief,  by  a  Mohecan  woman.    As  the  Indian  maxim,  with  regard 
to  descents,  is  precisely  that  of  the  civil  law  in  relation  to  slaves,  that  the 
condition  of  the  woman  adheres  to  the  oflspring,  ho  was  not  a  chief  by 
birth,"  &c. 

Little-turtle  was  alike  courageous  and  humane,  possessing  groat  wis- 
dom. "  And,"  aays  my  author,  "  there  have  been  fow  individuals  among 
aborigines  who  have  done  so  much  to  abolish  tiie  rites  of  human  sacri- 
fice. The  grave  of  this  noted  warrior  is  shown  to  visitors,  near  Fort 
Wayne.  It  is  frequently  visited  by  the  Indians  in  that  part  of  the  country, 
by  whom  his  memory  is  cherished  with  the  greatest  respect  and  veu- 
eration."^ 

The  grave  of  his  great  opponent  was  also  in  the  same  region  ;  hut  his 
remains  were  not  long  since  removed  to  the  seat  of  his  family.  Ever  after 
his  successful  expedition,  the  Indians  called  him  the  Big-wind;^  or  Tor- 
nado; some,  however,  on  partioulur  occasions,  called  him  Sukaih-gook, 
which  signified,  in  Delaware,  a  black-snake ;  because,  thoy  said,  he  pos- 
sessed all  the  art  and  cunning  of  that  reptile.  |l  Wo  hear  yet  of  another 
name,  which,  though  it  may  not  have  been  his  fault  that  acquired  it,  is 
less  complimentary  than  the  two  just  named.  It  is  well  known  that  the 
British  bestowed  a  great  many  more  presents  upon  the  Indians  than  the 
Americans  did  ;  but  <ome  of  the  latter  made  large  {jretonsions  about  what 
they  loould  do.  Gen.  Wayne,  the  Indians  said,  made  great  promises  to 
them  of  goods,  but  never  got  ready  to  fulfil  them,  (probably  from  being 
disappointed  himself  by  the  failure  of  his  government  in  not  forwarding 
what  was  promised;)  therefore  they  called  him  Gen.  Wabang,  which  signi* 
fied  Gen.  7b-morroio.f 

When  the  philosopher  and  famous  traveller  Volney  was  in  America,  in 
the  winter  ori797,  lAttle-lurtle  came  to  Philadelphia^  where  he  then  was. 
Volnejf  sought  immediate  acquaintance  with  tho  celebrated  chief,  for 
highly  valiiiilik)  purpose*,  which  in  some  measure  lie  efiected.    He  made 


•  Schoolcrajt^s  Travels. 
^  Pa.  Gazette. 


t  Dawson,  Mem*.  Harrison. 
B  Htektwitlder's  Nar. 


X  Sehoolcrafi's  Traveli. 
V  Weld's  Travels,  4S4. 


LirTLE-TURTLJi. 


[Boom  y. 


A  Tocahiilary  of  bis  lanpuafe,  whirh  lie  printed  in  the  appendix  to  hia 
Travels.  A  copy  in  nmnuscript,  more  extensive  than  the  printed  one,  is 
said  to  be  in  the  library  of  the  I'hilomphical  Society  of  Pennaylvanin. 

Having  become  convinced  that  ail  resistance  to  the  whites  was  vaia, 
LiUle-turtle  brouvht  bis  nation  to  consent  to  peace,  and  to  adopt  agricul- 
ttiral  pnr.>iuit8.  And  it  was  with  the  view  of  soliciting  Concress,  and  the 
benevolent  Horiety  of  Friends,  for  assistance  to  effect  this  latter  purpoae, 
that  he  now  visited  Pliilatleiphia.  While  here,  he  was  inocuiatecl  for  the 
small-|)ox,  and  wits  also  afflicted  with  tiie  gout  and  rheumatism. 

At  the  time  of  Mr.  Volney's  interview  with  him  for  information,  he 
took  no  notice  of  the  conversation  while  the  interpreter  was  communi- 
cating with  Mr.  Volney,  for  he  did  not  understand  English,  but  walked 
alMut,  plucking  out  his  beard  and  eye-brows.  He  was  dresstxl  now  in 
English  clothes.  His  nkin,  where  not  exposed,  Mr.  Volruy  says,  was  as 
white  as  his ;  and  on  siieuking  upon  the  subject,  LUUe'turtu  said, "  I  have 
seen  Spaniards  in  Louisiana,  and  fo<md  ko  difference  of  color  between 
them  and  uw.  And  why  should  there  be  any?  In  them,  as  in  us,  it  is 
the  work  of  the  Father  of  colors,  the  Sun,  that  bums  us.  You  white  peo- 
ple compare  the  color  of  your  face  with  that  of  your  bodies."  Mr.  Vol- 
nejf  explained  to  him  the  notion  of  many,  that  bis  race  was  descended 
from  the  Tartars,  and  by  a  itia|>  showed  him  tbe  supposed  comnmnication 
between  Asia  and  Americn.  To  this  Little-turtU  re|)lied,  "  HTiy  akould 
not  these  Tartars,  who  resimblr.  tts,  have  come  from  America  ?  Are  there 
any  reasons  to  the  contrary?  Or  why  should  we  not  both  have  been  born 
in  our  own  country  ?"  It  is  a  fact  that  the  Indians  give  themselves  a 
name  which  is  euuivalent  to  our  word  indigene,  that  is,  on^  sprung  from 
(Ae  soil,  or  natural  to  ii.* 

Baron  Lahontan,\  after  describing  the  different  dances,  or  dances  for 
different  occasions,  among  the  Indians  of  Canada,  adds  the  following  in  a 
note : — "  Tbu<e»  cej  dansea  peuvenl  itre  compartes  k  la  pwrhique  de  Mi- 
nerve,  car  Us  sauvages  observent,  en  dansant  d*une  gravtii  singuliire,  les 
cadences  de  certaines  chansons,  que  les  milices  Greenes  d'^chwe,  apelloi- 
eiU  hyporchematiqms.  II  n'est  pas  facile  de  sf  avoir  si  les  sauvages  les 
ont  aprises  dea  Grecs,  oti  si  les  drers  les  ont  aprisea  des  sauvages."  It  is, 
perhafM),  from  such  passages  that  Lahontan  has  been  branded  with  the 
name  of  infidel  ;|  but  truly  there  can  be  nothing  irreligious  in  such  deduc- 
tions, inusmuch  as  it  is  conceded  on  all  hands  that  the  geological  forma- 
tions of  the  new  world  have  required  as  niurh  time  for  their  perfection 
as  those  of  the  old.  Mr.  Volnty  comes  within  the  same  pale,  when 
he  compares  the  Spartans  to  the  Five  Nations.  In  controsting  the  states 
of  Lneediernon  with  riiodcrti  France,  be  eaytt,'*Maintenantquefairulea 
aauvcu^ef  d^^m^rique,je peraisle  deplua  en  plua  dans  cette  comparaison,  et 
je  trouvt  que  le  prtmiere  litre  de  Thucydide,  et  tout  ce  quHl  dit  dea  ma  'S 
des  Lariiimoniens,  convienent  tellemtnt  avx  cinq  nations,  que  fappelleraia 
volontUrs  les  Spartintea,  lea  Iroquois  de  Vancien  monde."^ 

Whin  Mr.  yolney  asked  Little-turtle  what  prevented  liim  from  livittg 
among  the  whites,  and  if  he  were  not  more  comfortable  in  Philadelphia 
than  u|ion  the  banks  of  the  Wulmsb,  be  said,  *'  Taking  all  things  together, 
you  have  the  advantage  over  ua;  but  here  I  am  deaf  and  dumb.    I  do  not 


*  Sec  Volney's  Trnvolt,  ut  supra.  t  Memoirt*  df  L'Amerique,  ii.  J09. 

I  No  one  presumen  lo  pronounre  Father  Hennepin  an  infi<1elj  aiiH  he  denies,  {»Mt 
livtnrmurh  amniiK'  the  Iiidi.ins,)  that  they  have  aii^  notion,  or  l)elief,  of  what  Cbriitians 
eaW  Drily.  Bin  Mr.  Berer'y  (liisit.  Virffiiiia,  169.)  8ay«,  "Baron  LiiAon/on.  on  the 
other  haiid,  mnkcs  them  have  such  refined  notions,  as  seem  almost  to  coufute  nb  own 
belief  of  ('hristinnily." 

$  (Ett^cs  dQ  C.  F.  Volney,  1. 6.  It9.  (Paris,  18S6.) 


Chap.  IV.l 


LITTLE-TURTLE. 


Sf 


talk  your  hmgvMgt;  lean  neither  hear,  nor  make  mgvSyhtard.  When  I 
todk  through  the  streete,  I  see  every  person  m  his  shop  emplomd  about  tome- 
thinf^ :  one  tnake$  shoes,  another  hats,  a  third  seUs  cioth,  and  every  one  lives 
by  hts  labor.  I  say  to  myself,  Which  qfall  these  things  eanyou  do  $  J^ot  one.  I 
eon  make  a  bow  or  an  arrow,  catch  Jish,  kiU  game,  and  go  to  war :  hut  none 
of  these  is  of  any  use  here.  7\>  learn  what  is  done  here  would  require  a  long 
time."  "  Old  age  comes  on."  **  I  should  he  a  piece  of  farviture  useless  to 
my  nofum,  useless  to  the  whites,  and  useless  to  myself.  "  ^  ^''^  return  to 
my  oton  country." 

At  the  same  time,  (1797,)  among  other  eminent  personages  to  whom 
this  chief  became  attached  in  Philadelphia,  was  the  renowned  Koskiusko. 
This  old  Polish  chief  was  so  well  pleased  with  LiUk-turtle,  that  when 
the  latter  went  to  take  his  final  leave  of  him,  the  old  **  war-worn  soldier" 
and  patriot  presented  him  with  a  beautifitl  pair  of  pistols,  and  an  elegant 
robe  made  of  sea-otter's  skin,  of  the  value  of  "several"  hundred  dol- 
lars. 

Littte-turUe  died  in  the  spring  of  1812,  at  his  residence,  but  a  short  time 
before  the  declaration  of  war  agtunst  England  by  the  U.  States.  His  por- 
trait, by  Stewart,  graces  the  walls  of  the  war-omce  of  our  nation.  The 
following  notice  appeared  in  the  public  prints  at  the  time  of  his  death : 
"Fort  Wayne,  21  July.  1812.  On  the  14  inst.  the  celebrated  Miami  chief, 
the  LUtle-tartie,  died  at  this  place,  at  the  age  of  65  years. — Perhaps  there 
is  not  left  on  this  continent,  one  of  his  color  so  dis:*!  juished  in  council 
and  in  war.  His  disorder  was  the  gout.  He  died  in  a  camp,  because  he 
chose  to  be  ill  the  open  air.  He  met  death  with  great  firmness.  The 
agent  for  Indian  afiain  had  him  buried  with  the  honors  of  war,  and  other 
marks  of  distinction  suited  to  his  character."  He  vras,  generally,  in  his 
time,  styled  the  Messissago  chie^*  and  a  gentleman  who  saw  him  soon 
after  St.  Clair's  defeat,  at  Montreal,  says  he  was  six  foet  high,  "about  45 
years  of  age,  of  a  very  sour  and  morose  countenance,  and  apparently  very 
crafty  and  subtle.  His  dress  was  Indian  moccasins,  a  blue  petticoat  thtt 
came  half  way  down  his  thighs ;  an  European  waistcoat  and  surtout ; 
his  head  was  bound  with  an  Indian  cap  that  hung  half  way  down  his 
back,  and  almost  entirely  filled  with  plam  silver  broaches,  to  the  number 
of  more  than  200 ;  he  had  two  ear-rings  to  each  ear,  the  upper  part  of 
each  was  formed  of  three  alver  medals,  about  the  size  of  a  dollar ;  the 
lower  part  was  formed  of  quarters  of  dollars,  and  fell  more  than  12  inches 
from  bis  eara— one  from  each  ear  over  his  breast,  the  other  over  his  back ; 
he  had  three  veiy  large  nose  jewels  of  silver,  that  were  curiously  painted. 
The  account  he  garve  of  the  action  [with  the  Americans,  4  Nov.]  was, 
that  they  killed  1400  of  them,  with  the  loss  of  nine  only  of  their  party, 
one  of  whom  killed  himself  by  accident"  The  person  who  gave  this 
account  said  this  chief  was  in  Canada  for  the  purpose  of  raising  all  the 
Indian  force  he  could  to  so  out  again  in  the  spnng  against  the  whites. 

Mr.  Dawson  relates  a  pleasant  anecdote  of  Little-turtle,  which  happened 
while  he  was  sitting  for  his  portrait  in  Philadelphia.  A  native  of  the 
Emerald  Isle  was  sitting  for  his  at  the  same  time,  who  prided  himself 
upon  his  ability  at  joking.  LittU-turtte  was  not  backward  in  the  same 
business,  and  they  passed  several  meetings  very  pleasantlv.  One  morn- 
ing, LiUle-turtle  did  not  take  much  notice  of  his  fi*iend,  and  seemed  rather 
sraate,  which  was  construed  by  the  Hibernian  into  an  acknowledgment 
of  victory  on  the  part  of  the  chief,  in  their  joking  game,  and  accordingly 
began  to  intimate  as  much.  When  lAtUe-turlle  understood  him,  he  said 
to  the  interpreter,  "  He  mistakes ;  /  u>as  just  thinking  of  proposing  to  this 


*  ThoM  of  this  tribe  in  the  vicinity  of  Lake  Ontario,  are  of  a  much  darker  eom 
plexioo  than  the  other  Indiimi  of  the  well.     Weld,  Travelf  in  America,  46L 


5». 


BLUE-JACKET. 


[Book  V. 


maa,t»paint  u$  bM  on  one  board,  and  Uiert  Iwaddttandfact  to  fact  wiA 
hum,  and  blackguard  Aim  to  aU  tlemitjf" 

Amoog  the  cbieft  awociated  in  command,  in  the  ima  of  which  we 
have  be«n  8|)ealung  with  the  Amoua  Miahikinakwa,  wos  another  of  nearly 
equal  note,  familiarly  called  Blue-jadut  by  the  whites,  but  by  his  own 
nation,  tVeyapUnenwaw.  He  was  the  most  distinguished  ch'ief  of  the 
Shawanese,  and  we  hear  of  him  at  Fort  Industry,  on  the  Miami  of  the 
Lake,  as  late  as  1805.  By  some  particular  arran^ment,  the  chief  com- 
mand seems  to  have  devolved  on  him  of  opposing  Gen.  Wajfnt.  He 
WW  more  bloody  and  precipitate  than  JlfttUfctnaJnoa,  and  possessed  less 
disQriminatico  and  judgment  The  tribes  which  furnished  warriors 
to  Qppose  the  Americans  were  the  Wyandots,  Miamis,  Pottowattomies, 
DoJawares,  Shawanese,  Chippeways,  Ottaways,  and  a  few  Senecas. 
Btw-jackU  was  the  director  and  leader  of  tliis  mighty  baud  of  warriors. 

From  the  time  Qeneral  iSK.  Clair  was  defeated,  in  1791,  murders  were 
continued  upon  the  frontier,  and  all  attempts  on  the  part  of  government 
to  effect  a  peace,  proved  of  no  avail ;  and  lastly  the  ambassadors  sent  to 
th«i»i,  weee  mucde^ed,  and  that  too  while  the  army  was  progressing  towards 
theic  country. 

Aft«r  building  Fort  Greenville,  upon  the  Ohio,  six  miles  above  Fort  Jef- 
ferson, General  H^ojfw  took  possession  of  the  ground  where  Gen.  St.  Clair 
hod  been  defeated,  and  there  erected  a  fort,  to  which  he  gave  the  name 
of  Recoveiy,  in  wbick  the  army  spent  the  winter  of  1798-4.  Many  cen- 
sures. w«r»  passt^.  upon  the  |[eneral  for  his  sIqw  progress ;  but  ho  knew 
much  bettei;  wl)#t  h»  was  domg  than  newspaper  writers  4id  what  they 
w«ire  writing  whj^n  they  undertook  to  censure  hioa,  as  the  event  proved. 

it  was  the  9  August,  ]i794,  wiien  tl;^  mrmy  arrived  at  the  confluence  of 
the  rivers  Au,  Glawe  and  Maumee,  where  they  built  Fort  Pefiauce.  \^ 
was  the  genentl'si  desien  to  have  met  the  eoemv  unprepared,  in  this  move ; 
but  A  fel^>W'  deserted  his  camp,  and  9ptified  the  Indians'  He  now  tried 
agai«  to  bring  them  to  an  accommodatipn,  and  fiiora  the  nnswecs  which 
he  rec^ive^,  vrotn  theiin,,it  wasspme  time  revolved  in  his  mind,  whether 
toey  were  for  peace  or  war;  S9  artful  Vfas  the  manner  ii^  which  their 
replies  were  formed.*  At  length,  being  Ailly  satisfied,  he  marched  down. 
im  Btaumee,  ^nd  arrived  at  the  rapids,  18  August.  His  army  con9i9ted 
of  upwardi  of  300Q  men,  2000  of  whom  were  regulars.  Fort  Dep  qt 
woo  erected  «t  this  place,  for  the  security  of  their  supplies.  They  now 
a^t  out  to  meet  tb^  enemy,  whQ  had  chosen  his  position,  upon  the  bank 
of  the  river,  with  much  judgment  They  had  a  breastwork  of  fallen 
trees  in  firont,  apd  the  high  rocky  shore  of  the  river  save  them  much  se- 
curity, as  also  di4  the  thick  wood  of  Fresque  Isle.  Their  ibrce  was  di- 
vided, and  disposed  at  supporting  distances  for  about  two  miles.  When 
this  Amerieaus  bad  arrived  at  proper  distance,  a  body  wi|b  sent  out  tQ 
begin  {'"e  attack, "  with  orders  to  rouse  the  enemy  from  their  covert  with 
the  bsyQijiiet ;  and  when  up,  to  deliver  a  close  fire  upon  their  backs,  «j|>d 
press  them  so  hard  as  not  to  give  them  time  to  reload.'*!  This  order  w<|b 
so  well  exeouted,  and  the  battle  at  the  point  of  attack  so  short,  that  only 
about  900  Ameri<Mms  participated  in  it  But  they  pursued  the  Indian^ 
with  great  slaughter  through  the  woodp  to  Fort  Maumee.  where  thfi  car- 
nage ended.  The  Indians  were  so  unexpectedly  driven  from  their  strone 
hold,  thot  their  numbers  only  incre^ksed  their  distress  and  confusion.  Ana 
the  cavalry  vwA^  horrible  hovoc  among  them  with  their  long  sabres.  Of 
the  Americans,  there  were  killed  and  wounded  ^bQMt  130.  T^o  loss  of 
the  Indians  could  not  he  ascertained,  but  inupt  have  been  very  severe^ 
The  American  loss  was  chiefly  at  the  commencement  of  the  action,  as 


Marfl^f  yitg^imfin^,  ^  m.  sd.  4^ 


♦§!*'!?*«/!; 


VUAT.  v.] 


THAYANDANECA,  OR  BRANT. 


m 


mvernment 


tbey  advauced  upon  the  mouths  of  the  Indians'  rifles,  who  could  not  be 
seen  until  they  hftd  discharged  upon  them.  The^  maiutuoed  their 
coverts  but  a  short  time,  being  fbrcea  in  every  direction  by  the  bayonet. 
But  until  that  was  effected,  the  Americana  fell  fast,  and  we  only  wonder 
that  men  could  be  found  thus  to  advance  in  the  face  of  certain  death. 

This  horrid  catastrophe  in  our  Indian  annals  is  chargeable  to  certain 
white  men,  or  at  least  mainly  so ;  for  some  days  before  the  battle,  General 
Wavne  sent  a  flag  of  truce  to  them,  and  desired  them  to  come  and  treat 
witn  him.  The  letter  which  he  sent  was  taken  to  CoL  APKee,  who,  it 
appears,  was  their  ill-adviser,  and  he,  by  putting  a  false  construction  upon 
it,  increased  the  rage  of  the  Indians :  he  then  informed  them  that  they 
must  forthwith  fight  the  American  army.  Some  of  the  chiefi,  learning 
the  truth  of  the  letter,  were  for  peace ;  but  it  was  too  late.  LUtk-twrtte 
was  known  to  have  been  in  fovor  of  making  peace,  and  seemed  well 
aware  of  th?  abilities  of  the  American  general ;  but  such  was  the  influ- 
ence of  traders  among  them,  that  no  arguments  could  prevail.  Thus,  in- 
stances without  number  might  be  adduced,  where  these  people  have  been 
destroyed  by  placing  confidence  in  deceiving  white  men. 

The  night  before  tne  battle,  the  chiefs  assembled  in  council,  and  some 
proposed  attacking  the  army  in  its  encampment,  but  the  proposal  was  ob- 
jected to  by  others;  finally  the  proposition  of  fighting  at  Presque  Isle 
prevailed. 

In  this  battle  all  the  chiefs  of  the  Wyandots  were  killed,  being  nine  in 
number.  Some  of  the  nations  escaped  the  slaughter  by  not  coming  up 
until  idler  the  defeat.  This  severe  blow  satisfied  the  western  Indians  of 
the  folly  of  longer  contending  against  the  Americans;  they  therefore  were 
glad  to  get  what  terms  they  could  from  them.  The  chiefs  of  twelve 
tribes  met  commissionen  at  Fort  Greenville,  3  Aug.  1795,  and,  as  a  price 
of  their  peace,  gave  up  an  extensive  tract  of  country  south  of  the  lakes, 
and  west  of  the  Ohio ;  and  such  other  tracts  as  comprehended  all  the 
military  posts  in  the  western  region.  The  government  showed  some  lib- 
erality to  these  tribes,  on  their  relinquishing  to  it  what  they  could  not 
withliold,  and  as  a  gratuity  gave  them  20,000  dollars  in  goods,  and  agreed 
to  pay  them  9000  dollars  a  year  forever ;  to  be  divided  among  those  tribes 
in  proportion  to  their  numbers.* 


9000€^ 


CHAPTER  V. 

%  of  Thayandaneca,  eaUed  by  the  whites,  Brant — His  education — His 
eing  but  ha^f  Indian  an  error — Visits  England — Commissioned  there — 
His  sister  a  companion  to  Sir  Wm.  Johnson — His  letter  to  the  Oneidcu — 
^air  loith  Herfdmer  at  UnadiUa — Cuts  off  Herkimer  and  200  men  at 
(jnskana,  near  Oneida  Creek — Anecdote  of  Herkimer — Burtis  Spring- 
afield — Horrid  affair  of  Wyominjg — Incidents — Destroys  Cherry  Valley — 
'  Barbarities  of  me  tories — SuUivan^s  depredations  among  the  FSioe  Jva- 
Hons — Brant  defeated  Im  the  Americans  at  Miwtovm — Ihatruction  of  Mi- 
nisink,  and  slaughter  of  100  people — Destruction  of  Harpersfield — Branfs 
leUer  to  JifCausland— Marriage  of  his  daughter — Her  husband  kUled— 

*  Tho  terms  of  this  treaty  were  the  same  as  were  offered  to  them  before  the  battle, 
which  should  be  mentioned,  as  adding  materially  to  our  ^od  fcelin|?s  towards  its  au- 
tiiois.    It  is  generally  denominated  Tvuync'j  treaty,    h  is  worthy  of  him. 


BRANT. 


[Book  V. 


BratU  becomes  the  friend  o/vtace — Vititt  Philadelphia — His  marriage — 
Lands  granted  kim  by  tke  king — His  death — His  son  John — TraUs  qf 
eharaeter — One  of  his  sons  kiUed  by  him,  tn  an  attempt  to  kill  kis  father — 
Recount  of  BrarU's  arrival  in  England— Some  account  (ff  kis  ehtOttren. 

Col.  Joseph  Brant  was  an  Onondaga  of  the  Mohawk  tribe,  whose  In- 
«lian  name  was  Tlimfendaneea,*  or  Tayadanaga,\  signifying  a  brant.l  But 
as  he  was  seldom  called  by  that  name  after  he  became  known  u>  the 
whites,  it  was  gen  ally  for||otten.  He  received  a  very  good  English  ed- 
ucation at  the  "  Ji:  * '  r's  charity  school,"  at  Lebanon,  in  Connecticut,  where 
he  was  place!  by  Sir  WiUiam  JtAnson,  in  July,  1761.  His  age,  at  this 
time,  we  have  not  learned. 

The  story  that  he  was  but  half  Indian,  the  son  of  a  German,  has  been 
widely  spread,  but  is  denied  by  his  son,  and  now  believed  to  be  a  false- 
hood, ignorantly  circulated.  This  error  might  have  arisen  either  from  the 
known  fact  of  his  being  of  rather  a  I'^hter  complexion  than  his  country- 
men in  general,  or  from  his  havinr  married  a  woman  who  was  half 
white. 

Brant  went  to  England  in  1775,  in  the  beginning  of  the  great  revolu- 
tionary rupture,  where  he  was  received  with  attention,  and  doubtless  had 
there  his  niind  prepared  for  the  part  he  acted  in  the  memorable  struggle 
which  ensued.  He  had  a  colonel's  commissioB  ia.  the  English  army,  upon 
the  frontiers,  which  consibt<  d  of  such  of  the  Six  Nations  and  tories,  as 
took  part  against  the  country.  Gen.  Sir  William  Johnson  was  agent  of 
Indian  affairs,  and  had  greatly  ingratiated  himself  into  th\.  esteem  of  the 
Six  Nations.  He  lived  at  the  pla^  since  named  from  him,  upon  the  north 
bank  of  the  Mohawk,  about  40  miles  from  Albany.  Here  he  had  an  ele- 
gant Heat,  and  would  often  entertain  several  hundreds  of  his  red  friends, 
and  share  all  in  common  with  them.  They  so  much  respected  him,  that, 
notwithstanding  they  had  the  full  lil)erty  of  his  house,  yet  they  would 
tuke  nothing  that  did  not  belong  to  them.  The  better  to  rivet  their  es- 
Coiiin,  he  would,  at  certain  seasons,  accommor!ate  himself  to  their  mode 
of  dress,  and,  being  a  widower,  took  as  a  kind  of  companion  a  sister  of 
Brantf  by  the  name  of  MoUey.  He  had  received  honors  and  emoluments 
from  the  British  government,  and  the  Indians  received  also,  through  his 
ngency,  every  thmg  which,  in  their  opinion,  conduced  to  their  happiness. 
Heuce  it  is  not  strange  that  they  should  hold  in  the  creutest  reverenco 
tlie  name  of  their  "great  father,''  the  king,  and  think  me  few  reljcls  who 
opposed  his  authority,  when  the  revolution  began,  most  ungratefiiiiy 
wicked,  and  unworthy  all  mercy.  Sir  William  died  in  1774,  about  a  year 
before  the  battle  of  Bunker's  Hill. 

The  Butlers,  John  and  Walter,  whose  names  are  associated  with  the  re- 
collection of  the  horrid  barbarities  upon  Cherry  Valley  and  Wyoming, 
lived  at  Caiighnewaga,  four  miles  south-easterly  Gtom  the  village  of  John- 
»toi),  and  upon  the  same  side  of  the  Mohawk. 

Ill  J775,  in  a  letter  to  the  Oneida's,  our  chief  subscribes  himself  "sec- 
retary to  Guy  Johnson.''*  This  wa  early  in  the  summer  of  that  year,  and 
hence  he  was  immediately  from  Enjiand.  Col.  Guy  Johnson  was  son-in- 
law  of  Sir  WiUiam.  The  letter  was  found  in  an  Indian  path,  and  was 
supposed  to  have  been  loct  by  the  peY-son  who  was  intrusted  with  it.  It 
was  in  the  Mohawk  language,  the  translation  of  which  commences  thus : 
"  Written  at  Guy  Johnson's,  May,  1775.  This  iayour  letter,  jfm  great  ones 
or  sacfiems.    Guy  Johnson  says  he  unll  be  glad  if  you  gel  this  intelligence, 


iiir 


*  Carey's  Museum,  v.  18.  t  Annals  Tryon  County,  15. 

t  Generally  written  Brandt  by  tbote  who  ar«  unacquainted  with  the  meaning  of  his 
Indian  name. 


-.'tjiki^'lirs:^^^^- 


€iiAf.  v.] 


BRANT. 


m 


you  Oneidai,  how  it  goet  with  him  now,  and  he  is  now  more  certam  eoneem- 
(fijjf  the  intention  ^  ike  Boston  peofle.  Ouy  Johnson  is  tn  gnat  fear  ^ 
bemg  taken  prisoner  by  the  Bo^omans.  ne  Mohawks  are  ol&ged  to  tsatdt 
him  constanity"  &c. 

After  this,  Brant  accompanied  Guy  Johnson  when  he  fled  to  Canada. 
The  two  Butlers  were  also  in  the  train.  Being  now  in  a  place  of  aafety, 
and  the  means  in  their  hands,  plots  of  destruction  were  put  m  execution 
in  rapid  succession. 

Having  had  some  disagreement  with  Johnson,  Brant  came  again  to  the 
fW>ntiei8.  Some  of  the  peaceable  Mohawks  had  been  confined,  to  pre- 
vent their  doing  mischiet,  as  were  some  of  the  Massachusetts  Indians  in 
PkiKp's  war.  **  ant  was  displeasod  at  this,  for  he  said,  if  the  distant  In- 
dians should  come  down,  they  would  destroy  them  indiscriminately  with 
the  whites.  He  was  accompanied  by  a  band  of  70  or  80  warriors,  who, 
in  their  rambles,  visited  Unadilla,  where  they  assembled  the  inhabitants, 
and  told  them  that  they  stood  in  need  of  provisions,  and  if  they  did  not 
give  them  some,  they  should  take  it  l)y  force ;  a  refusal,  therefore,  would 
nave  been  worse  tha,  uscIohi.  Bfant  further  observed,  ^that  Uieir  agree- 
ment wUh  the  king  was  strong,  and  that  they  were  not  such  viUains  as  to 
break  their  covenant  with  him.  Gen.  Herkmer  marched  up  to  Unadilla, 
in  July,  with  380  men,  where  he  found  firant  with  130  of  his  warriors. 
Here  he  bad  an  interview  with  him,  in  wnich  he  held  the  following  lan- 
guage: "  IViat  the  Indians  toere  in  concert  with  the  king,  as  their  fathers  and 
grandfaOters  had  been.  That  the  kir^s  belts  were  yet  lodged  urith  them,  and 
thet/  could  nat  falsify  their  pledge.  That  Gen.  Herkimer  and  the  rest  had 
joined  the  Boston  people  against  their  kitue.  Thai  Boston  people  were  reso- 
lute, but  the  king  umdd  hunMe  them.  That  Mr.  Schuyler,  or  general,  or 
what  youplecse  to  call  him,  was  very  smart  on  the  Indians  at  tht  treaty  at 
German  Flatts ;  but  was  not,  at  the  same,  time,  able  to  afford  them  the  small- 
est article  of  clothing.  That  the  India  is  had  formenv  made  war  on  the 
white  people  all  united ;  and  now  they  were  divided,  the  Indians  were  not 
frightened."  Col.  Cox,  who  accompanied  Herkimer,  said,  if  war  was  his 
determination,  the  matter  was  ended.  Brant  then  spoke  to  his  warriors, 
and  they  shouted,  and  ran  to  their  place  of  encampment,  seized  their  arms, 
fired  several  gims,  and,  after  giving  the  war-whoop,  returned  in  warlike 
array.  Gen.  Herkimer  then  told  Brajit  he  did  not  come  to  fight,  and  the 
chief  motioned  for  his*  men  to  remain  quiet.  Perhaps,  as  a  worthy  au- 
thor observed  upon  a  transaction  in  PhUip^s  war,  it  is  better  to  omit  the 
cause  of  the  conduct  of  Herkimer,  than  too  critically  to  inquire  into  it. 
His  men  vastly  outnumbered  the  Indians,  and  his  authority  was  ample ; 
but  his  motives  were  no  doubt  pure,  and  his  courage  must  not  now  be 
called  in  question,  as  will  appear  from  what  is  to  be  related.  To  put  the 
most  favorable  construction  upon  his  neglecting  to  break  down  the  power 
of  Brant,  is  to  suppose  that  he  was  impressed  with  the  belief  that  the  In- 
dians would  not  jom  with  the  English  in  committing  hostilities;  if  this 
were  the  case,  he  too  late  discovered  the  error  of  his  judgment. 

After  the  general  had  said  that  he  did  not  come  to  fight,  Brant,  with  uu 
air  of  importance,  said,  "  If  your  purpose  is  war,  I  am  ready  for  you."  A 
tempest,  which  came  up  suddenly,  separated  the  parties,  and  each  retired 
peaceably.  This  is  -isia  to  be  the  laipt  talk  held  by  any  of  the  Americans 
with  the  Six  Nations,  previous  to  hostilities,  except  with  the  bnoidas ;  all, 
except  a  very  few,  of  whom  reinaired  neutral. 

Towards  the  auii"nn  of  this  year,  (1777,)  Brant  was  under  the  direction 
of  Gren.  Slf.  Leger,  who  detache(i  him  witn  a  considerable  body  of  war- 
riors for  the  investment  of  Fort  Stanvix.  Col.  Butter  was  commander 
in  cbiefl  with  a  band  oC  tories.  The  inhabitants  in  the  valley  of  the  Mo- 
kawk  determined  to  march  for  the  relief  of  Col.  Ganesvoori,  who  com- 
6 


at 


BRANT. 


[Book  f. 


manded  the  fort,  which  they  did,  in  two  ragimeiua^  with  CSen.  Jkrkmtr 
ftt  their  head.  Aa  'm  inud  with  militia,  they  mairhed  in  great  disorder, 
and  when  the  general  ordered  Mouting  partiea  to  mareh  as  aeeurinr 
againat  surpriae,  upon  the  flankaof  the  main  body,  they  accused  him  with 
cowardice,  which,  inoat  unwarrantaNy,  had  more  influence  upon  his 
mind,  than  the  aalktj  of  his  army.  A  catastrophe  enaued,  whiofa,  thoM^ 
not  8o  momentous  m  that  day,  as  waa  that  of  LaOmf  in  1670^  nor  so 
complete  a  victory  on  the  part  of  the  Indiana,  yet  it  waa  a  aevere  fight,  in 
which  900  Americans  were  dcin.*  The  ptece  of  attack  was  selected  by 
Bnmt  or  J3Mfer,  and  was  a  ravine  of  a  brand  bottom.  Dearly  impassable, 
except  a  rough  track  covered  with  logs,  of  from  13  to  15  feet  in  length, 
laid  tran8vei8ely,t  which  extended  acraas  it.  Gen.  Ikrltimtr  arrived  at 
this  phoe  about  two  hours  beforw  mid-<ky,  August  d.  He  might  reason- 
Ably  have  ex|>c^ted  an  ambuah,  but  his  first  intimationa  of  the  vicinity  of 
an  enemy  were  tii:^  terrifying  yells  of  the  Indius,  and  the  still  more  last- 
ing impressions  of  their  rifles.  The  advaiucU  i^uard  were  all  cut  ofi*. 
Such  as  survived  the  first  fire,  vrere  hewn  down  wtth  the  tomahawk.  The 
tktal  causeway  waa  aemieircular,  and  Ar«al  ant!  his  forces  occupied  the 
surrounding  heights.  A  suiveon.  Dr.  Jlfeaet  Foua^loee,  vras  taken  pris- 
oner in  this  battw,  and  after  his  ivtutu  nom  oqptivi^,  he  wrote  a  poem 
upon  the  afiair,  from  which  we  extract  the  following : — 

"  The  tiaw  aad  place  of  our  uBhuppy  figiM, 

To  ymi  al  iMge  weie  aeedless  to  Kcile: 

Whim  ia  the  wood  our  fierce  mhiiii  foe*, 

Wilk  jptereiar  yell  (torn  rircliMr  uabwh  row, 

A  sowlen  voHey  rends  (be  vawled  sky ; 

Their  paiated  bodna  Mdeous  to  ike  ejre, 
•    IVy  rasli  like  helKsh  fiuiea  oa  ow  bands, 

TiMir  slaaghtor  weapons  btaadiA'd  in  ibcir  hands. 
TV  a  w*  wilk  coimI  I'urr  join  the  ^hi. 

E'er ?haebas gaia'd  his  lull  meridiaakevhl: 

Nor  »ased  Ike  kortMS  of  ike  bloody  Gtay, 

Till  w  bad  joamey'd  kair  kis  evening  way." 

Jtnnnini  down  firom  every  direction,  they  prevented  the  two  regiments 
from  fonmnga  junctioii,  one  of  them  not  havmg  entered  the  causeway ; 
and  a  part  of  the  assailants  fell  upon  those  without,  and  the  remunder 
upon  those  within  it  The  former  ftred  worse  than  the  latter,  for  in  such 
a  flight  has  ahnoet  always  been  a  dismal  defeat  It  was  now  the 
The  other  regiment,  hemmed  in  as  they  were,  saw,  in  s  moment, 
that. 

To  l^hl,  or  not  to  6^t,  was  deaik. 

They,  therefore,  back  to  back,  forming  a  firout  in  every  direction,  fought 
like  men  in  despair.    This,  Or.  Fow^^ove  thus  forcibly  depicts: — 

"  Now,  kaad  to  hand,  the  coolest  is  for  life, 
Wilk  bay'f  lel,  Mn'hnwfc,  swoid,  ami  scal^pin|r  knife : 
Now  more  reasole  Ike  work  of  death  we  p(y, 
And  tkick  as  kail  Ike  skow'rins  bullets  lly:  ^ 

•  FVill  many  a  kaidy  wanior  sinks  supine ; 

Tells,  sknetcs,  groans, shouts  and  Ihiuid-'ringTolleys  join  } 
The  dismal  din  the  ringing  forest  fills, 
llie  sounding  e«ho  roars  along  the  hills." 


•  Their  whole  loss  was  about  4Q0,  says  JfarsftaK,  Life  WaAington.  v.  S61. 

t  All  who  have  travelled,  ev«i  wilhin  a  few  yean,  in  Ihb  part  of  the  slato  of  New 


Torfc,  cannot  but  well  remember  the  "  OsrAroy*  roads, 
memorable  ravine. 


Such  was  the  romd  over  this 


Chap.  V.] 


BRANT. 


Tie  poet  thus  preaento  to  our  view  the  attackiog  parties  :- 

"  Of  two  departmentt  were  tiie  aMailinr  foet ; 
Wild  Hivage  naiivet  lead  the  first  of  imm  ; 
Their  almoct  naked  framet,  of  various  d^et, 
And  ringi  of  black  and  red  lunound  their  ejrei: 
On  one  side  they  present  a  shaven  head ; 
The  naked  half  of  the  vermilion  red : 
In  spots  the  partr-color'd  Atce  they  drew, 
Beyond  dMcription  horrible  to  view ; 
Thieir  ebon  locks  in  braid,  with  paint  o'erspread ; 
The  silver'd  ears  depending  from  the  bead : 
Their  gaadrv  my  descriptive  power  exceeds, 
In  plumes  of  feathers,  gtitt'ring  plates  and  beads." 

He  thus  speaks  of  the  tories  :— 

"  With  them  of  parricides  a  bloody  band, 
Assist  the  ravage  of  their  parent  land : 
With  equal  dress,  and  arms,  and  savage  arts. 
But  more  than  savage  rancor  in  their  hearts. 
These  for  the  first  attack  their  force  unite, 
And  most  sustain  the  fury  of  the  fight ; 
Their  rule  of  warfare,  devastation  dire, 
1^  undistioguish'd  plunder,  death  and  fire ; 
They  torture  man  and  beast,  with  barbarous  rage. 
Nor  tender  infant  spare,  nor  rev'rend  sage." 

And  Buffer  is  noticed  in  the  same  poem  from  which  we  have  made  the 
preceding  extracts,  as  follows : — 

"  O'er  them  a  horrid  monster  bore  command. 
Whose  inauspicious  birth  dismc'd  our  land  } 
By  malice  urg'd  to  evW  baro'rous  art ; 
Of  cruel  temper,  but  of  coward  heart." 

With  such  bravery  did  they  fisht  in  this  forlorn  condition,  that  the  In- 
dians began  to  give  way ;  and,  but  for  a  reinforcement  of  tones,  under 
Major  iMtaonf  they  would  have  been  entirely  dispersed.*  This  reinforce- 
ment  is  thus  characterized  by  the  surgeon : — 

"  The  second  was  a  renegade  crew. 
Who  arm  and  dress  as  Christian  nations  do, 
Led  bv  a  chief  who  bore  the  first  command ; 
A  bola  invader  of  his  native  land." 

The  sight  of  this  reinforcement  greatly  increased  the  rage  of  the  Amer- 
icans. It  was  composed  of  the  very  men  wKo  had  left  that  part  of  the 
country  at  the  commencement  of  the  war,  and  were  held  in  abhorrence 
for  theur  loyalty  to  the  king.  The  fight  was  renewed  with  vigor,  and  the 
reinforcement  fought  also  with  bravery,  until  about  30  of  their  niunber 
were  killed.  Maj.  Watson,  their  leader,  was  wounded  and  taken  prisoner, 
but  left  upon  the  battle  ground. 

In  the  mean  time.  Gen.  Herkimer  bad  got  forward  to  the  fort  an  e^qiress, 
which  informed  Col.  Ganeavoort  of  his  situation.  He  immediately  de- 
tached Col.  JHoriniM  WUUt  with  207  men,  who  succeeded  in  rescuing  the 
remnant  of  tliis  brave  band  from  destruction.  He  beat  the  enemy  from 
the  ground,  and  returned  to  the  fort  with  considerable  plunder.  Such 
were  the  events  of  the  battle  of  Oriskana. 

*  Dr.  Gordon  says  the  tories  and  Indians  got  into  a  most  wretched  confusion,  and 
fought  one  another ;  and  that  the  latter,  at  last,  thought  it  was  a  plot  of  'he  whiles  on 
both  sides,  to  get  them  into  that  situation,  that  they  might  cut  them  off. 


'^: 


<^ 


BRANT. 


[Book  V 


Gen.  Herkimer  died  of  a  wound  which  be  received  in  this  fight.  Near 
its  commencement,  ho  won  severely  wounded  in  the  leg,  and  his  horse  was 
killed.  He  directed  his  saddle  to  be  placed  upon  a  little  knoll,  and  rett- 
ing himself  upon  it,  continued  to  issue  his  oraers.  On  being  advised  to 
remove  to  a  place  of  greater  safety,  he  said, «' JVb — /  toittfaee  the  enemy ;" 
and,  adds  the  historian  of  Tryon  county,  *'In  this  situation,  and  in  the 
heat  of  the  battle,  he  verv  deliberately  took  from  his  pocket  his  tinder- 
box,  and  lit  his  pipe,  which  ho  smoked  with  great  composure." 

The  Indians,  as  well  as  the  Americans,  suffered  dreadfully  in  this  fight. 
And  our  poet  writes, 

"  Such  was  the  bloody  fight ;  and  suth  the  fop ; 
Our  smaller  force  rclurii'd  Ihein  blow  for  blow ; 
By  turns  successfully  their  force  defy'd, 
And  conquest  wav'ring  seem'd  from  side  to  side." 

BroTtPa  loss  being  about  100  men ;  we  are  inclined  to  think  the  loss  of  the 
Indians  exaggerated  in  these  lines : — 

"  Not  half  the  savages  returned  from  fiehl ;  • 

They  to  their  native  wilds  had  sped  their  flight." 

The  Senecas  alone  lost  30.  and  the  tones  about  100.  The  regiment 
which  fled  suflered  severely,  but  would  have  suffered  still  more,  had  not 
their  pursuers  been  apprized  of  the  desperate  case  of  their  fellows  en- 
gaged in  the  -.vine,  wnich  caused  them  to  abandon  the  pursuit  The 
commanding  officer,  Col.  Cox,  was  killed,  and  the  command  devolved 
upon  Lieut.  Col.  Campbell  and  Major  Clyde,  who  conducted  the  retreat. 

The  scene  in  the  night  following  the  battle  is  thus  strikingly  presented 
by  Dr.  Younglove,  the  eye-witness  :— 

"  Those  that  remain'd  a  long  encampment  made, 
And  rising  fires  illumin'd  all  the  shade : 
In  vengeance  for  their  num'rous  brothers  slain, 
For  torture  sundry  prisoners  they  retain  $ 
And  three  fell  monsters,  horrible  to  view, 
A  fellow  pris'ner  from  tne  sentries  drew ; 
The  guards  before  received  their  chief's  command, 
To  not  withhold  from  the  slaught'ring  band ; 
But  now  the  sufferer's  fate  they  aympathise,' 
And  for  him  supplicate  with  earnest  cries. 
I  saw  the  general*  slowly  passisg  by, 
The  sergeant,  on  bis  knees,  with  telirfiil  eye, 
Inplor'a  the  guardu  might  wrest  hina  from  their  hands, 
Since  now  the  troops  could  awe  their  lessen'd  bands.  ^ 

<  .       With  lifted  cane  the  gen'ral  thus  replies, 

f  While  indignation  sparkfes  from  his  eves : ) 

'  Go !  sirrah !  itiind  your  orders  gi  v'n  before ! 

'  And  for  infernal  rebels  plead  no  more  !'  1 1 

For  help  the  wretched  victim  vainly  cries,  :/ 

With  supplicating  voice  and  ardent  eyes ; 

With  horror  chilrd,  1  turn  away  my  (ace. 

While  instantly  thev  beftr  him  from  the  place. 

Dread  scene  !->-witn  anguish  stung'  I  inly  groan,  • 

To  think  the  next  hard  wt  may  be  my  own." 


"  When  through  the  crovQ  th«  flaming  fires  arise ; 
And  loud  resound  tne  tortured  pris'nera'  cries ; 
Still  as  their  pan{[s  arc  more  or  less  extreme. 
The  bitter  groan  is  heard,  or  .sudden  scream : 
But  when  their  natures  fail'd,  and  death  drew  near, 
llieir  screeches  faintly  sounded  in  the  ear." 

"~  •  Butter. 


■t 


-i 

f. 

-rii. 


[Book  V 

fight.  Near 
lis  horse  was 
oil,  and  reat- 
ig  advised  to 
!  the  enemy ;" 
n,  and  in  the 
3t  his  tinder- 

5." 

in  this  fight. 


Chaf.  v.] 


BRANT. 


6S 


he  loss  of  the 


rhe  regiment 
lore,  had  not 
fellows  en- 
lursuit  The 
jid  devolved 
the  retreat. 
;ly  presented 


•   ■■>«!■ 


The  poet  next  describes  his  dream,  in  which  he  was  carried  to  the  b«t> 
tle*ground ;  and  then  thus  opens  the  morning  scene  — 

"  Whea  lavafen,  for  horrid  sport  prepar'd, 
Deinand  aiioUier  prU'ner  fion  the  cuard, 
We  saw  their  fear'd  approach,  wilh  morul  friffal, 
Their  scalping-kntTet  Ihey  sharpen'd  in  our  sicht, 
Beside  the  mard  they  «at  them  oa  the  jf^rouao, 
Aad  vMw'a,  with  piereiaf  eyas,  ike  pris'B«n  raoad." 

., ,.«  "  At  leaglb,  oae  rising  seiced  ne  by  the  hand } 

Bt  him  drawa  forth,  oa  tremblinf  knees  I  stand } 

I  old  my  fellows  all  a  long  adieu, 

With  answering  grief,  my  wretebed  case  they  view. 

Tkey  led  me  bound,  along  the  winding  flood, 

Far  ia  the  gloomy  boaom  of  the  wood : 

There,  (honid  Mcbt ! )  a  pris'nar  roasted  lay, 

The  carving^itniR  bad  out  hi*  flesh  away.'' 


-rit 


ASter  enduring  every  thing  but  death  in  his  captivity,  Dr.  Yirr^iflove  re- 
turned home  in  safety. 

In  1778,  a  fort  was  built  at  Cbeny-vaUey,  where  Amilies  for  considen- 
ble  extent  about  took  up  their  abode,  or  retired  oceaaioiuklly  for  safely. 
Brant  intended  to  destroy  this,  and  came  into  the  neigfaborbood  for  the 
purpose.  It  happened  that,  at  the  time  he  chose  to  make  the  discov* 
eiy  of  the  strength  of  the  garrison,  the  boya  were  assembled  in  a  tniniof, 
i^itb  woodeQ  gima,  ^r  amuaeroent:  not  having  a  clear  view  of  them 
from  the  foliR^  of  the  trees  which  intervened,  Braal  thou|^£  them  to  be 
men.  It  WiS  bis  dongn  to  have  made  die  attack  the  following  night ;  bift- 
on  this  discivery,  he  ^ve  up  the  derign.  He  still  remained  in  the  neigh- 
borhood, aei'reted  behind  a  llUrge  rock  near  the  mam  road  to  the  Mohawk, 
and  about  two  miles  north  of  the  fort  in  the  valley.  Here  he  waited  to 
intercept  acme  unwary  passenger,  and  gtin  more  certain  intelligence. 
N^ar  this  piaoe  is  the  little  cawade  called  by  the  natives,  TVmk^mma, 
The  inhabitants  of  the  valley  were  in  expectation  of  a  company  of  soldien 
from  the  Mohawk,  to  reinforce  diem,  and  the  same  day  Lieut  f^ormttood 
oame  from  thence,  and  informed  thbm  that  Col.  KJoek  would  arrive  the 
next  day  with  die  parlv.  Near  night  be  set  out  to  return,  accompanied 
by  one  FeUr  SUz,  the  bearer  of  some  despatches.  He  was  a  yoimg  offi> 
cer,  of  fine  personal  appearance,  and  was  to  return  the  next  day  viritn  one 
of  the  companies  of  soldiers.  He  had  been  out  of  sight  but  a  few  min- 
utes, when,  as  he  passed  the  ambush  of  Brant,  his  warriors  fired  upon 
him,  and  he  fell  from  his  horse.  The  chieij  sprinf^ng  from  hishiding< 
place,  tomahawked  him  with  his  own  hands.  Womupood  and  bis  oom* 
panion  were  ofdered  to  stand,  but  not  obeying,  occasioned  thor  being 
Bred  upon.  Brant  wos  acquainted  with  Lieut  M^ormtMHid  before  the  war, 
apd  afterwards  exnressed  sorrow  at  his  fate,  pretending  that  he  took  bim 
to  be  a  continental  officer.  His  horse  immediately  runnmg  back  to  the 
fort,  with  blood  upon  the  saddle,  gave  some  indication  of  what  bad  hap- 
pened.   His  companion,  iStlz,  was  taken  prisoner. 

In  June,  the  same  summer,  Brant  came  upon  Springfield,  which  he 
biu-ned,  and  carried  off  a  number  of  prisoners.  The  women  and  chil- 
dren were  not  maltreated,  but  were  left  in  one  house  unmolested.  About 
this  dme,  great  pains  were  taken  to  seize  the  wary  chief,  but  there  waa  no 
Capt  Chiarch,  or,  unlike  PhUip  of  Pokanoket,  Brant  had  the  remote  no* 
tions  to  fly  to  without  fear  of  being  killed  by  them.  Capt  JIPKian  himt- 
ed  him  for  some  time,  and,  not  being  able  to  find  him,  wrote  aninsultiiig 
letter  for  him,  and  left  it  in  an  Indian  poth.  Among  other  things,  he  chal- 
lenged him  to  single  combat,  or  to  meet  him  with  an  equal  number  of 


66 


BRANT. 


[Book  V. 


'«'»- 


men ;  and  "  (hnt  if  be  would  eoni^  to  Cherry-vallMr,  and  bare  a  Air  flgbt, 
tbey  wouM  .l.^ogc  bim  fioma  Bmnl  into  a  Com.  Tbis  letter,  it  is  •up- 
poeed,  BratU  roceivod,  fVom  an  intimation  contained  in  one  wbich  be 
wrote  aiNiut  the  samo  time  to  a  toiy.  To  this  man  (Panjfbr  Can,  of  Ed- 
meston)  he  writes  from  Tunadilla  [Unadilla]  nnder  date  9  July,  1778, — 
**  Sir  :  I  wideraUmd  ig  the  hdimui  that  imu  at  your  Amim  kut  veek,  Aat 
one  Smitli  /trea  near  wHk  yvH,  ka$  lUtte  mare  tarn  to  apart.  I  AouU  be 
muck  e'diged  to  you,  (^  mu  mmU  he  to  kind  at  to  try  w  gd  m  much  com 
iu  Smith  can  apared;  he  haa  aetd  toe  Jive  MppUa  tSireami,  iff  tchiek  lam 
miuk  obliged  to  kirn,  and  witt  aee  Aim  paid,  and  woM  be  very  ^ad  yfyou 
could  apart  one  or  heo  your  men  to  jom  n%  tapeeidly  EBas.  7  would  be 
fdad  to  ate  kirn,  and  I  wiah  you  eouU  tenl  me  aa  manu  guna  you  kave,  aa 
7  know  you  kavt  no  uae  lor  tkem,  tf  j^u  any;  aa  I  maan  note  to  ^kt 
the  cruel  rtbtla  aa  well  aa  I  eon ;  wkidner  yvu  witt  oUc  lb  aenPd  me,  you 
mtut  tenfd  by  tke  bearer,  lamuour  aineere  friend  and  kumbU  aer't.  Jo- 
seph Brant.  P.  S.  I  keard  Aof  Ckerr^wdky  people  ia  very  bold,  and 
intended  to  make  notking  of  ua ;  tkty  eaUed  ua  teutf  P^*^  hut  I  know  tke 
eontrary."  This  we  mippoee  to  be  a  Air  specimen  m  the  composition  of 
the  chief  who  afterwaras  translated  the  Goapel  according  to  Jom  into  the 
Mohawk  language,  abo  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer ;  copies  of  which 
are  in  the  library  of  Harvard  college.* 

The  next  event  of  importance  in  which  Bread  was  engaged,  was  the 
destruction  of  Wyoming,f  one  of  the  most  heaR-rending  rwords  in  the 
annals  of  the  revolutionary  war.    In  that  horrid  aAir,  about  900  settlers 
were  killed  or  carried  into  captivity ;  iVom  the  greater  part  of  whom  no  , 
intelligence  was  ever  obtained. 

There  were  assembled  at  the  fbrt  in  Wyoming  368  men.  On  the  3 
July,  1778,  a  council  of  war  was  held  among  them,  upon  the  propriety  of 
marching  in  quest  of  an  enemy.  While  they  were  holding  this  council, 
news  was  brought  that  a  par^  bad  left  Nianra,  to  attack  the  settlement! 
upon  the  Susquehannab,  and  the  majority  or  the  people  determined  upon 
an  expedition  of  discovery.  Accordmgly,they  issuea  forth  the  same  day, 
and  ranged  up  the  river,  under  the  command  of  Col.  Zeftulon  BuUer,  who 
was  coushi  to  the  leader  of  the  torie84  The  Americans  sent  forvrard  a 
scout,  who  soon  discovered  the  enemies:  the  toiieswere  in  possession  of 
a  fort,  and  the  Indiana  in  huts  about  it.4  Evenr  appearance  was  now  in 
fkvor  of  the  Americans,  and  the  8{ne8  returned  towards  their  camp  with 
the  important  intelligence.  They  bad  not  proceeded  fkr,  when  they  were 
discovered  by  two  Indians,  who  were,  doubtless,  upon  die  same  business. 
The  scouts  fired  each  upon  the  other,  and  then  hastened  to  their  respec- 
tive bead-quarters.  Botli  parties  were  immediately  in  motion,  and  joined 
''lattle  near  a  tliick  swamp.  The  Indians  and  tones,  being  die  more  nume- 
rous,^  out-flanked  the  Americans,  and  Braid,  at  the  h«id  of  bis  flirious 
warriors,  issuing  fVom  the  swamp,  turned  their  left  flank,  and  creating 
thereby  a  conflinon,  which  greatly  favored  his  kind  of  warfare,  and  ena- 
bled bim  to  make  drendfbl  havoc  among  them. 

Hie  Americans  were  in  two  lines,  and  it  was  the  line  commanded  by 
Col.  Demaon  that  Brard  successflilly  encountered.    BuOxr,  at  the  same 


*  It  would  te«m  from  Mr.  Wtld,  (Travels  iu  America,  485,)  that  be  traiulated  those 
work*  before  the  war. 

t  Tbit  name  is  said  to  signify  a  Md  of  blood,  from  a  great  battle  fought  there  by  the 
bdiaua  before  Us  settlement  by  the  whites. 
' ,  i  Life  Wathmgtam,  iii.  fi56. 

<-;'  \  This  was  Fort  Wintennoot,  which,  being  garrisoned  by  tones,  was  treacherously 
<pyen  ud  on  flie  approach  of  BtdUr  and  Brant.    MartfuJl^  (bid.  S57, 

Q  1600  stronrjSay  the  histories  of  the  revohition ;  but  this  is  believed  to  exceed  their 
■amber  about  300.    The  Indiaos  were  supposed  to  be  800.  —  ■ 


hi. 


Cnxf.  V.J 


BRANT. 


time,  wu  itining  tome  adrantam  over  tlie  other  line,  under  hie  ooiMia 
Ze6idon,  wnicb,  ndded  to  the  niguig  dinater  in  the  left,  beeame  immedi* 
ately  a  Aight  Col.  DeniMn'i  order  to  Tall  twek.  by  which  he  designed  to 
make  an  advantaMoua  evolution,  wae  diatoited,  by  the  terrified  troops, 
into  an  order  for  flight ;  and  all  was  in  a  few  momenta  loac  And  fVorn 
Judge  Abnhall  we  add  aa  fiillowa : — ■*  The  troops  fled  towarda  the  river, 
which  they  endeavored  to  iNim,  in  order  to  enter  Fort  WilkesbsrreJ[in 
the  village  of  that  name  on  the  oppoaite  ^id«  of  the  Suaquebannab.]  Tne 
enemy  putmied  *  with  the  fury  of  devils ;'  and  of  the  400  who  had  marched 
out  on  this  unfortunate  parley,  only  about  90  eacaped,"  among  whom  were 
the  commanding  ofllcera.* 

The  fort  at  VMroming  was  now  clomly  besieged,  and  aeeing  no  chance 
of  escape.  Col.  BulUr  proposed  a  parley  with  hia.^ien<^  and  nameaake, 
wnich  waa  assented  to.  The  place  of  meeting  was  i^ipointed  at  some  dia> 
tance  from  the  fort,  and  the  Americans  marched  out  m  eonaiderable  force, 
to  prevent  treachery,  to  the  place  appointed ;  but  when  they  arrived  there, 
they  fbund  nobody  with  whom  to  pariey.  The  commander  of  the  tories 
has  been  branded  with  gross  inikmy,  for  this  piece  of  treachery  with  his 
kinsman ;  for  he  feigned  fear  firora  his  approach,  and  had  retired  as  they 
advanced,  displa^ng  meanwhile  the  flag  of  truce.  The  unwary  Ameri- 
cans were,  by  this  treacherous  stratagem,  led  into  an  ambush  in  nearly 
the  same  manner  as  were  Hutekituon  and  fVheeter^  at  Wickabaug  Pond,  in 
PhUip't  war.  They  were,  in  a  moment,  nearly  surrounded  by  Brantt 
warriors,  and  the  work  of  death  raged  in  all  its  Airy.  The  tories  "  were 
not  a  whit  behind  the  very  chiefest*' of  them  in  this  bloody  dav.  A  rem- 
nant only  regained  the  fort,  out  of  several  hundreds  that  went  forth.  They 
were  now  more  closely  besieged  than  before ;  and  the  more  to  insult  the 
vanqniahed,  a  demand  waa  sent  iu  to  tbem  to  surrender,  **  accompanied  by 
196  bloody  scalps,  taken  from  those  who  had  just  been  slain.'*  When  the 
best  terms  were  asked  of  the  besiegers,  the  **  mfamous  BuUer'*  replied  in 
these  two  words,  '*the  hatchet."  This  was  the  oulv  truth  we  bear  of  bis 
uttering.  It  was  the  hatchd,  indeed>'«  few  only  fled  to  the  surroundiog 
wilderness,  there  to  meet  a  more  lingering  death  by  famine.  'These  were 
chiefly  women  and  children. 

Thus  passed  the  fowrfh  of  Jdy,  1778,  in  the  before  flourishing  settle- 
ment of  Wyoming,  on  the  eastern  branch  of  the  Susquehannah.  Barlow 
knew  well,  in  bis  early  day,  who  was  forever  to  be  branded  with  infamy 
for  the  acts  of  this  memorable  tragedy.    He  says, —  ' 


"  His  savage  hordns  the  murderous  Johneon  leads, 
Files'tbrough  the  woods  and  treads  the  tangled  weeds, 
Shuns  open  combat,  teaches  where  io  run, 
Skulk,  couch  the  ambush,  aim  the  hunter's  gun, 
Whirl  the  sly  tomahawk,  the  war-whoop  sinj^, 
Divide  the  spoils,  and  pack  the  scalps  Iney  nring." 

Columbiad,  vi.  389,  &c. 


Having  now  got  ftill  possession  of  Wyoming,  and,  observes  Dr.  Hutch- 
tr,  "  after  sele'cting  a  few  prisoners,  the  remainder  of  the  |ieople,  including 
women  and  children,  were  enclosed  in  the  houses  and  barracks,  which 
were  immediately  set  on  fire,  and  the  whole  consumed  together.  Another 
fort  was  near  at  hand,  in  which  were  70  continental  soldiers ;  on  surren- 
dering without  conditions,  these  were,  to  a  man,  butchered  in  a  barbarous 
manner;  whon  the  remainder  of  the  men,  women  and  children  were  shut 
up  in  the  houses,  and  the  demons  of  hell  glutted  their  vengeance  in  be- 

'*Th<'re  arc  disngreenienis  in  the  accounts  of  this  affair.  I  fellow  pnrilv  Chajnan'i 
hi  >!.'!>  (if  il,  as  priuicd  iu  the  Annals  of  Tryon  County. 


'f 


•RANT. 


(Boos  ▼. 


hotdinv  dkeir  dHtnictioii  in  dim  moenU  coniagnlioo.**  The  hoiMM  of 
the  (omi  wMv  ipaNd.  As  Umhi^  tbey  could  not  entcm  their  eruel^ 
«nougb  upon  humaB  beiofi,  Umv  Ml  upon  the  bc—i  in  the  field — ahoot- 
iiif  ■om«,  woundiag  and  nuuMriinf  othen,  by  cutting  out  lueir  tongueai 
4(«.  ami  leaving  tbMn  alive.  Well  does  CoinfMl  mue  hi*  Oneida  chiei 
to  aay,  (who  oomea  aa  a  friend  to  wam  the  ■ettlament  of  the  approach  of 
tlia  ooBiMnad  army  of  toiiea  and  Indiana,) 

"  •  But  tbu  if  not  a  iinw,'«>4ie  •tanad  up, 
And  Mnota  bis  braaM  with  woe-donouaeiaf  head  ■ 
'  Tbit  is  ao  tiaia  to  AH  Iby  joyoui  cup : 
Th«  mammotb  coaiat— toe  foe— (h«  moniler  Bramdl, 
With  all  kii  bowling  dctolatinf  band  -f— 
Thc*«  eyM  have  wen  their  blade,  ana  buniiaf  ptor, 
Awake  at  once,  and  lilenea  half  your  land. 
R«d  i*  the  cup  they  drink  ;  but  not  with  wine : 

Awake  and  watch  toHUght  I  or  Me  ao  morning  thin* 

" '  Seominr  to  wield  the  hatchet  for  hit  brib«, 
'Gaimt  BraniU  himself  I  want  to  baMie  forth : 
Accuraed  BrtnuU  !  h*  Uft  of  all  m^  trUt 
■J  Nor  man,  nor  child,  nor  tiiiag  of  livit^  birth : 

No !  not  the  dog,  tnat  walciwd  my  houiehoid  hearth, 
Esraped,  iliat  night  of  blood,  upon  our  plaina  I 
All  perished !— I  alone  am  leA  on  aarth  I 
To  whom  nor  relative  nor  blood  remains, 
No  !->«Mt  a  kindred  drop  that  run*  in  human  vein* !' " 

Otrtnide  of  Wyomb^. 

The  toriea,  aa  woa  often  the  case,  were  attired  like  Indiana,  and,  firom 
Mmf  account,  it  appeora  that  they  exceeded  them  in  ferociQr. 

dr.  THa^ur  gives  us  the  following  examples  of  hmor,  which  wen  of 
Botoriety  at  the  time,  and  "  promulgated  from  authentic  sources.  One  of 
tbto  prisoners,  a  Capt.  Badlock,  was  committed  to  torture,  hy  having  his 
body  stuck  flifl  of  splinters  of  pine  knots,  and  a  fire  of  dry  wood  made 
round  him,  when  his  two  companions,  Capts.  ilaiuon  and  Durku,  were 
thtown  into  the  same  fire,  and  held  down  with  pitchforka,  till  consumed. 
One  Partial  3Vry,  the  son  of  a  man  of  respectable  character,  having 
joined  the  Indian  party,  several  times  sent  his  Ikther  word  that  he  Aapea 
tittoaah  hi$  haitdi  in  kis  hearths  blood.  The  monster,  with  his  own  hands, 
murdered  hit  father,  mother,  brothers  and  titters,  stripped  off  their  scalps, 
and  cut  off  his  father's  head  !*** 

It  was  upon  such'  scenes  as  these,  that  the  mind  of  the  poet  just  cited 
had  dwelt,  which  caused  him  to  wield  the  pen  of  denunciation  with  such 
effect  ui)on  the  memory  of  Brant.  That  BvUtr  was  the  far  greater  sav- 
age, none  can  dispute,  and  Mr.  CampbM  has  long  since  acknowledged  his 
too  great  severity  upon  the  character  of  the  fbrmer.  We  should  explain 
here,  that  a  son  of  Col.  Brant,  a  chief  Mohawk,  of  the  name  of  Juiyon- 
teae^ht,  called  by  the  English  John  Brant,  was  in  London  in  1892,  and 
furnished  Mr.  Campbell  with  documents,  which,  in  the  poet's  own  words, 
"changed  hin  opinion  of  his  father."  This  passage  was  contained  in  a 
long  and  interesting  letter  upon  the  subject,  to  Mjfonwaeght,  which  Ap- 
peared at  that  time  m  the  newspapers. 

With  Wyoming  were  destroyed  Wilkesbarre  and  Kingston,  upon  the 
other  side  of  the  Susquehannan.  Though  Wyoming  is  generally  under- 
stood to  be  the  place  destroyed,  it  should  be  remeraMred  that  ki  the  vat 
ley  bearing  that  name,  there  were  three  other  towns,  which  were  all  da- 
Btroyed,  as  well  as  Wyoming.f    These  towns  were  setded  by  emigranis 

*  Thacher'i  Journal. 

t  The  settlement  of  Wyoming  consisted  of  eight  townships,  each  five  miles  square. 
Amtiial  Reg.  for  1779,  page  9.  "  Eacli  containing  a  square  of  five  miles,"  is  the  lan- 
guage of  iSe  Register ;  but  it  is  thought  unlikely  that  thne  towns  were  so  small 


CiAr  v.] 


BRANT. 


ftom  CoDuecUeut,  and  when  dontroyed  rontainmi  more  than  a  1000  flunt- 
iiea,  and  luwl  Airnifllied  thn  coiitinenul  army  with  mnrv  than  a  1000  men, 
who  were  seneraJly  the  young  and  active  part  of  the  popidatiofl.*  Th« 
oppoaite  aidea  whirh  the  inhaCitanta  took  in  tho  great  rorohitionanr  ques- 
tion, created  the  moat  violent  rancor  in  tho  boaoma  of  Imth  partlea,  and 
hence  the  barbaritiea  which  ennued. 

In  November  following,  Cherry-valley  met  with  a  fkte  aimilar  to  Wyo- 
ming. At  thia  time,  Brant  wan  returning  to  winter•quarte^^  when  he  woa 
met  by  a  torv  captain,  and  permiaded  to  engagn  in  one  expedition  more. 
Thia  waa  ffalier  Butler^  aon  of  John,  the  Aero  of  Wyoming.  He  went  to 
Canada  with  Guy  Joknton,  in  1775,  aa  hon  been  mentioned  ;  and  now  oohm 
Gircurnatancc  brought  him  among  the  frontier  nettlementa  of  New  York. 
What  Ilia  object  waa,  wo  are  not  informed ;  but  it  waa,  doubtleaa,  that  of  • 
apv.  However,  he  waa  taken  up  on  auapicion,  at  leoat,  and  confined  in 
jolil  at  Albany ;  falling  aick,  be  waa  removed  to  a  private  dwelling^  fltm 
whence  he  aoon  found  means  to  eacape.  Joining  nia  ftther  at  Nragara, 
he  aucceeded  in  detaching  a  part  or  his  regiment  upon  an  ineuraion. 
Meeting  with  Brant,  aa  waa  juat  mentioned,  ui'iy  returned  to  the  frontier. 
It  is  said  that  Brant  was  at  first  dupleosed  with  the  project,  understand- 
ing that  Copt  Walter  bad  been  put  in  oflice  over  him  by  his  old  general, 
naUer'M  father,  but  stifled  his  resentment.  Their  whofo  force  waa  700 
men,  500  of  whom  >»'ere  the  warriors  of  Brant. 

Col.  Ichabod  w^en,  of  Maseachusetts,  waa  in  command  at  Cherry-ral- 
ley,  and  tojiia  misguided  judgment  is  to  be  attributed  the  disaster  which 
ensued.  But,  like  Waldnm  of  Cochecho,  he  was  doomed  to  escape  the 
disgrace.  He  wos  early  apprized  of  the  march  of  Brant,  and  when  urged 
to  receive  the  inhabitants  mto  the  fort,  observed  that  there  was  no  danger, 
aa  he  would  keep  out  scouts  who  would  apprize  them  of  the  approach 
of  an  enemy  in  season  to  remove.  Scouts  were  accordingly  sent  out ; 
one  of  whicn,  either  forgetting  the  business  they  were  upon,  or  what  was 
equally  reprehenaible,  mode  a  large  fire  and  lay  down  to  aleep.  BramPn 
warriors  were  not  misled  by  so  luminous  a  beacon,  and  the  whole  were 
na«de  prisoners.  This  was  on  the  night  of  the  9  November,  1778.  The 
prisoners  now  in  the  hands  of  Brant,  were  obliged  to  givt  the  most  exatft 
intelligence  cdnceming  the  garrison.  On  the  morning  of  the  II,  A- 
Tored  by  a  thick  and  nozy  atmosphere,  they  approachea  the  fort.  Cols. 
JBdm  and  Stada  quartered  at  the  house  of  a  Mr.  WtUa.  A  Mr.  HambU  waa 
fired  upon  as  he  was  coming, from  his  house  to  the  fort,  by  a  scout,  which 
gave  the  first  notice  of  the  enemy.  He  escaped,  and  gave  the  alarm  to 
Col.  >Mden,  who,  sbrange  as  it  may  appear,  was  still  incredulous,  and  said 
it  was  nodiing  more  Uian  some  straggling  Indians.  The  last  space  6t 
time  was  thus  ioe(! — and,  in  leas  than  naif  an  hour,  all  parts  of  the  place 
were  invested  at  once.  Such  of  the  soldiers  as  were  collected  being  im- 
mediately all  killed  or  taken,  the  poor  inhabitants  fell  an  easy  prey.  Col. 
wfi<2en  was  among  the  first  victuns.  Like  Chopart,  in  the  massacre  at 
Natchez,  he  fled  m>m  bis  house,  and  was  pursued  by  an  Indian  with  his 
hatchet,  at  whom  the  colonel  endeavored  several  times  to  discbarge  his 
pistol ;  but  it  missing  fire,  and  losing  time  in  fhcing  about  for  this  purpose, 
the  Indian  was  sufilciently  near  to  throw  his  tomahawk  with  deadly  ef- 
fect. He  did  so.  Col.  Mden  fell  upon  his  fkce,  and  his  scalp  was  in  a 
moment  home  off  in  triumph.  **  A  tory  boasted  that  he  killed  Mr.  WdU 
while  at  prayer."  His  daughter,  a  young  lady  of  great  amiableneea,  fled 
from  the  house  to  a  pile  of  wood  for  shelter ;  out  an  Indian  pursued  her, 
who  coming  hear,  composedly  wiped  his  long  knife,  already  bloody,  upon 
his  legg^s,  then  letommg  it  to  his  belt,  seized  her  by  the  arm,  and  with  a 


t  MartKaU,  iii.  SS6. 


BRANT. 


[Book  V. 


blow  of  hki  tomahawk  ended  her  existence.  She  could  speak  some  In- 
dian, and  begged  her  murderer  fo  epare  her  Ufe,  and  a  torr  interceded^ 
who  stood  near,  urging  thai  she  was  his  sister ;  but  he  would  hear  to  nei- 
ther. Other  transactions  in  this  afiair,  of  still  greater  horror,  we  mast 
pass  in  silence. 

Between  30  and  40  prisoners  were  carried  off;  but  the  fort,  contain- 
ing about  200  soldiers,  was  not  taken,  although  several  trials  were  made 
upon  it. 

Brant  was  the  only  person  eneaged  in  this  tragedy  of  whom  we  hear 
any  acts  of  clemency ;  one  of  which  was  the  preservation  of  a  poor  wo- 
man and  her  children,  who,  but  for  him,  would  have  met  the  tomahawk. 
He  inquired  for  Capt  JWKean,  (who  wrote  him  the  letter  before  men- 
tioned,) 3i.ying  he  had  now  come  to  accept  his  challenge.  Being  answered 
that  "  Capt  M'Kean  would  not  turn  his  back  upon  an  enemy,"  he  replied, 
"  I  know  it.  He  is  a  brave  man,  and  I  would  have  given  more  to  have 
taken  him  than  any  other  man  in  Cherry-valley  ;  but  I  would  not  have 
hurt  a  hair  of  his  head." 

Brant  had  seen  and  heard  so  much  of  what  is  called  eunlhed  toarfare, 
that  he  was  afraid  of  the  traduction  of  his  character,  and  always  said  that, 
in  his  councils,  he  had  tried  to  make  his  wairiors  humane ;  and  to  his 
honor  it  is  said,  (but  in  proportion  as  his  character  is  raised,  that  of  the 
white  man  must  sink,)  that  where  he  had  the  chief  command,  few  bar- 
barities were  committed. 

The  night  before  Brant  and  BuUer  fell  upon  Cherry-valley,  some  of  the 
tones  who  bad  friends  there,  requested  liberty  to  go  in  secretly  and  ad- 
vise them  to  retire.  BtiUer,  though  some  of  his  own  friends  were  among 
the  inhabitants,  refused,  saying,  "that  there  were  so  rtiany  families  con- 
nected, that  the  one  would  inform  the  others,  and  all  would  escape.  He 
thus  sacrificed  his  friends,  fbr  the  sake  of  punishing  bis  enemies."  This, 
whether  reported  by  Brant  to  magnify  his  own  humauity,  by  a  contrast 
with  the  depravity  of  his  associate,  is  not  known,  but  it  may  have  been 
the  fact 

Various  incursions  into  the  Indian  country  by  Gren.  SuUivan,  and  oth- 
ers^ much  damped  the  spirits  of  the  Indians,  although  few  of  them  were 
either  killed  or  taken.  When  the  armies  approached  their  settlements^ 
they  fled  into  swamps  and  mountains ;  yet  they  suffered  extremely  fbom 
the  loss  of  all  their  crops.  It  was  said  that  this  summer,  (1779^  160,000 
bushels  of  their  corn  was  destroyed.  As  soon  as  it  was  known  that  Sui- 
Uvan  was  advancing  into  the  country.  Brant  &  BvUer,  with  600  IndiansL 
and  Johtuonf  with  l%0  tories,  took  a^sition  on  his  route,  to  cut  him  off. 
SuUivan  came  upon  them,  August  S^,  at  a  place  called  JS/httoum,  where 
tbev  had  entrenched  themselves,  and  immediatelv  attacked  them.  The  bat- 
tle Iast<Hi  about  two  hours,  when,  by  a  successful  moveiHent  of  Gen.  Poor, 
at  the  head  of  his  New  Hampshire  re^ment,  Brandt  warriors  were 
thrown  into  confusion,  and  the  whole  were  put  to  flight.*  Few  were 
killed,  and  th^  made  no  other  stand  against  the  Americans  during  the 
ezpedition.t  The  historian  adds,  <*  They  utterly  destroyed  40  villages,  and 
left  no  single  trace  of  vegetation  upon  the  surrace  of  the  ground?^  All 
their  cattle  were  either  kuleid  or  brought  off,  many  of  which  they  had  be- 


*  Nine  only  of  the  IndiaM  were  killed ;  of  the  Americans,  four.  It  is  said  to  be  ow- 
mg  to  the  sagacity  of  Brunt,  that  his  whole  force  escaped  lalling  into  the  hands  of  llw 
Americaus,    AmaU  Trwm  Co.  125.  ^ 

t  Bolto,  Hist  Rev.  ii.  206.  li' 

X  Ibid.  Some  of  the  officers  thought  it  too  degrading  to  the  army  to  be  employed  in 
destroying  fruit-trees,  and  remonstrated  to  Gen.  SuUivan  acainst  the  order.  He  replied, 
"  The  Indians  shall  see  that  there  is  malice  enough  in  our  hearts  to  destroy  every  thing 
that  coDtributei  to  their  support."    Qor^ott,  Amer.  Rev.  iii.  21. 


CiuP.V.l 


BRAffT. 


« 


fore  taken  from  the  Americana.  "  None  of  the  boanties  of  nature,  none 
of  the  products  of  human  industry,  escaped  the  ftiry  of  the  Americans.** 
Upon  this  business  the  same  author  writes,  that  "  the  officers  charged 
with  the  execution  of  these  devastations,  were  themselves  ashamed  of 
them ;  some  even  ventured  to  remonstrate  that  they  were  not  accustomed 
to  exercise  the  vocation  of  banditti"  Gen.  Poor,  doubtless,  was  die  effi- 
cient man  in  this  expedition,  but  the  ostentation  of  StMie«m  gained  him 
the  honor!  of  it  Thus  were  the  Five  Nations  chastised  for  acting  as 
they  had  been  taught  by  the  white  people;  yea,  by  the  Americans 
them8elve8.f 

The  following  summer,  (23  July,  1779,)  Col.  Brmt,  with  60  of  his  war- 
riors and  27  white  men,  came  suadenly  upon  Minisink,  in  Orange  county. 
New  York,  where  they  killed  sundry  of  the  inhabitants  and  made  othen 
captives.  They  burnt  ten  houses,  twelve  bams,  a  garrison  and  two  mills, 
and  then  commenced  their  retreat.  The  militia  from  Goshen  and  places 
adjacent,  to  the  number  of  149,  collected,  pursued  and  came  up  with  them, 
when  a  most  bloody  battle  was  fought.  The  Indians  were  .finally  victori- 
ous, and  30  only,  out  of  the  149  whites,  escaped.  Some  were  carried  into 
captivity,  and  the  rest  were  killed.  Not  being  sufficiently  cautious,  they 
fell  into  an  ambush,  and  so  fought  at  great  dindvantage.^ 

In  1821,  a  county  meeting  was  held,  by  which  it  was  voted  that  the 
bones  of  the  slain  should  be  collected,  and  deposited  under  a  suitable 
monument,  at  the  same  time  ordered  to  be  erected.§  lu  1822,  the  com- 
mittee appoikted  to  collect  the  bones  "  which  had  been  exposed  to  the 
suns  and  snows  for  43  years,"  had  found  those  of  44  personsj  Wi.iich  were, 
with  much  formality,  publicly  intertred.Q 

In  the  spring  of  1780,  Brant  surprised  Harpersfield,  with  a  company 
of  his  warriore,  and  a  fow  tories.  He  took  19  prisoners,  and  killed  seve- 
ral others.  On  2  August  following,  he  fell  upon  Canajoharrie,  widi 
about  400  mixed  warriors,  killed  16  people,  took  about  55  prisoners,  chief- 
ly women  and  children ;  they  killed  and  drove  away,  at  the  same  time, 
about  300  cattle  and  horses,  burnt  53  houses,  and  as  many  bams,  besides 
out-houses,  a  new  and  elegant  church,  a  grist-mill  and  two  garrisons. 

Doubtless  there  were  many  other  wanike  scenes  in  which  Brant  was 
engaged  personally,  but  we  have  already  dwelt  longer  upon  them  than  we 
intended. 

European  writers,  for  a  long  time,  contended  that  the  N.  American 
Indians  had,  naturally,  no  beards.^  A  Mr.  M'Causland  took  the  trodble 
of  writing  to  Brani,  after  the  revolution,  to  get  the  tmth  of  the  matter. 
The  following  is  Brontes  letter  to  his  inquiry :— "  Mlagara,  19  AprU,  1783. 
Tht  tnes  of  mt  Six  ATations  have  aU  beards  hv  nature ;  as  have  lUcewise 
aU  other  Indian  natiotis  of  JVorOi  America,  whv:h  1  have  seen.  Some  In- 
dians aUoto  a  part  of  the  beard  upon  the  chin  and  upper  lip  to  eroto,  and  a 
^  J  of  the  Mohawks  shave  teith  razors,  in  the  same  manner  as  Europeans  ; 
the  f^erality  pluck  out  the  hairs  of  the  heard  by  the  roots,  as  soon  as 
they  begin  to  appear;  and  as  they  continue  this  practice  all  their  lives,  they 
appear  to  have  no  beard,  or,  at  most,  only  a  few  sira^^ling  hairs,  which  they 
have  ne^ected  to  pluck  out.     I  am,  howmer,  of  opimon,  that  \f  the  Indians 


•  Oordon,  Amer.  Rev.  iii.  207. 

1 8«e  the  speech  of  Big-tree,  Corn-plant  and  Half-town,  to  which  nothing  need  be 
added  by  way  of  commentary  upon  such  aflairs. 

\  Oordon's  America,  iii.  28. 

4  Spafonfi  Oaz.  3S8.  ||  Holmes't  Amer.  Annals,  ii.  SOS. 

IT  Even  the  great  luminary  Voltaire  fell  into  this  error.  He  says,  "  Lei  Iroquoit,  U$ 
HUrons,  et  tmu  les  peupleajuiqu'd  la  Florida,  parurenl  olu'dtres  et  »ant  aueun  pml  ttar 
le  corp$  e^ept^  la  ttte."  Thai  is,  all  from  the  60"  of  N.  latitude.  Voyeri  CEuvrtt 
eoi^MUt,  iv.  708,  ed.  Paris,  1817, 8vo,     See  also  Raynal,  viii.  210. 


BRANT. 


fBooK  V. 


wen  to  thMty  /Aew  would  never  have  beardM  altogeiher  to  (kick  as  the 
Ewroneam ;  and  mere  are  Mine  to  be  met  teiih  who  have  oduoUy  very  litUe 
beartL*  Joa.  Brant  THATizfDAnceA." 

A  daughter  of  Col.  Brant  married  a  Frenchman,  whoj  in  June,  1789, 
was  killed  by  a  party  of  Indians,  while  peaceably  travelbnc  up  the  Wa- 
bash River.  He  was  in  company  with  nine  others,  four  of  wnom  were 
killed  and  three  wounded.  When  the  hostile  party  came  up  to  them,  and 
discovered  the  son-in-law  of  Brant,  they  assisted  in  drawmg  the  arrows 
from  the  wounded,  and  then  went  off.f 

When  the  Indians  upon  the  southern  and  western  frontier  were  show- 
ing themselves  hostile,  iu  1791,  CoL  Brant  used  his  exertions  to  prevent 
hostilities,  by  visiting  such  tribes  as  appeared  hostile.  His  name  appears 
in  manv  important  transactions  of  those  times.  The  boundary  line  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  the  Indian  nations  had  not  been  satisftctorily 
established,  which  was  the  cause  of  much  trouble.  A  sentieman  in 
Canada  wrote  to  another  in  the  state  of  New  York,  under  date  of  S  Au- 
gust, 1791,  wherein  Col.  Brant  is  thus  mentioned :  "  Capt.  Joseph  Brant, 
after  having  attended  for  some  time  the  councils  of  the  western  Indians 
at  the  Miami  River,  set  off  a  few  days  ago  for  Quebec,  attended  with 
several  of  the  chiefs  from  that  quarter ;  as  they  avowedly  go  to  ask  Lord 
J)orcheatet*$  advice,  and  as  we  well  know  hid  and  government's  strong 
dMire  for  peace,  we  would  gladly  hope  that  it  may  be  the  means  of  bring- 
ing on  an  accommodation." 

In  1793,  his  arrival  in  Philadelphia  is  thus  publicly  noticed  in  the  Ga- 
zette of  that  city :— "  Capt.  Joseph  Arant,  the  principal  warrior  chief 
of  the  Six  Nations,  arrived  in  this  ci^  on  Wednraday  evening  last,  (Jupe 
90.)  It  is  said  his  errand  is  a  viait.to  a  number  of  nis  acquaintance  re- 
siding here,  and  to  pay  his  respects  to  the  president  of  the  United  States." 
He  lefl  there  about  the  beginning  of  July,  upon  another  peace  excuraon 
among  the  western  tribes,  which  still  remained  hostile. 

When  Gen.  Wayne  was  marching  into  the  Indian  country,  in  1798^ 
many  of  the  tribes  were  alarmed,  having  heard  that  his  army  consisted  of 
8000  men.  Learning,  also,  that  commissioners  accompanied  the  army> 
authorized  to  treat  of  peace,  and  wishing  to  know  the  strength  of  the 
Americans,  thirty  chiefs  of  different  tribes  were  despatched  upon  this  im- 
portant business.  Col.  Brant  was  one  of  these  30  Indian  ambassadors. 
If  the  Americans  would  make  the  Ohio  the  boundary,  they  wished  peace. 
The  whole  cause  of  Gen.  Wayne's  war  appears  to  have  been  about  the 
lands  lying  west  of  the  Ohio  and  Alleffhany  Rivers.  We  have  no  doubt 
Brant  secretiv,  if  not  openly,  advocated  the  establishment  of  this  bound- 

7;  yes,  and  we  must  acknowledge  that  if  he  did,  it  was  from  the  liest 
reasons.  We  know  that  Teeumseh  labored  incessantly  fbr  this  bound- 
ary. Rightiy  did  they  conceive  of  the  mighty  wave  of  population  rolline 
westward,  southward  and  northward.  Truly,  they  must  have  been  blind 
not  to  have  seen  that  it  was  about  to  engulf  them  forever !  When  they 
had  met  the  commissioners,  and  found  them  inflexible  m  their  determina- 
tion. Brant,  with  most  of  the  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations,  gave  up  the  point 
as  hopeless,  preferring  peace,  on  any  terms,  to  war.  But  the  Wyandots, 
Delawares,  Shawanees  and  Miamis  would  not  agree  to  it. 

Mention  will  be  found  in  the  account  of  Farmers-brother  of  a  great 
council  held  by  the  chiv.r8  of  most  of  the  western  nations,  at  Niagartf,  in 
April,  179R.  In  this  council  it  was  agreed  that  peace  should  be  %Mn- 
tamed ;  and  "they  unanimously  nn-eed  to  meet  the  Americans  in  4  grimd 
council,  to  be  holden  the  June  follovring,  upoii  the  south  side  of  lirite 


upon 


*  This  i«  the  case  with  many  of  the  whites. 
t  Carei/s  Museum,  vi.  178, 


Ohap.V.] 


BRANT. 


33 


Erie ;  and  for  the  purpooo  of  making  the  peace  more  permanent  and  ex- 
tensive, they  have  ap[K>intc(I  Brant,  who  is  now  their  kin}^  of  kiocat  to 
go  und  convene  nil  those  trii>es  who  live  to  the  north-west  of  Lake  Onta- 
rio. He  acconliugly,  tlie  day  uAer,  set  out  for  that  ptirpose."  The  IiuUaos 
did  not  assemble  until  July,  from  the  difficulty  of  their  journeya  and  oth- 
er causes,  which  is  generally  tlie  case  with  meetings  of  this  kind.  The 
council  was  held  at  Sandusky,  and  Col.  BratU  set  out  from  Niagara  for 
thut  place  in  Miiy.  Before  leaving,  ha  bod  frequent  conversations  with  a 
gentleman  of  respectability,  to  whom  he  gave  it  as  his  opinion,  that  no 
peace  could  tuko  place,  until  the  Ohio  and  Muskingum  should  make  the 
bounda>'y  between  the  Americans  and  the  red  men.  Ho  still  expressed 
good  ferilingH  towards  the  United  States,  and  hoped  that  they  would  see  it 
to  bo  their  interest  to  agree  to  that  boundary,  as  lie  firmly  believed  war 
would  ensue  should  they  refuse.  He  even  said,  that,  in  case  tKey  would 
not  consent  to  make  these  rivers  the  boundary,  he  should  take  part  aaunst 
them.  It  was  not  agreed  to ;  but  we  do  not  hear  that  the  old  chief  was 
actually  engaged  in  the  hostilities  that  followed. 

How  much  .the  English  of  Canada  influenced  the  measures  of  the  In- 
dians, it  is  difficult  to  determine  ;*  but  men  like  Pon/iar,  Braid  and  Te- 
cumaeh  could  easily  see  through  such  duplicity  as  was  practised  by  a  few 
unprincipled  speculators,  as  jirKee,  Girty  and  EUioU  They  had,  doubt- 
less, conceived  that  if  the  Ohio  and  Muskingum  were  made  the  boundary, 
it  would  be  an  easy  matter  for  them  to  possess  themselves  of  the  country 
from  thence  to  the  lakes,  and  thus  enlarge  the  extent  of  Canada.  They 
knew  well  that  if  the  Indians  possessed  this  tract  of  countr^-,  it  would  be 
no  difficult  matter  to  purchase  it  from  them  by  means  of  a  tew  trifling  ar- 
ticles, comparatively  of  no  consideration,  and  that  woret  of  calamities,  ar- 
dent spirits !  In  this  they  were  disa[)pointcd,  and,  with  the  battle  of 
Presque  Isle,  resigned  their  hoped,  at  least  for  a  season.  They  urged 
upon  the  Indians  what  they  must  hare  been  well  assured  of— tneir  de- 
struction ! 

Much  has  been  said  and  written  of  the  cold-blooded  atrocities  of  Brani, 
but  which,  in  our  opinion,  will  be  much  lessened  on  being  able  to  come 
pretty  near  the  truth  of  his  history.  Bvery  successful  warrior,  at  least 
in  his  day,  is  denounced  by  the  vanquished  as  a  barbarian.  JVapoteon 
was  thus  branded  by  all  the  world — we  ask  no  excuse  for  our  chief  on  this 
score — all  wars  are  barbarous,  and  hence  those  who  wage  them,  are  bar- 
barians !  This  we  know  to  be  strong  language ;  hut  we  are  prepared  to 
prove  our  assertion.  When  mankind  shall  have  been  cultivated  and  im- 
proved to  thot  extent  which  human  nature  is  capable  of  attaining, — ^wben 
the  causes  of  avarice  and  dissension  are  driven  out  of  the  human  mind, 
by  taking  away  the  means  which  excite  them, — then,  and  not  till  then, 
will  wars  and  a  multitude  of  attending  calamities  cease. 


*  We  will  hear  a  ^reat  writer  and  traveller  upon  this  subject,  whose  means  of  forming: 
n  correct  judgment,  it  is  presumed,  will  not  be  questioned.  "  Je  remarquerai  &  cette 
occasion  sans  m'etendre  davantaee  sur  cc  suiet,  aue  toute  la  politque  de  I'Angleterre 
avec  les  Indicns  est  absolument  dans  les  mams  aes  agens,  qui  scuis  en  entendent  !a 
langue ;  et  qui  seuls  sont  les  distrihuleurs  des  prcsens  ;"  6t,c.  Voyage  dam  lex  EtaU- 
vma  «n  1795,  etc.  Far  La  Roche/oucatUd-Lianeourl,  ii.  78.  The  duke  was  at  New- 
ark, U.  C.  at  this  time,  where  he  witnessed  a  business  assemblage  of  Indians.  AAer  a 
dance,  which  they  held  before  their  audience  with  the  governor  of  Canada,  the  duke 
layi  that,  "  Pendant  i      ' 

lui  a  dit  qu(  sa  nation  de  Tuscorora  le  consultait  pour 
teau  par  les  Indicns  Oncydas  k  Onondago  poyr  vcndre  leurs  terres  de  reserve,  que 
I'Etat  de  New  Yorck  disirait  acheter.    Le  gouvemeur  a  r^pondu  tr^-vaguement  k  cell 


:  ces  jeux,  I'agent  s'est  approcbi  du  g6n6ral  avec_  un  des  chefs,  el 
n  deTuscorora  le  consultait  pour  savoir  si  elle  irait  k  un  conseil 


question :  I'agent  a  traduit  comme  il  a  voulu  cettc  r6ponse ;  mais  il  a  r^pliqu^  nu  gou- 
vemeur de  la.  pari  des  Indiens  qui  comme  ils  croyaient  £lre  plus  agr^ablcs  au  roy  d'Aa 
glelerre  en  n'y  allant  pas ;  ils  n'iraient  pas."    Ibid.  77. 


n 


BRANT. 


[Book  V. 


As  a  sample  of  the  stories  circulating  nbout  Col.  Brant,  while  the  affiiirs 
of  Wyoming  and  Cherry  valley  worn  fresh  in  the  recollections  of  all,  we 
extract  from  /Veld's  Travels  the'  following : — * 

"  With  a  considerable  iKtdy  of  his  troops  he  joined  the  forces  under  the 
command  of  Sir  John  Johmton"  "  A  skirmish  took  place  with  a  body  of 
American  troops ;  the  action  was  warm,  and  Brant  was  shot  by  a  musket 
ball  in  his  heel ;  but  the  Americans,  in  the  end,  were  defeated,  and  an  offi- 
cer with  about  60  men  were  taken  prisoners.  The  officer,  after  having 
delivered  up  his  sword,  bad  entered  into  conversation  with  Col.  JoATUfon, 
who  commanded  the  British  troops,  and  they  were  talking  together  in  the 
most  friendly  manner,  when  Brant,  having  stolen  slily  behind  them,  laid 
the  American  officer  lifeless  on  the  grouncf  with  a  blow  of  his  tomahawk. 
The  indignation  of  Sir  John  Johnston,  as  may  be  readily'  supposed,  was 
roused  by  such  an  act  of  treachery,  and  he  resented  it  in  the  warmest 
terms,  brant  listened  to  him  unconcernedly,  and  when  he  had  finished, 
told  him,  that  he  was  sorry  for  his  displeasure,  bid  that,  indeed,  his  heel  teas 
extremely  painful  at  the  moment,  and  he  coulJ  not  liclp  revenging  himse^  on 
the  only  chief  if  the  party  that  he  saw  taken." 

Jpoii  this  passage  the  author  of  the  Annals  of  Tryon  Couutyf  observes : 
"  I  have  heard  a  story  somewhat  similar  told  of  him,  but  it  was  said  that 
the  officer  was  killed  to  prevent  his  being  retaken  by  tho  Americans,  who 
were  in  pursuit."  This  we  should  pronounce  very^t's-similar  to  the  story 
told  by  Mr.  Weld.  But  there  was,  no  doubt,  some  cireumstance  out  of 
which  a  story  has  grown,  the  truth  of  which,  wc  apprehend,  is  now  past 
finding  out. 

Col.  Brant  was  married,  in  the  winter  of  1779,  to  a  daughter  of  Col. 
Cfroghan  by  an  Indian  woman.  He  bad  lived  with  her  some  timt  ".d  lUii- 
tum,  according  to  the  Indian  manner,  but  at  this  time,  being  p.,ouent  at 
the  wedding  of  a  Miss  Jlfoore,  at  N'  ^ara,  (one  of  the  captives  taken  from 
Cherry-valley,)  insisted  on  being  married  himself;  and  thus  his  consort's 
name  was  no  longer  Miss  Cro^han,  but  Mrs.  Brant.    The  ceremony  was 

Eerformed  by  his  companion  \n  irms.  Col.  John  Butler,  whc>  although  he 
ad  left  his  country,  yet  carried  eo  much  of  his  magistrate's  commission 
with  him,  as  to  solemnize  marriages  ftccording  to  lato. 

King  George  conferred  on  his  faiTiOas  ally  a  valuable  tract  of  land  situ- 
ated upon  the  west  shore  of  Lake  Ontario,  where  he  finally  settled  and 
lived  after  the  English  fashion.  His  wife,  however,  would  never  conform 
to  this  mode  of  li^,  but  would  adhere  to  the  custom  of  the  Indians,  and 
on  the  death  of  her  husband,  which  happened  34  Nov.  1807,  she  repaired 
to  Grand  River,  there  to  spend  her  days  it.  a  wigwam,  with  .:;ome  of  her 
children,  while  she  left  benind  others  in  a  commodious  dwelling.]:  A  son, 
of  whom  we  have  spoken,  with  a  sister,  lately  occupied  this  mansion  of 
their  father,  and  constituted  an  amiable  and  hospitable  fa'nily.  This  son, 
whose  name  is  John,  is  a  man  of  note,  and  is  the  same  who  was  in  Eng- 
land in  1822,  V.S  has  been  mentioned,  and  the  same,  we  conclude,  who  has 
been  returned  a  member  of  the  colonial  assembly  of  Upper  Canada.  His 
place  of  residence  was  in  the  county  of  Haldiman,  in  Brantford,  so  called, 
probably,  in  honor  of  the  old  chief.§  Several  other  places  are  mientioned 
as  having  been  the  residence  of  Brant — Unadilla,  or  Anaquaqua,  (vvhichis 
about  36  miles  south-west  from  the  present  site  of  Cooperstown,)  and 
Niagara.  He  resided  at  these  places  before  the  Mohawks  removed  to 
Canada,  which  was  soon  after  the  war  of  the  revolution  was  ended.  They 

*  Paffe  4^,  octavo  ed.  London,  1800. 

t  III  Uie  Appendix,  page  16.  %  Buchanan's  Sketches,  i.  36. 

^  Mr.  Campbell'*  Annals  of  Tryon  County  has  been  one  of  our  main  sources  of  in- 
formation throughout  this  account,  especially  oC  the  revolutionary  period. 


♦.J 


CHAr.  v.] 


BRANT. 


75 


made  their  principal  residence  upon  Grand  River,  which  lalls  into  Lake 
Erie  on  the  north  side,  about  60  mi!cs  from  tho  lowp  of  Newark,  or  Ni- 
agara. At  one  time,  ho  had  no  leas  thou  30  or  40  negroes,  who  took  care 
of  his  bcrses  and  lands.  "Thcae  poor  creatures,"  says  Mr.  fFeld,  '*are 
kept  in  the  greatest  subjection,  and  they  dare  not  attempt  to  mdte  their 
escape,  for  he  has  assured  thein,  that  if  they  did  so,  he  would  follow  them 
himself,  though  it  were  to  the  confines  of  Georgia,  and  would  tomahawk 
them  wherever  he  met  them.  They  know  his  (iisposition  too  well  not  to 
think  that  he  would  adhere  strictly  to  his  word."  The  same  author  says 
that  Brant  received  presents,  which,  together  with  his  half  pay  as  captain, 
amounted  to  £500  per  annum. 

An  idea  of  the  importance  of  this  chief,  in  1795,  may  be  formed  from 
the  circumstance,  that  a  gentleman  considered  himself  a  loser  to  the 
amount  of  £100,  at  least,  l>y  not  bein>i:  able  to  arrive  at  Niagara  in  season 
to  attend  to  some  law  case  for  him.  Contnuy  winds  had  prevented  his 
arrival,  and  tHe  business  had  been  given  to  another.* 

"  Whenev^:  the  affairs  of  his  nation  shall  permit  him  to  do  so,  Brani 
declares  it  to  be  his  intention  to  sit  down  to  tho  further  study  of  the  Greek 
language,  of  which  he  professes  himself  to  be  a  great  admirer,  and  to 
translate  from  the  original,  into  tho  Mohawk  language,  more  of  the  New 
Testament ;  yet  this  same  man,  shortly  before  wu  arrived  at  Niagara, 
killed  his  own  son,  with  his  own  hand.  The  son,  it  seems,  was  a  drunk- 
en, good-for-nothing  fellow,  who  had  often  avowed  his  intention  of  de- 
sttoying  his  father.  One  evening,  he  absolutely  entered  the  apartment  of 
his  uther,  and  had  begun  to  grapple  with  him,  perhaps  witli  a  view  to  put 
his  unnatural  threats  in  execution,  when  Brant  drew  a  short  sword,  and 
felled  him  to  the  ground.  He  speaks  of  this  affair  with  regret,  but,  at  the 
same  time,  without  any  of  that  emotion  which  another  person  than  an 
Indian  might  be  supposed  to  feel.  He  consoles  himself  for  the  act,  by 
thinking  that  he  has  benefited  the  nation,  by  ridding  it  of  a  rascal."f 

With  regard  to  thd  dress  of  the  sachem,  there  has  been  some  contradic- 
tioa.  JMr.  Wdd,  though  he  did  not  see  him,  says  he  wore  his  hair  in  the 
Indian  fashion,  as .  he  also  did  his  clothes ;  except  that,  instead  of  the 
blanket,  he  wore  a  kind  of  hunting  frock.  This  was  in  1796.  But  it  was 
reported,  that,  in  1793,  Brani  having  waited  on  Lord  Dorcheater,  the  gov- 
ernor of  Canada,  upon  some  business,  his  lordship  told  him,  that  as  he 
was  an  officer  in  the  British  service,  he  ought  to  lay  aside  the  Indian 
dress,  and  assume  that  of  an  English  captain ;  and  that,  if  he  persisted  in 
wearing  an  Indian  dress,  he  should  stop  his  pay.  It  is  added  that  there- 
upon he  changed  his  dresB.:^ 

When  Col.  Brant  arrived  at  any  {>rincipal  city,  his  arrival  was  publicly 
announced  in  the  gazettes  with  great  minuteness.  Although  we  have 
given  some  specimens  of  these,  we  will  add  one  more : — 

"  New  York,  June  20, 1793.  On  Monday  last  arrived  in  this  city,  from 
his  settlement  on  Grand  River,  on  a  visit  to  some  of  his  friends  in  this 
quarter,  Capt.  Joseph  Brandt,  of  the  British  army,  the  famous  Mohawk 
chief,  who  so  eminently  distinguished  himself  during  the  late  war,  as  the 
military  leader  of  the  Six  Nations.  We  are  informed  that  he  intends  to 
visit  the  city  of  Philadel|)hia,  and  pay  his  respects  to  the  president  of  the 
U.  States,"§  Gen.  JVcuhington,  which  he  did.  We  have  before  mentioned 
his  visit  to  that  city. 

The  very  respectable  traveller H  Rochefoucatdd  thus  notices  our  chief: 
^  At  34  miles  from  this  place,  (Newark,  U.  C.)  upon  Grand  River,  is 

•  »V>W,  Travels,  487. 

t  Ibid.  489.  i  Apoilo  for  1792. 

J  American  Apollo,  297. 
Duke  di  Liatuourt,  Travels,  ii.  81,  before  cited,  from  whom  we  translate  this. 


Ttt 


BRANT. 


pkwK  V. 


au  establishnicnt  wliich  t  had  been  oirious  to  Ttait  It  ■  tkit  of  CoL 
Brant.  But  the  colonel  not  being  at  home,  and  being  aasuied  that  I  ahouM 
•ee  Tinle  ehe  than  what  I  had  already  aaen  among  thoae  people,  I  g*v« 
over  my  intention.  Col.  Brant '»  an  Indian  who  tmik  part  with  the  Eng- 
lish, and  having  been  in  Engfamd,  waa  commtasioned  by  the  lung,  and  po- 
litely treated  by  every  one.  Ilia  manners  are  lialf  European.  He  is  ac- 
companied by  two  negro  Krvants,  and  is  in  appearance  uke  an  English- 
man. He  has  a  garden  and  farm  under  cultivation  ;  drenes  alinoat  entirely 
Dke  an  European,  and  has  gjvtt  influence  o\-er  the  Indians.  He  is  ^ 
present  [1795]  at  Miami,  holding  a  treaty  with  the  United  Stateo,  in  com- 
pany with  the  Indians  of  the  west.  He  is  equally  respected  by  the  Ameri- 
cans, who  extol  so  much  his  character,  that  I  ngnl  much  not  to  hare 
■een  him."* 

The  vreat  respect  in  which  Annit  was  held  in  England  will  be  veryapr 
parent  trom  a  penisnl  of  the  following  letter,!  dated  12  December,  1785: 
''Monday  last,  Col.  Joseph  Brant,  the  celebrated  king  of  the  Mohawks, 
arrive<l  in  this  city,  [Salisbur}',]  from  America,  and  amr  dining  with  CoL 
de  Peister,  at  the  head-quarters  here,  proceed^  immediately  on  his  jour- 
ney to  Loudon.  This  extraordinary  personage  is  said  to  have  presided  at 
the  late  grand  congress  of  confederate  chiefi  of  the  Indian  nation  in 
America,  and  to  be  by  them  appointed  Id  the  condnct  and  chief  command 
in  the  war  which  thi>y  now  ineditate  against  the  United  States  of  Ameri- 
ca. He  took  his  departure  for  Engiuid  immediately  as  that  assembly 
broke  up;  and  it  is  ron^tured  that  his  embassy  to  the  British  coiut  is  of 

Sreat  importance.  Tins  countr}'  ovves  much  to  the  services  of  Col.  Brant 
uring  the  late  war  in  Amrrira.  *  He  was  educated  at  Philadelphia,  fat  the 
Moon  charity  school  in  Lebanon,  Connecticut,]  is  a  very  shrewd,  intel- 
ligent person,  possesses  Xireat  coura^  and  abilities  as  a  warrior,  and  is  in- 
violably attached  to  the  Enriish  nation." 

It  has  been  denied  that  Brant  was  in  any  vray  engaged  in  the  massa- 
cres at  Wyoming,  liut  it  eeenis  Irnrdly  possilue  that  so  many  should  have 
been  deceived  at  that  time ;  and,  moreover,  we  do  not  find  that  it  yn»  de- 
nied until  almost  everyone  of  that  age  bad  left  the  stage  of  action.  Those 
who  deny  that  he  was  at  Wyoming  should,  at  least,  prove  an  alibi,  or 
they  cannot  expect  to  be  believed.| 


*  This  French  traveller  aetms  to  have  hccn  in  ndiraace  of  hisioiy,  in  as  hr  as  he  tbui 
early  sets  in  their  proper  IMit  the  characten  of  the  heroes  of  Wyoming.  Aflrr  speak- 
ing of  the  inflaence  of  Indmn  amrts  over  those  peapfe^  as  we  Mve  extracted  in  a  pre- 
vious note,  he  thus  ronsiriis  to  Cni.  Bmller  the  place  which  he  n  <loubtless  to  hoIJ  in  all 
after  time  in  the  aiinals  oT  his  cououy  >—"  L^gvnT  mtghit  Joml  il  est  id  oaeston,  est  le 
Colonel  ButlJei;  (avaeax  par  ses  ia<«adics,  se<i  pillaces  e(  ses  neurtrcs  oans  la  guerre 
d'Amcrique.  II  est  Iui>in0me  Americain  d'auprts  3e  Wilkesbarre;[«neof  the  tuwus 
in  the  valley  of  Wyomin';;]  son  prMendu  loyalisme  qn'il  a  sa  se  faire  payer  de  iMcvets 
et  dc  traitcmciis,  Idi  a  fit' '.  commeMre  plus  de  baittaries,  pkn  d'intasies  roatre  sapatrie, 
qu'ikqui  que  re  soiu  '. '  conduiaait  k»  Indiens,  leur  iadianail  les  fennes,  les  amisons  a 
bn^ler,  les  virtini«s  k  scarpeler,  k>s  enfuns  i  cWrhiier.  L'Ancleteife  a  reccanpens^  son 
loyalisme  (!c  5000  acres  de  terre  pour  lui,  dhuw  qoantili  ps^eiTle  poor  ses  enraas,  d'une 
pension  de  deux  iV  trois  cents  livres  sterlings,  dHiue  place  d'agent  aapr^s  des  lodiens, 
-|ui  lui  en  vwit  rinq  cents  autres,  avcc  la  laciKlf  de  puiaer  jk  vokmti  oun  les  magaiias 
le  pr^ns."    RcthrfouemiU,  nl  supsv,  (ii.  78-9.) 

t  There  is  no  oanie  lo  this  lellcr ;  but  il  was  wntlea  ia  Salisbury,  Eng.  and  dieaceseii? 
to  London,  where  il  was  published. 

^  In  a  late  criminal  trial  which  has  much  agitated  New  England,  reasonable  people 
said,  the  defemlant,  out  of  respect  to  public  npiuioa,  ought  to  make  it  appear  where  he 
was  at  Itie  time  a  murder  was  committed,  anhongh  ia  law  he  was  not  bmind  so  lo  do. 
An  advornic  tor  his  innocence  tnid  the  writer,  that  "  he  was  not  eUmd  lo  lell  where  be 
was,"  and  it  was  noltody's  business  ;  and,  ther^N«,  we  were  bound,  according  lo  law, 
to  believe  him  innocent.  This  we  oMr  as  a  parallel  case  to  the  one  ia  hand.  Bol  it 
happens  wc  are  not  "  bound  by  law"  lo  beBeve  our  chief  ealirdy  iwairsat  of  the  Uood 
shea  at  Wyoming. 


a; 


I* 


ii 


SAG®YEWA'irHA  alias  REUD  JACjKIET. 


Chiei\  of  the    Seneoa« 


Cbap.  VI 1 


REIMACKET. 


7f 


R-ant  was  stud  to  Iiavu  bot-n  65  veara  old  at  bin  death.  A  daug!<">r  of 
hia  iiiarried  fFm,  J.  Ker,  Esq.  of  Niagnra,  atid  he  had  several  othi-  )u\- 
drea  besides  those  we  have  iiiPntionen.  Tbj  son  who  visited  Rnt^l  ■  'd  hi 
182SI,  and  another  named  Jitcob,  entered  MfMr't  school  at  Hanovc  r,  W.  H. 
in  1801,  under  the  care  of  Dr.  ffTuekKk.  The  former  son,  John,  died 
about  two  years  since,  in  the  winter  of  1831. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Fada  in  Vie  htatory  qf  the  Seneca  notum— Saootxwatha,  or  Red- Jack- 
KT — Hkfamcug  apuch  to  a  miaaionary — His  intervieu)  tcith  Col.  SneU- 
iitg — Bniiah  invade  hia  country — Rnaolvea  to  nod  them — Hia  apeech 
upon  the  event — Gov.  C7tnion'a  or  :nt  of  him — fntcherqfl  affair — Com- 
jnaina  of  encroachuunta — One  i  nia  ^eople  jtvt  to  death  far  being  a 
mlck — He  dtfenda  the  execvtioner—  H  iHtervtew  unih  Lqfaydle — Coun- 
cil at  Canandai^ua — Farmera-^  other—^led-jacket  viaita  PnUadelpkia— 
Hia  apetch  to  the  govemtr  qf  Pn.n^tflvama — ^eech  of  .Afmelondongwaa^ 
or  Good  Peter — jH'amslive  of  hii  capture  during  Uit  revmulionary  war — 
Farhers-brotheb,  or  Honat«wds — Viaita  Philadelphia — Peter- 
JAqcETTE — Viaita  France — Ace  .j,nt  qf  hia  death — MemonMe  meeeh  of 
Farmera-broiftr — Hia  letter  to  the  aeeretaru  of  umr — ^^Toticf  9/  aeveral 
other  Seneca  ckufa — KoTI^     uautah,  or  YonNQ-KiNo— Jdskakaka,  c> 

LiTTI.E-BILLT ACUIOUT,     Or     HaLF-TOWN KlANDOOEWA,    OT    BlS- 

TREE — Gyantwaia,'  OT  CoRN-PLANT — Mdrtaa  of  Ike  three  latter  (0 
Preaident  fFcukit^ton — Grant  of  land  to  Big-tru — Hia  viait  to  PhSor 
ddphia,  and  death — Further  account  qf  Corn-plant — IKf  oton  aeconnt  qf 
himadft—Intereating  eventa  in  hia  Itfe — PRajmu. 

Tub  Senecas  were  the  most  important  tribe  among  the  Iroquois,  or 
Five  Nations,  and,  according  to  Conrad  H'eiaer,  they  were  the  fourth  na- 
tion  that  joined  that  confederacy.  Ho  calls  them* . "  leuoutowanoia  or 
Sinikers,"and  says,  "tliey  are  styled  by  the  Mohawks  and  Onondasoa, 
brothers;"  and  that  their  titlo  in  councils  is  Onughkaurydaaug.  The 
French  call  thera  Tsonnonthouans,  from  their  principal  castle,  or  coun<;il« 
house,  the  name  of  which,  according  to  Colden,  is  Siuondownii8.f  Otiier 
particulars  of  this  nation  will  be  related  09  wo  proceed  in  detailing  the 
lives  of  its  chiefs.    Aiapng  thest;,  |)crhaps,  the  most  illustrious  was 

Sagoyewthoit  cMa^hy  the  whites,  Rei-jaduL  His  place  of  residence 
wa.<;,  for  many  yfofv  previous  to  hia  deuth,  (which  happened  20  January 
1830,  ut  his  own  housef)  about  four  niilea  from  Buffalo,  and  one  mile  north 
of  the  road  that  leads  through  tho  land  reserved  for  the  remnant  of  the 
Seneca  nation,  called  the  Reaavation,  His  house  was  a  log  cabin,  situ 
ated  in  a  retired  place.  Some  of  his  tribe  are  Christians,  but  Red-jackd 
would  never  hoar  to  any  thing  of  the  kind.  He  was  formerly  considered 
of  superior  wis<lom  in  council,  and  of  a  noble  and  dignified  behavior 
which  would  have  honored  any  num.  But,  like  nearly  all  his  race,  he 
could  not  withstand  the  temptation  of  ardent  spirits,  which,  together  with 
hia  age,  rendered  him  latterly  less  worthy  notice.    Formerly,  scarce  a 


:Tc, 


*  Ameriran  M^.  f  Hist.  Five  Nattou,  i.  42. 

I  Tho  common  nirthod  of  spelling.  Gov.  Clinton  wriles,  Baguoaha.  Written  lo  the 
treaty  of  "  Konondaigus,"  (Nov.  1794,)  8o<rgoot^(mtkem ;  lo  that  of  BumoCreiik, 
(June,  1803,)  Soogoo^muUau ;  to  that  of  Moscow.  (Sept.  1823,)  Sagouela.  ,  ll  is 
said  to  siguily  "  One  who  keep*  tnovke,''  or  simply,  Keeper ^aocJce. 

7* 


■Hf^WT?!'' 


7B 


REIKIACKET. 


[DooK  V, 


travuDpr  {tOMied  near  his  pUee  of  residence,  wbo  would  not  go  out  of  h» 
W4IV  to  flee  iliis  woiidcrAil  man,  uid  to  hear  bw  profound  obwrvatioM. 

In  tho  year  I8U5,  a  council  were  held  at  Bwflklo,  in  the  itate  of  New 
York,  at  whicli  were  praaent  manv  of  the  Seneca  chieft  and  warrions  aa- 
aenibled  at  the  requeat  of  a  niiaaranarv,  Mr.  Om,  fh>m  Maaaachuaetta. 
It  waa  at  thia  time  that  Rad-jatkel  delivered  hie  nmoua  apeech,  about 
which  M>  much  liaa  been  aaid  and  written,  and  which  we  propoae  to  pre 
here  at  length,  and  corrttU^  aa  aome  oiniaHona  ami  errora  were  contained 
in  it  aa  puUiahed  at  tlie  ome.  It  may  be  taken  aa  genuine,  at  least  aa 
nearly  m  aa  the  Indian  languaga  can  he  tranakted,  in  which  it  waa  deliv- 
ered, fur  Rtd-Mukd  woukl  not  speak  in  .Engliah,  although  he  understood 
it.  The  niimionarr  first  made  a  apeech  to  the  Indiana,  in  which  he  ex- 
plained the  object  ror  which  he  bad  calknl  t!iem  together;  namely,  to  in- 
form them  that  he  waa  aent  ^  the  miasionary  society  of  Boston  to  instruct 
them  "tiow  to  worship  the  OtmI  SjpMt^  and  not  to  get  away  their  landa 
and  money  ;  that  there  waa  but  one  religion,  and  unloa  they  embraced  it 
they  could  not  be  liappy ;  that  they  had  lived  in  daricnesa  and  great  er- 
rors all  tlieir  livra;  he  wiahed  that,  if  they  had  any  objectioua  to  his  reli- 
gion, they  would  sute  them ;  that  he  had  visited  some  smaller  tribes,  who 
waited  their  decision  liefbre  they  woukl  consent  to  receive  him,  as  they 
were  their  "older  lirotheia.** 

After  the  missionary  had  done  speaking,  the  Indiana  conferred  together 
about  two  houra,  by  themaelvea,  when  they  gave  an  answer  by  Rid- 
JaclKt,  which  follows: — 

"  fYUnd  and  ftrolker,  it  was  the  will  of  the  Great  Spirit  that  we  should 
meet  together  this  day.  He  orders  all  things,  and  he  has  given  us  a  fine 
day  for  our  counciL  He  has  taken  hki  gvment  drota  before  the  sun,  and 
caused  it  to  shine  with  brightneaa  upon  ua ;  our  eyea  are  opened,  that  we 
aee  clearly;  our  ears  are  unatoppeo,  that  we  have  been  able  to  hear  dis- 
tinctly the  words  that  you  have  spoken ;  for  all  theae  fovora  we  thank  the 
Oi«at  Spirit,  and  him  only. 

**  Brothtr,  this  council  fire  vraa  kindled  by  you ;  it  waa  at  your  request 
that  we  came  together  at  thia  time ;  we  have  listened  with  attention  to 
what  you  have  aaid ;  you  requested  us  to  apeak  our  minds  fieely ;  this 
gives  us  great  joy,  for  we  now  consider  that  we  stand  upright  before  you, 
and  can  speak  what  we  think ;  all  have  hevd  your  voice,  and  all  speak  to 
you  as  one  nun ;  our  minds  are  agreed. 

'*  Bnther,  you  say  you  want  an  answer  to  your  talk  before  you  leave 
thia  place.  It  is  right  you  should  have  one,  aa  you  are  a  neat  dimance 
ftom  home,  and  we  <lo  not  wiah  to  detain  you ;  but  we  will  first  look  back 
a  little,  and  tell  yen  what  our  fiithera  have  told  ufs  and  what  we  have 
l^eard  from  the  whitn  people. 

**  Brother,  listen  to  tffiUif  tee  wry.  There  was  a  time  when  our  forefiithers . 
owned  this  great  island.*  Their  seata  extoided  firora  the  riaing  to  the 
setting  snn.  The  Great  Spirit  had  made  it  for  the  uae  of  Indians.  He 
had  created  the  buffalo,  the  deer,  and  other  animals  for  food.  He  made 
the  lyear,  and  the  beaver,  and  their  skina  served  us  for  clothing.  He  had 
scattered  them  over  the  country,  and  taught  us  how  to  take  them.  He 
had  caused  the  earth  to  produce  com  for  Iwead.  All  this  he  had  done  for 
his  red  children  because  he  loved  them.  If  we  had  any  dispute  about 
hunting  grounds,  they  were  generally  settled  without  the  sheddinff  of 
much  blood :  but  an  evil  day  came  upon  us ;  your  forefiithers  crossed  the 

![reat  waters,  and  landed  on  this  island.  Their  numbers  were  small ;  they 
ound  firionds,  and  not  enemies ;  they  told  us  they  had  fled  finm  their  own 
country  for  fear  of  wicked  men,  and  come  here  to  eqjoy  their  religion. 

*  A  general  ojmiioa  amoag  all  the  ladiaas  tint  this  tvMry  wu  an  iilaad. 


h'  im- 


(DooK  V. 

>  OIK  of  bii 
rvationa. 
Its  of  New 
ruTiorsMk 
MMbuwttt. 
B«ch,  about 
NMW  to|[iTe 
B  contaiMd 
at  leaat  aa 
:  was  deliv- 
undcratood 
liich  be  ex- 
nel^,  to  in- 
ito  inatruet 
their  landa 
mbraced  it 
d  great  er- 
to  his  reli- 
tribea,  who 
m,  as  they 

ed  together 
T  by  Rtdr 

we  should 
m  us  a  fine 
le  sun,  and 
ed,  that  we 
to  bear  dis- 
)  thank  the 

»ur  request 
ittention  to 
ireely;  this 
lefbre  you, 
ill  speak  to 

you  leave 

It  diMance 

look  back 

at  we  have 

fbrefiithers , 

ing  to  the 

liana.    He 

He  made 

He  had 

them.    He 

id  done  for 

ut#B  about 

eddiuff  of 

rossed  the 

mall;  they 

their  own 

ir  religion. 

■lud. 


Caxr.  VI.) 


REIWACKET. 


They  asked  for  a  smrM  seat ;  we  took  pity  on  thoin,  granted  ilieir  request, 
and  they  snt  down  amongst  us ;  we  gave  iheni  corn  and  meal ;  they  gave 
OS  [loimn*  in  return.  The  white  |ieoph9  had  now  found  our  ciiuntry, 
tidings  were  curried  back,  and  more  came  amongst  us ;  yet  we  did  not 
fear  them,  we  took  them  to  be  fViends ;  they  called  ua  bruthers ;  we  be- 
lieved them,  and  gave  iliem  a  larger  seat.  At  length,  their  nuinliers  had 
greatly  incrnased;  they  wanted  more  kind;  they  wanted  our  country. 
Our  eyes  were  opened,  and  our  minds  liecame  uneasy.  Ware  took  place; 
Indians  weri^  hired  to  fight  against  Indians,  and  many  of  our  |ieople  were 
destroyed.  They  also  brought  strong  liquors  among  us :  it  waa  strong  and 
|K>werful,  and  has  slain  thousands. 

"  Bntli*T,  our  seats  were  once  large,  and  yours  were  very  small ;  you 
have  now  hnnome  a  great  people,  and  wo  have  scarcely  a  place  lett  to 
spread  our  blankets  ;  you  have  got  our  country,  but  are  not  satisfied ;  yarn 
totttit  to  force  tfour  rtligimi  upon  iw. 

**  Brother,  continue  R>  liatm.  You  say  that  you  are  sent  to  instruct  us 
how  to  worship  the  Oreai  Snir^  agreeably  to  his  mind,  and  if  we  do  not 
tnko  hold  of  ilio  religion  which  you  white  people  teach,  we  sliull  be  un- 
happy hereafter ;  you  say  that  you  are  right,  and  we  are  lost ;  how  do  we 
know  this  to  lie  true  ?  We  understand  that  your  religion  is  written  in  a 
book ;  if  it  was  intended  for  us  as  well  as  yon,  why  has  not  the  Great 
Spirit  given  it  to  us,  and  not  only  to  ua,  but  why  did  he  not  sive  to  our 
forefnthers  the  knowledge  of  that  Iraok,  with  the  means  of  understanding 
it  rightly  ?  Wo  only  know  wlial  you  tell  us  about  it ;  how  shall  we  know 
when  to  believe,  being  so  often  deceived  by  the  white  |teople  ? 

"  Brother,  you  say  there  is  but  one  way  to  worship  and  serve  the  Great 
Spirit ;  if  there  is  but  one  religion,  why  do  you  Mhiie  |ieopk;  difler  so 
much  about  it  ?  why  not  all  agree,  as  you  can  all  read  the  book  ? 

"  Brother,  we  do  not  understand  these  things ;  we  are  told  that  your  re- 
ligion wna  given  to  your  forefathera,  and  has  been  handed  down  from 
father  to  son.  We  also  have  a  religiou  which  was  given  to  our  forafk- 
tliers,  and  has  been  handed  down  to  us  their  childrt- n.  We  worship  that 
way.  R  tecKh^h  us  to  be  thankful  for  all  thefavon  we  receive ;  to  luoe  laeh 
other,  and  to  be  united ;  we  never  quarrel  about  religion. 

"  Bnthtr,  the  Great  Spirit  has  made  us  all ;  but  he  bos  maile  a  great 
differoncR  between  his  white  and  red  children  ;  he  has  given  us  a  differ- 
ent complexion,  and  ctifthrent  customs;  to  you  he  has  given  the  arts ;  to 
these  he  has  not  optmod  our  eyes;  we  know  these  things  to  bo  true.  Since 
he  has  made  so  great  a  difference  between  us  in  other  thin^G,  why  may 
we  not  conclude  that  he  has  given  us  a  different  religion  according  to  our 
understanding ;  the  Great  Spirit  does  right ;  he  knows  what  is  t)est  (or  bis 
children  ;  we  are  satisfied. 

"  Brotlver,  we  do  not  wish  to  destroy  your  religion,  or  take  it  from  you  •, 
wo  ouly  want  to  enjoy  our  own. 

"  Brother,  you  say  you  have  not  come  to  got  our  land  or  our  money,  but 
to  enlighten  our  minds.  1  will  now  tell  you  that  I  have  \\ccu  at  your 
irsetings,  and  saw  you  collecting  money  from  the  meetiii<r.  T  cannot  tell 
what  this  money  was  intended  for,  but  suppose  it  wiis  for  your  minister, 
and  if  we  should  conform  to  your  way  of  thinking,  perhaps  you  m.iy  want 
some  from  us. 

'•  Brother,  we  are  told  that  you  have  been  proacliinfr  to  white  people  in 
this  place ;  these  people  are  our  neighbors ;  we  are  uc(]uainted  with  them, 
wo  will  wait  a  little  while  and  see  what  effect  yniir  preaching  hits  upon 
them.  If  we  find  it  does  them  good,  makes  them  honest,  nrid  less  dis- 
posed to  cheat  Indians,  we  will  then  consider  again  what  you  have  said. 


*  Spirituoiu  liquor  is  alluded  to,  it  is  supposed. 


REIWACKET. 


(Boog  V. 


f»j* 


"  Brother,  you  have  now  heard  our  aiwwer  to  your  ulk,  wmI  this  u  all 
we  have  to  ny  at  preaent.  Am  we  are  going  to  part,  we  will  come  and 
take  you  liy  the  l«nd,  atid  hope  the  Great  Spirit  will  protect  you  on  your 
journey,  and  return  vou  tutfe  to  your  fVienda." 

In  one  version  ot  thin  npeech  we  find  the  following  paange,  which, 
though  very  well  agreeing  with  Red-jaekefi  Mntinienia,  we  cannot  aver  to 
be  genuine.  It  may  be  mentioned,  that  the  Indiana  cannot  well  conceive 
how  they  have  any  participation  in  the  guilt  of  the  crucifixion  ;  inasmuch 
OS  tiiey  do  not  believe  tbomselvea  of  the  same  origin  as  the  whites;  and 
there  being  no  dispute  Imt  that  they  committed  that  act.  What  our  chief 
is  reiiorted  to  have  said  is  as  follows : — 

_ "  BnUur,  if  you  while  mm  murdered  the  Son  qf  the  Great  Spirit,  we  In- 
diana had  noihinff  to  i!o  with  it,  and  it  is  none  qf  our  qffair.  \f  he  had 
eome  amonff  us,  we  would  not  have  kitted  him ;  we  would  have  treated  him 
well.     You  must  make  ammj4ffor  that  crime  yourse/vet." 

The  chiefs  nnd  others  tlNVf-drew  near  the  missionary  to  take  him  by  the 
hand ;  but  lie  would  not  revive  them,  and  haiMily  ruing  from  his  seat, 
said,  **  tfast  there  wiis  no  felbwship  between  the  religion  of  God  and  the 
works  of  the  Devil,  and,  therefore,  could  not  join  hands  with  them." 
Upon  this  being  interpreted  to  theui,  "  they  smiled,  and  retired  in  a  peace- 
able manner." 

Red-jacket  took  part  with  the  Americans  in  the  war  of  1812,  but  was 
not  distinguished  for  that  proiligality  of  lite  which  mark  d  the  charac* 
ter  of  Tkcumteh,  and  many  others,  but,  on  all  occasions,  was  cool  and 
collected.  He  had  become  attached  to  Col.  SneUing  during  the  war,  and 
when  he  heard  that  that  oflicer  was  ordered  to  »  distant  station,  he  went 
to  take  his  fiimwell  of  him.    At  that  interview,  b«  said, 

"  Brother,  I  hear  you  are  going  to  a  place  ctdled  Governor's  Island.  1 
hope  you  wUl  be  a  governor  your$e{f.  I  undentand  that  you  white  people 
thmk  children  a  bMting.  I  hope  you  may  have  a  thousand.  And,  oMve 
aU,  I  hope,  wherever  you  go,  you  may  never  find  whiskey  more  Oum  two  shU- 
Ungs  a  quart."* 

Orend  Island,  in  Niagara  River,  just  above  the  famous  Niagara  Falls,  is 
owned  by  the  Scnecas.  When  it  was  rumored  that  the  Britisn  had  token 
possession  of  it,  in  their  lunt  wur  with  the  Americans,  Red-jacket  assem- 
bled hia  people,  to  coiiRiilt  with  Mr.  Granger,  their  ogent.  AAer  having 
stated  to  him  the  infonnation,  the  old  chief  made  the  following  prpfound 
speech : — 

"  Brother,  you  have  told  us  that  we  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  war  that  has 
taken  place  between  you  and  the  British.  But  we  find  the  war  has  conu  to 
our  doors.  Our  property  ii  taken  possession  qf  by  the  British  and  their  In- 
dian friends.  It  is  necessary  now  for  us  to  take  up  the  business,  defend  our 
property,  and  drive  the  enemy  from  it.  j/"  we  sit  stUl  upon  our  seats,  and 
take  no  ineans  of  redress,  the  British  {according  to  the  customs  of  you  white 
people)  toill  hold  it  by  conquest.  And  should  you  conquer  the  danculas,  you 
will  claim  it  upon  the  same  principles,  as  [though]  coiujueredfrom  the  Brit- 
ish. We,  tlierefore,  rcifuest  permusion  to  go  toitn  our  warriors,  and  dr  ve 
of  those  bad  people,  and  take  possession  of  our  lands."  Whereupon,  sucii 
of  the  Scnecas  aa  hud  un  inclination,  were  jjermitted  to  join  the  American 
iirmy. 

Gi>v.  Ds  JVitl  Clinton,  in  hia  most  valuable  discourse  before  the  Histor- 
ical Society  of  New  York,  thus  notices  Red-jacket : — "Within  a  few  yean, 
an  cximoitlinMry  orutor  iins  risen  among  the  Senecas ;  his  real  name  is 
Saguoaha,  Witliout  the  advantages  of  iUustrioua  descent,  and  with  no  ex- 
traordinary talcDts  for  war,  ho  has  attained  the  first  distinctions  in  the  na- 


•"i':^ 


N.  E.  Oaluy,  13  July,  1833. 


Cii*r.  VI.] 


REIKIACKBT. 


81 


tion  by  the  fbree  or  liia  eloquence."  Red-iatkd  havinf,  by  ■ome  meana, 
Inst  the  confidence  of  hie  countrymen,  in  onler,  u  it  is  reported,  lu  rotrieTe  it 
again,  prevailed  upon  hia  brother  to  announce  himaelf  a  prophet,  comiiii*- 
Hioned  liy  the  Great  Spirit  to  redeem  the  tniaerahle  condition  of  hia  country- 
niun.  It  required  nothing  but  an  adroit  an<!  akiHbl  reaaoner  to  permiade  the 
ignorant  multitude,  given  to  the  gmaaeat  auperatiiion,  of  bin  infhllihiliiy  in 
the  pretended  art  or  myatery.  If  good  ever  canK  out  of  evil,  it  did  at  thb 
time.  The  Onondagaa  were,  at  that  period,  the  mo'jt  drunken  and  profligate 
of  oil  the  Iroquoia.  They  were  now  ao  fiir  prevailed  upon  aa  almost  entirely 
to  abstain  from  ardent  apiriia,  became  aober  and  induatrioua,  and  obaerved 
and  respected  the  laws  of  morality.  This  good  effect  was  not  confined  to 
the  Onondagns,  but  shed  its  benign  influence  through  the  nations  adjacent. 
But  as  thia  reform  was  begun  in  hypocrisy,  it  neoeasarilv  ended  with  its 
hypocritical  author.  The  greatem  check,  perhaps,  which  can  be  thrown 
in  the  way  of  imposture,  is  its  own  exposition.  In  this  case,  like  witch- 
craA  among  us  in  former  times,  it  was  stayed  bv  its  own  operations.  Ma- 
ny were  denounced  as  witches,  and  some  would  have  been  executed  but 
for  the  interference  of  their  white  neighbora.  Red-jacket  was  denounced 
in  a  great  council  of  Indians,  held  at  Buflalo  Creek,  aa  the  chief  author 
of  their  troubles.  He  was  accordingly  brought  to  trial,  and  hia  eloquence 
saved  his  life,  and  greatly  increased  his  reputation.  Hia  defence  was  near 
three  hours  long.  And,  in  the  language  of  Governor  Clinton,  "  tlie  iron 
brow  of  su|ier8tition  relented  under  the  magic  of  his  eloquence :  he  de- 
clared the  prophet  [his  brother]  an  impostor  and  a  cheat ;  he  prevailed ; 
the  Indiana  divided,  and  a  small  majority  appeared  in  hia  fkvor.  Perhan 
the  annala  of  history  cannot  furnish  a  more  conspicuoua  instance  of  tne 
triumph  and  power  of  oratory,  in  a  barbarous  nation,  devoted  to  supersd- 
tion,nnd  looking  up  to  the  accuser  as  a  delegated  minister  of  the  Almighty. 
I  am  well  aware  that  the  speech  of  Logan  will  be  triumpbantiv  quoted 
against  me ;  and  that  it  will  l)e  said,  that  the  moat  splendid  exhibition  of 
Indian  eloquence  may  be  found  out  of  the  pale  of  the  Six  Nations.  I  fuUr 
subscribe  to  the  u-^'ogium  of  Mr.  Jefferaon,  when  he  says,  '  1  may  chal- 
lenge the  whole  orations  of  DemoatKenet  and  Cicero,  and  of  any  more  em- 
inent orator,  if  Euroiie  has  Aimished  mora  eminent,  to  produce  a  single 
passage  superior  to  tne  s|ieech  of  Logan.*  But  let  it  be  remembered  that 
XiMran  was  a  Mingo  chief,"  that  is,  an  Iroquois. 

The  time  is  not  far  diatant,  if  not  already  arrived,  when  the  name  of 
Red-jacket  will  be  heard,  in  the  most  august  aaeemblies,  to  give  weight  to 
the  mightiest  efforts  of  eloquence.  In  the  debate  on  the  Indian  bill,  in 
1830,  in  Congress,  Mr.  Crockett,  of  Tennessee,  said, « I  am  forcibly  re- 
minded of  the  remark  made  by  the  famous  Red-Jacket,  in  the  rotunda  of 
diia  building,  when  he  was  shown  the  pannel  which  represented  in  sculp- 
ture the  first  landing  of  the  Pilgrims,  with  an  Indian  chief  preaenting  to 
them  an  ear  of  corn,  in  token  of  friendly  welcome.  The  aged  Indian 
said,  '  TVuU  toot  good.*  He  said  he  knew  they  came  from  the  Great 
Spirit,  and  be  was  willing  to  share  the  soil  with  his  brothers.  But  when 
he  turned  round  to  view  another  pannel,  representing  Penn'«  treaty,  he 
said,  *M!  aWa  gone  now.*    There  was  a  great  deal  of  truth  in  this  short 


« 


Nothing  seems  more  to  have  troubled  the  peace  of  Redjaeket  than  the 
Intrusion  of  missionaries  among  his  people.  With  the  merits  or  demerits 
of  the  manner  in  which  particular  creeds  have  been  foreed  upon  the  In- 
dians in  general,  we  have  nothing  to  do,  but  we  will  refer  the  reader  to 
Mr.  Bwhman*a  Sketches,*  where,  in  our  opinion,  every  ^^tarian  will 
glean  some  useAtl  hints  upon  that  head. 


•Vol.i.dwp.ix. 


83 


REIWACK£T. 


[Book  V. 


Bed-jadui  and  his  council,  in  1831,  made  a  formal  complaint  to  the  gov- 
ernor of  New  York,  of  the  arbitrary  conduct  of  acme  teachers  among  his 
people,  and  of  their  undue  influence  generally.  Considering  it  to  con- 
tain a  moat  important  and  valuable  piece  of  information,  we  will  give  it 
entire : — 

"  Brother  Parish,  I  address  myself  to  you,  and  through  you  to  the  gov- 
ernor. The  chiefs  of  Onondaga  have  accompanied  you  to  Albany,  to  do 
business  with  the  governor ;  I  also  was  to  have  been  with  you,  but  I  am 
sorry  to  sav  that  luid  health  has  put  it  out  of  my  power.  For  this  you 
must  not  think  hard  of  me.  I  am  not  to  blame  for  it.  It  is  the  will  of  the 
Great  Spirit  that  ii  should  be  so.  The  object  of  the  Onoitdagas  is  to  pur- 
chase our  lands  at  Tonuewanta.  This  and  f>ii  other  business  that  they 
may  have  to  do  at  Albany,  must  be  transacted  in  the  presence  of  the  gov- 
ernor. He  will  see  that  the  bargain  is  fairly  made,  so  that  all  parties  may 
have  reason  to  be  satisfied  with  what  shall  be  done ;  and  when  our  sanc- 
tion shall  be  wanted  to  the  transaction,  it  will  be  freely  given.  I  much 
regret  that,  at  this  time,  the  state  of  m;^  health  should  have  prevented  me 
from  accompanying  you  to  Albany,  as  it  was  the  wish  of  the  nation  that  I 
should  state  to  the  governor  some  circumstances  which  show  that  the 
chain  of  friendship  between  us  and  the  white  people  is  wearing  out,  and 
wants  brightening.  I  proceed  now,  however,  to  lay  them  before  you  by 
letter,  that  you  may  mention  them  to  the  governor,  and  solicit  redress.  He 
is  appointed  to  do  justice  to  all,  and  the  Indians  fully  confide  that  he  will 
not  suffer  them  to  be  wronged  with  impunity.  The  first  subject  to  which 
we  would  c«ll  the  attention  of  the  governor,  is  the  depredations  that  are 
daily  committed  by  the  white  people  upon  the  roost  valuable  timber  on 
our  reservations.  This  has  been  a  subject  of  complaint  with  us  for  many 
years;  but  now,  and  pardcularly  at  this  season  of  the  year,  it  has  become 
an  alarming  evil,  and  calls  for  the  immediate  interposition  of  the  govern- 
or in  our  behalf.  Our  next  subject  of  complaint  is,  the  frequent  thefts 
of  our  horses  and  cattle  by  the  wlute  people,  and  their  habit  of  taking  and 
using  them  whenever  they  please,  and  without  our  leave.  These  are  evils 
which  seem  to  increase  upon  us  with  the  increase  of  our  white  neighbors, 
and  they  call  loudly  for  redress.  Another  evil  arising  from  the  pressure 
of  the  whites  upon  us,  and  our  unavoidable  communication  with  them,  is 
the  frequency  with  which  our  chiefs,  and  warriors,  and  Indians,  are  thrown 
into  jail,  and  that,  too,  for  the  most  trifling  causes  This  is  veiy  galling  to 
our  roelings,  and  ought  not  to  be  permittM  to  the  extent  to  which,  to  grat- 
ify their  Imd  passions,  our  white  neighbors  now  carry  this  practice.  In 
our  hunting  and  fishing,  too,  we  are  greatly  interrupted  by  the  whites. 
Our  venison  is  stolen  from  the  trees,  where  we  have  hung  it  to  be  re- 
claimed after  the  chase.  Our  hunting  camps  have  been  fired  into,  and  we 
have  been  warned  that  we  shall  no  longer  be  permitted  to  pursue  the  deer 
in  those  fi>reBt8  which  were  so  lately  all  our  own.  Tjie  fish,  which,  in  the 
Buftalo  and  Tonnewanta  Creeks,  used  to  supply  tis  with  food,  are  now, 
by  the  dams  and  other  obstructions  of  the  white  people,  prevented  from 
multiplying,  and  we  are  almost  eutirely  deprived  of  that  accustomed  sus- 
tenance. Our  great  father,  the  president,  has  recommended  to  our  young 
men  to  be  industrious,  to  plough  and  to  sow.  This  we  have  done,  and 
we  are  thankful  for  the  advice,  and  for  the  means  he  has  afforded  us  of 
carrying  it  into  efliect.  We  are  happier  in  consequence  of  it.  But  anotktr 
thing  recommended  to  us,  haa  created  grtat  confusion  among  ua,  and  is  mak- 
ing ua  a  iptarrdaome  and  divided  people ;  and  that  is,  the  irUroduction  qf 
preachers  tnto  our  nation.  These  olack  coats  contrive  to  get  the  consent 
of  some  of  the  Indians  to  preach  among  us,  and  wherever  wis  is  the  ease, 
confusion  and  disorder  are  sure  to  follow,  and  the  encroachments  of  the 
whites  upon  our  lands  are  the  invariable  consequence.     The  governor 


[Boos  V. 

to  the  gov- 
among  his 
;  it  to  con- 
will  give  it 

to  the  gov- 
bany,  to  do 
,  but  I  am 
Dr  this  you 
will  ofthe 
k8  is  to  pur- 
I  that  they 
ofthe  gov- 
[Hirtiea  may 
1  our  aanc- 
I.  I  much 
evented  me 
ation  that  I 
w  that  the 
]g  out,  and 
i>re  you  by 
ledrese.  He 
hat  he  will 
otto  which 
ma  that  are 
timb&r  on 
IS  for  many 
lias  become 
he  govern- 
uent  thefta 
'taking  and 
ise  are  evils 
neighbors, 
le  pressure 
itb  them,  is 
are  thrown 
f  galling  to 
icn,to  grat- 
aciico.  In 
the  whites, 
t  to  be  re- 
nte, and  we 
lue  the  deer 
hich,  in  the 
1,  are  now, 
ented  from 
itomed  8U8- 
our  younff 
done,  and 
rded  us  of 
But  anoOur 
If ui  is  mak- 
oduction  ^f 
the  consent 
is  the  ease, 
lents  of  the 
e  governor 


CBAr-  VI.] 


RED-JACKET. 


must  not  think  hard  of  me  for  speaking  thus  of  the  preachenk  I  have 
observed  their  progress,  and  when  I  look  back  to  see  what  has  taken 
pkire  of  old,  I  perceive  that  whenever  they  come  among  the  Indians,  the^ 
were  tho  forerunners  of  their  dispersion ;  that  they  always  excited  ennu- 
ties  and  ouarrels  among  them ;  that  they  introduced  the  white  people  on 
their  lanoa,  by  whom  they  were  robbed  and  plundered  of  their  property ; 
and  that  the  Indians  were  sure  to  dwindle  and  decrease,  and  oe  driven 
back,  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  preachers  that  came  among  them. 
Each  nation  has  its  own  customs  and  its  own  religion.  The  Indiana  have 
theirs,  given  to  them  by  the  Great  Spirit,  under  which  they  were  happy. 
It  was  not  intended  that  they  shoula  embrace  the  religion  of  the  whites, 
and  be  destroyed  by  the  attempt  to  make  them  think  differently  on  that 
subject  from  their  fathers.*  It  is  true,  these  preachers  have  got  the  con- 
sent of  some  of  the  chiefs  to  stay  and  preach  among  us,  but  I  and  my 
friends  know  this  to  be  wrons,  and  that  they  ought  to  be  removed ;  be- 
sides, we  have  been  threatened  by  Mr.  Hydt^  who  came  among  us  as  a 
school-master  and  a  teacher  of  our  chiidren,  Imt  hao  now  become  u  black 
coat,  and  refused  to  teach  them  any  more,  that  unless  we  listen  to  his 
preaching  and  become  Ciiristians,  we  will  be  turned  off  our  lands.  We 
wish  to  know  from  the  governor  if  this  is  to  \\c.  so,  and  if  he  has  no  right 
to  say  so,  we  think  Ae  ought  to  be  turned  off  our  lauds,  and  not  allowed 
to  plague  us  any  more.  We  shall  neves'  bo  at  peace  while  ho  is  among  us. 
'  Let  them  be  removed,  and  we  will  be  happy  and  contented  among  our- 
selves. We  now  cry  to  the  governor  for  help,  and  hope  that  he  will  at- 
tend to  our  complaints,  and  s{>eedily  give  us  redress. 

Red-jacket." 

"This  letter  was  dictated  by  Red-jacket,  and  intcrpretefl  by  Henry 
ObeeU,]  in  the  presence  of  the  following  Indians :  Red-jacket's  son,  Corn- 
planter,  Jokn-cobb,  Peter,  Young-kinga-brother,  Tom-tlui-infarU,  [Onnong- 
gaiheko,]  Blue-sky,  \Towyocauna,]  John-sky,  Jemmy-johnson,  Marcus,  Big- 
fire,  Caplain-jemmy. 

The  success  this  petition  met  with,  it  is  presumed,  was  full  and  satis- 
fkctory  to  him,  in  respect  to  one  particular ;  for  no  ministers  are  now  ad- 
mitted upon  the  reservation. 

In  the  spring  of  1831,  a  man  of  Red-jackeVs  tribe  fell  into  a  loiiguish- 
ment  and  died.  His  complaint  was  unknown,  and  some  circumstances  ' 
attended  his  illness  which  caused  his  friends  to  believe  that  ho  was  be- 
witched. The  woman  that  attended  him  was  fixed  upon  iis  the  witch,  and 
by  the  law,  or  oistom,  of  the  nation,  she  was  doorficd  to  suffer  death.  A 
chief  by  the  name  of  Tom-jemmy,  called  by  his  owii  peof>le  Soo-nong-gise, 
executed  the  decree  by  cutting  her  tiiroat.  The  Aimh-icanH  took  up  the 
matter,  seiiijd  Thm-jem,mf,mul  tlimwliini  into  prison.!  Some  time  after, 
when  his  trial  came  on, Red-jacket  appeared  in  court  iis  an  cvideiico.  Tho 
counsel  for  the  prisoner  denied  that  the  court  had  any  jurisdiftion  over 
the  case,  and  after  it  was  carried  thron£!;h  throe  teriuH,  Soo-noytp^-gine  was 
finally  cleared.  Red-jacket  ami  the  other  witnesses  testified  that  the  wo- 
man was  a  witch,  and  that  she  had  been  tried,  condemned  nnd  executed 
in  pursuance  of  their  laws,  which  had  been  established  from  lime  imme- 
morial ;  long  before  the  English  came  into  the  countiy.  The  witch  doc- 
trine of  the  Senecas  was  much  ridiculed  by  some  of  the  Americans,  to 
which  Red-jacket  thuc  aptly  alludes  in  a  speech  which  he  made  while  upon 
the  stand : — 

*  A  happy  illustralion  nf  tho  force  of  cdiiraiion. 

t  Son  or  Coiitplanter,  or  Corn-plant, 

I  Information  of  n  genlletnaii  (  W.  J.  Snelling,  Esq.)  wl,n  wns  on  llio  spot,  and  sfcw 
him  brouriil  lo  Buflalo.  This  was  the  next  day  after  llio  murder,  nnd  the  blood  wa* 
yet  upon  nis  handt. 


REIMACKET. 


[Book  V. 


"  fFhat !  do  you  denomue  ti«  aa/ooU  and  bif^,  beeauie  tee  ttill  continw 
to  believe  that  tehieh  you  yourarlvea  aedulou$ly  tnailcaled  tteo  eenhiritt  ago  f 
Your  dhrinu  have  thundered  Una  doctrine  from  the  pulpii,  yourjudrea  have 
firmunmced  it  from  the  bench,  your  courta  of  juatice  have  aemdionedit  toiih 
theformalitiea  of  law,  and  you  would  now  pumiah  our  unfortunate  brother  far 
adkerenee  to  the  auperatitiona  of  hia  fathero!  Go  to  Salem!  Look  at  the 
reeorda  o^  vour  govemmeni,  and  you  will  find  hundreda  exceeded  for  (he  very 
crime  which  has  coiled  forth  the  aentenee  qf  condemnation  upon  thia  woman, 
and  drawn  down  the  arm  of  vengeance  upon  her.  fVhatlutve  our  broUiera 
done  nwre  than  the  ruUra  of  your  people  have  done  ?  atui  what  crime  haathia 
man  committed  by  executing,  in  a  aummaru  torn/,  the  latoa  of  hia  country,  and 
the  injunetiona  qfhia  Godf"  Before  Rea-jaeket  was  admitted  to  give  evi- 
dence in  the  case,  he  was  asked  if  ho  believed  in  future  rewards  and  pun- 
ishments, and  the  existence  of  God.  With  a  piercing  look  into  the  face 
of  his  interrogator,  and  with  no  little  indignation  of  expresaiot^,  he  re- 
plied: "  Yea!  Much  more  than  the  white  men,  \f  we  are  to  judge  by  their 
aetiona."  Ufion  the  appeanmce  of  Red-jacket  upon  this  occasion,  one  ob- 
serves :  "  There  is  not,  perhaps,  ^n  nature,  a  more  expressive  eye  than 
that  of  Red-jarket ;  when  fired  by  indignation  or  revenge,  it  is  terrible ; 
and  when  he  chooses  to  display  his  unrivalled  talent  fur  irony,  his  keen 
sarcastic  glance  is  irresistible."* 

When  licUaytite,  in  1825,  was  at  Buffalo,  among  the  persone  of  distinc- 
tion who  called  upon  him,  was  Red-jacket.  Of  tne  old  chief,  M.  Levaa- 
aeur  observes  :f  This  extraordinary  man,  although  much  worn  down  by 
time  and  intemperance,  preserves  yet,  in  a  surprising  degree,  the  exercise 
of  all  his  faculties.  He  had  ever  ramembered  Lcfayette  since  1784,  at 
which  time  he,  witli  others,  met  a  great  council  of  alt  the  Indian  nations 
at  Fort  Schuyler,  when  the  interest  of  all  those  nations,  friends  and  ene- 
mies, was  regulated  with  the  United  States,  ^'e  asked  the  general  if  he 
recollected  that  meeting.  He  replied  that  b  lad  not  forgotten  that  great 
event,  and  asked  Red-jacket  if  he  knew  w'  .  had  become  of  the  young 
chief,  who,  in  that  council,  opposed  with  t  ich  eloquence  the  '*  burying 
of  the  tomahawk."  Red^acket  replied,  "  Hi  ia  btfore  you,"  His  speech 
was  a  master-piece,  and  every  warrior  who  heard  him  was  carried  away 
with  his  eloquence.  He  urged  a  continuation  of  the  war  against  the 
Americans,  having  joined  against  them  in  the  revolution.  The  general 
observed  to  him  that  time  had  much  changed  them  since  that  meeting. 
"  Ah !"  said  Red-jacket,  "  time  bos  not  been  so  severe  upon  you  as  it  has 
upon  me.    It  has  left  to  you  a  fresh  countenance,  and  hair  to  cover  your 

head  ;    while  to  me behold !"    and  taking  a  handkerchief 

from  his  head,  with  an  air  of  much  feeling,  showed  his  head,  which  was 
almost  entirely  bald.:( 

At  this  interview,  was  fully  confirmed  what  we  have  before  stated. 
Levaaseur  continues :  Red-jacket  obstinately  refuses  to  speak  any  language 
but  that  of  his  own  country,  and  affects  a  great  dislike  to  uU  others ;  al- 
though it  is  easy  to  discern  ihat  he  perfectly  understands  the  English ; 
and  refused,  nevertheless,  to  re|>ly  to  the  general  before  his  interpreter  had 
translated  his  qut^stions  into  the  Senecn  language.  The  general  npoke  a 
few  words  in  Indi'jn,  which  he  had  learned  in  his  youth,  at  which 


*  Niles's  Weekly  Register,  vol.  xx.  359,  411. 

t  In  his  Lafayette  en  Amirique,  tomo  ii.  437-8. 

X  "  Lea  assistanl3  tu  pwenl  I'empteher  de  tourirt  de  la  timplicUf  de  I'hdien,  qui  tem- 
blait  ignorer  Cart  de  rearer  Us  injwe$  du  tempi ;  mats  on  se  garda  bien  de  d/truire  son 
errtur ;  et  pi'ut-t.tre  fit-on  bien,  car  U  dl/  ptt  confondre  une  pemup/t  avec  une  chet^elure 
stalp^e,  ft  coticeroir  Pid^e  de  regamir  sa  l4ie  uwj:  dt'pens  de  la  tSte  d'w/ie  de  ses  voisons." 
Ibid,  This  pleosivilry  ofMonn.  Ltvasseur  would  beUer  hove  suited  the  dge  of  the  rev- 
oiutioR  ;  but  cve;i  then  not  so  well  the  character  of  Red-Jacket. 


Obap.  V1.J 


RED-JACKET. 


Red-jacket  was  highly  {Weascd,  and  which  augmented  much  his  hig!i  opin- 
ion of  Lafayette. 

Tiio  autlior  of  the  following  passage  is  unknown  to  us ;  but  prpsuming 
it  to  be  authentic,  we  quote  it.  "  More  tlian  30  years*  have  rolled  away 
since  a  treaty  was  lield  on  the  beautiful  acclivity  that  overlooks  the  Ca- 
nandaiguaf  Lake.  The  witnesses  of  the  scene  will  never  forget  the  pow- 
ers of  native  oratory.  Two  days  hod  passed  away  in  negotiation  with 
the  Indians  for  a  cession  of  their  lands.  The  contract  was  supposed  t9 
be  nearly  completed,  when  Redrjaehet  arose.  With  the  grace  and  dignity 
of  a  Roman  senator,  he  drew  his  blanKet  around  him,  and,  with  a  pierc- 
ing eye,  surveyed  the  cnultitude.  All  was  hushed.  Nothing  interposed 
to  break  the  silence,  save  the  gentle  rustling  of  the  tree  tops,  under  whose 
shade  they  were  gathered.    Afler  a  long  and  polemn,  but  not  unmeaning 

Sause,  he  commenced  his  speech  in  a  low  voice  and  sententious  style, 
lising  gradually  with  the  subject,  he  depicted  the  primitive  simplicity  and 
happiness  of  his  nation,  and  the  wrongs  they  had  sustained  from  the 
usurpations  of  white  men,  with  such  a  bold  but  faithful  pencil,  tlint  every 
auditor  was  soon  roused  to  vengeance,  or  melted  into  (cars.  The  effect 
was  inexpressible.  But  ere  the  emotions  of  admiration  and  symimtliy  bad 
subsided,  the  white  men  became  alarmed.  They  were  in  the  heart  of  an 
Indian  country — surrounded  by  more  than  ten  times  their  num>K>r,  who 
were  inflamed  by  the  remembrance  of  their  injuries,  and  excited  to  indig- 
nation by  the  eloquence  of  a  favorite  chief.  Appalled  and  terrhied,  the 
white  men  cast  a  cheorless  gaze  upon  the  hordes  aroimd  them.  A  nod 
from  (he  chiefs  might  be  the  onset  of  destruction.  At  this  |>ortentouB 
moment.  Farmers-brother  interposed.  He  replied  not  to  his  brotiun-  chief, 
but,  Avith  a  sagacity  truly  aboriginal,  he  caused  a  cessation  of  tlie  council, 
introduced  good  cheer,  commended  the  eloquence  of  Red-jacket,  niid,  be- 
fore the  meeting  had  reassembled,  with  the  aid  of  other  prudent  t-jiiefs,  he 
had  moderated  the  fury  of  his  nation  to  a  mo.e  salutary  review  of  the 
question  before  them.  Suffice  it  to  say,  the  treaty  was  concluded,  and  the 
Western  District,  at  this  day,  owes  no  small  portion  of  its  power  and  influ- 
ence to  the  counsels  of  a  savage,  in  comparison  with  whom  for  genius, 
heroism,  virtue,  or  any  other  quality  tiiat  can  adorn  the  bawble  of  a  dia- 
dem, not  only  George  the  IV.  and  Louis  le  Desiri,  but  the  German  empe- 
ror and  the  czar  of  Muscovy,  alike  dwindle  into  insignificance."  We  can 
add  nothing  to  this  high  encomium. 

Red-jacket  was  of  the  number  who  visited  Philadelphia  in  1792,  as  will 
be  found  mentioned  in  the  account  of  Jaqvelk ;  at  which  time  he  was 
welcotned  by  the  governor  of  Pennsylvaniii  to  that  city,  and  addressed  by 
him,  in  behalf  of  the  commonwealth,  in  the  council  chamber.  The  fol- 
lowing is  the  closing  paragraph  of  the  governor's  speech :  "  Brothers ! 
I  know  the  kindness  with  which  you  treat  the  strangers  that  visit  your 
country;  and  it  is  my  sincere  wish,  that,  when  you  return  io  your  fami- 
lies, you  may  be  able  to  assiuc  them,  that  the  virtues  of  friendship  and 
hospitality  are  also  practised  by  the  citizens  of  Pennsylvania."  He  had 
before  observed  that  the  government  ba«l  furnished  every  thing  to  make 
them  comfortable  during  their  stay  at  Philadelphia.  This  was  upon  the 
38  March,  1792,  and  on  2  April  following,  they  met  again,  when  Red- 
jacket  spoke  in  answer  to  the  governor  as  follows : — 

"B.'other,  Onas^  Governor,  open  unprejudiced  ears  to  what  wc  have  to 


I  copy  it  from  Itliscellanits  telecled/rom  the 
The  lake  received  iu  name 


*  This  writer,  1  conclude,  wrote  in  1822. 
Public  Jotvmals,  by  Mr.  Buckingham. 

t  Siffnifyin;^,  in  the  Seneca  laiiipiaEre,  a  town  itt  off. 
(fom  the  town  upon  its  shore. — Sp'afford's  Oa?,. 

i  Onas  was  tne  name  tlic  Indians  give  William  Perm,  and  they  continue  the  same 
name  to  all  the  governors  of  Pennsylvania. 
8 


m 


RED-JACKET. 


IBookV, 


say.  Some  days  since  yoii  addressed  u»,  and  what  you  said  gave  us  ^eat 
pleosuro.  This  day  the  Great  Spirit  has  allowed  us  to  meet  you  ngain,  in 
this  council  chamber.  We  hope  that  your  not  receiving  an  inmiediate 
answer  tn  your  address,  will  make  no  mproper  impression  upon  your 
mind.  We  mention  this  lest  you  should  suspect  that  your  kind  welcome 
and  friendly  addiress  has  not  had  a  ji'-oper  effect  upon  our  hearts.  We 
assure  you  it  ie  far  otherwise.  In  yr  ir  addrew  to  us  the  other  day,  in 
this  ancient  council  chamber,  where  our  forefathers  have  often  conversed 
together,  several  things  struck  our  attention  very  forcibly.  When  you 
told  us  this  was  the  place  in  which  our  forefathers  often  met  on  peaceable 
terms,  it  gave  us  sunsible  pleasure,  and  more  joy  t}ian  we  could  express. 
Though  we  have  no  writings  like  you,  yet  we  remember  often  to  have 
licard  of  the  friendship  that  existed  between  our  ftthers  and  yours.  The 
picture*  to  which  you  drew  our  attention,  brought  fresh  to  our  minds  the 
iriendly  conferences  that  used  to  be  held  between  the  former  governors 
of  PennHylvania  and  our  tril)C8}  and  showed  the  love  which  your  fore- 
fiUhers  had  of  peace,  and  the  friendly  disposition  of  our  people.  It  is  still 
our  wish,  as  well  as  yours,  to  preserve  peace  between  our  tribes  and  you, 
»ud  it  would  he  well  if  the  same  spirit  existed  among  the  Indians  to  the 
westward,  and  through  every  part  of  the  United  States.  You  porticularly 
expressed  that  you  were  well  ,)l4^aRed  to  find  that  we  differed  in  dis))osi- 
tion  from  the  Indians  westwnwi.  Your  disposition  is  that  for  which  the 
ancient  Onas  Governors  weit>^  :\  inarkable.  As  you  love  peace,  so  do  we 
also;  and  we  wish  it  could  b>  extended  to  the  most  distant  pan  of  this 
great  country.  We  agreed  in  counfil,  this  morning,  that  the  sentiments 
I  have  expressed,  shoulf^  be  coniinnuicated  to  you,  before  the  delegated 
of  the  Five  Nations,  and  to  tell  you  that  your  cordial  welcome  to  this  city, 
and  the  good  sentimen  :s  contained  in  your  address,  have  made  a  deep  im- 
preosion  on  our  hearts,  hjkve  v'iven  us  great  joy,  and  from  the  heart  I  tell  you 
80.    This  is  all  I  have  to  miv," 

When  Red-jack'l  had  iiUMhed,  another  chief,  called  ^gwelondongwas, 
(and  wMnetimes  Good-peler,f)  addressed  the  assembly.  His  speech  is 
much  in  he  style  of  Red-jack"J^s,  and  was  diiefly  a  repetition,  in  other 
words,  of  tt.  It  was  short,  and  contained  this  ]ia&sage:  "What  is  there 
■-Tore  desimlWe  than  that  we,  who  live  within  li<  aringof  each  other,should 
■initc  for  the  common  good  ?  Tliis  is  my  wislu  It  is  the  wish  of  my  na- 
on,  although  I  am  sorry  I  can't  say  so  of  every  individual  in  it;  for 
there  are  differences  of  of)inions  among  us,  as  well  as  among  our  white 
brethren." 

Since  we  have  here  introduced  Domi»ir  Peter,  we  will  so  far  digress  as 
to  relate  what  follows  concerning  him.  He  was  one  of  those  who  took 
part  against  the  Americans  in  the  revolutionary  war,  anj^whrn  hostilities 
commenced,  he  retired  and  joined  the  remote  trllies  towards  Canada.  Col. 
John  Harper  (one  of  the  family  from  wlioin  Harpersfield,  N.  Y.  takfs  its 
name)  was  stationed  at  the  tort  at  Scliorrie,  in  the  statf  of  New  York. 
Early  in  the  spring  of  1777,  in  the  season  of  making  ma|)lc  sugar,  when 
all  were  upon  the  lookout  to  avoid  surprise  by  the  Indians,  Col.  Harper 
left  the  garrison  and  proceeded  through  the  woods  to  Harpersfield; 
thence  by  an  Indian  path  tn  Cherry-valley.  In  his  way,  as  he  was  turn- 
ing the  point  of  a  hill.  In  saw  a  company  of  Indians,  who,  at  the  same 
time,  .saw  him.  He  dared  not  attempt  flight,  as  he  could  expect  no  other 
than  to  be  shot  down  in  such  attempt.  He,  therefore,  determined  to  ad- 
vance and  meet  them  without  discovering  fe.ar.  Concealing  his  regimen- 
tals as  well  as  lie  could  with  his  great  coat,  he  hastened  onward  to  meet 
them.     Before  they  met  him,  he  discovered  tliat  Piter  was  their  chief, 

*A  .iiio  picliire  representing  7Vnn's  Ucaly  wiili  ihe  Indians, 
t  .\ii<l  oflcn  Domint-peter.    2  Coi.  N.  Y.  Hist.  Soc.  74. 


<ve  lis  ^eat 
)U  again,  in 
ininie'Jiate 
upon  your 
id  welcome 
earts.    We 
her  day,  in 
I  conversed 
When  you 
n  peaceable 
lid  express. 
:en  to  have 
ours.    The 
r  minds  the 
r  governors 
I  your  fore- 
B.    It  is  still 
les  and  you, 
dians  to  the 
particularly 
1  in  dis|)osi- 
T  which  the 
!e,  so  do  we 
part  of  this 
3  sentiments 
he  delegated 
I  to  this  city, 
0  a  deep  im- 
art  I  tell  you 

'london<rwas, 
i  speech  is 
an,  in  other 
hat  is  there 
)ther,8hould 
h  of  my  na- 
al  in  it ;  for 
g  our  white 

kr  digress  as 
se  who  took 

n  hostilities 
anada.  Col. 
Y.  takfs  its 

New  York, 
sugar,  when 
Col.  Harper 
larpcrsfield ; 
le  waH  turn- 
at  the  same 
3Ct  no  other 
nined  to  ad- 
lis  regimen- 
ird  to  meet 

their  chief. 


Chap.  VI.] 


FARMERS-BROTHER. 


«?■ 


with  whom  be  bad  formerly  traded  much  at  Oquago,  but  who  dkl  'c  a. 
know  him.  Harper  was  the  first  to  speak,  as  they  met,  and  bis  yv:  f 
were,  "  How  do  you  do,  broUteri  ?"  The  chief  answered,  •♦  fFelL — Howu  > 
you  do,  brother  ?  Hliich  tsmf  an  you  bound?"  .  The  colonel  replied^ "  0/t 
a  nerd  expedition.  And  tohiuh  way  are  you  bound,  brothers  ?"  They  an- 
swered without  hesitation  or  distrust,  thinking,  no  doubt,  they  bad  fallen 
in  with  one  of  the  king's  men,  "  Down  the  Susyuehannah,  to  cut  off  the 
Johnitone  aettlemenL"  This  place,  since  called  Sidney  Plains,  consisted  of 
a  few  Scotch  families,  and  their  minister's  name  was  Johnstone ;  hence 
the  name  of  the  settlement.  The  colouel  next  asked  them  where  they 
lodged  that  night,  and  tliey  told  him,  "  At  the  mouth  of  Scbcneva's  Creek.^ 
After  shaking  hands,  they  separated.  As  soon  as  they  were  out  of  sight. 
Harper  made  a  circuit  through  the  woods  with  all  speed,  and  soon  ar- 
rived at  the  head  of  Charlotte  River,  where  were  several  men  making 
sugar.  This  place  was  about  ten  miles  from  Decatur  Hill,  where  he  met 
the  Indiahs.  He  ordered  them  to  take  each  a  rope  and  provisions  in  their 
packs,  and  assemble  at  Evan's  Place,  where  he  would  soon  meet  them : 
thence  he  returned  to  Harpersfieiil  and  collected  the  men  there,  which, 
including  the  others  and  himself,  made  15,  just  equal  to  Peter's  force. 
When  they  arrived  at  Evan's  Place,  upon  the  Charlotte,  Harper  made 
known  his  project  They  set  off,  and  before  day  the  next  morning,  came 
into  the  neighborhood  of  the  Indians'  camp.  From  a  small  eminence, 
just  at  dawn  of  day,  their  fire  was  seen  burning,  and  Peter,  amidst  bia 
warriors,  lying  upon  the  ground.  All  were  fast  asleep.  Harper  and  big 
companions  each  crept  silently  up,  with  their  ropes  in  their  bands,  maa 
to  man ;  and  each,  standing  in  a  position  to  grasp  his  adversary,  waited  for 
the  word  to  be  given  hv  their  leader.  The  colonel  jogged  his  Indian,  anH, 
as  he  was  waking,  said  to  him,  "  Come,  it  is  time  for  men  of  business  h  he 
on  their  way.'"  This  waffthe  watchword ;  and  no  sooner  was  it  pronounce 
than  each  Indian  felt  the  warm  grasp  of  his  foe.  The  stru^le  was  des- 
perate, though  short,  and  reijultedin  the  capture  of  every  onn  of  the  party. 
When  it  was  sufficiendy  lisbt  to  distinguish  countenances,  "^ftcr,  obssr.- 
ing  Col.  Harper,  said, ''  Ha  7  Col.  Harper!  JVow  I  know  you : — Why  {<»•"■  t 
not  know  you  yesterday  ?"  The  colonel  observed,  "  l&me  />;>.  .y  Ia  r  j»  , 
Peter.^  To  which  Peter  replied,  "  Ah!  me  find  em  so  new"  '^  hesc 
tives  were  marched  to  Albany,  and  delivered  up  to  the  cc . 
cer.    By  this  capital  exploit  no  doubt  many  lives  were  save. 

But  to  return  to  Sagoyewatha. 

We  have  observed  that  he  was  in  the  war  of  1812.  In 
was  particularly  named  as  having  distinguished  himself.  Farmer.'  '■>  oi'ter 
was  bis  eoual  in  command,  and,  with  several  others,  was  ab  honombly 
raentionea.  When  they  resolved  to  take  up  the  hatchet,  >ney  did  not 
wish  to  be  under  the  United  States'  officers,  but  desired  to  retaliate  i:.  their 
own  way  upon  their  invaders.  This,  as  far  as  practicable,  v/as  ac- 
ceded to. 

The  famous  Seneca  chief,  called  the  fhrmet's-brother,  is  often  mention- 
ed in  the  accounts  of  Red-jacket.    His  native  name  whs  fh-vi-ya-wus. 

In  17%,  FartMrs-brother  was  in  Philadelphia,  and  was  amonp  those 
who  attended  the  burial  of  Mv.  Peter  Jaquetle,  and  is  thus  noticed  in  the 
Pennsylvania  Gazette  of  28  March,  of  that  year:  "  On  Mouday  last,  the 
chiefs  and  warriors  of  the  Five  Nations  assembled  at  the  state-house,  and 
were  welcomed  to  the  city  of  Philadelphia  in  an  address  delivered  by  tho 
governor.  Three  of  the  chiefs  made  a  general  acknowledgment  for  ihe 
cordial  reception  which  they  had  experienced,  but  postponed  their  formal 
answer  until  another  opportunity.    The  room  in  which  they  assembled 


* 


ding  oili- 


bstl'e  he 


•  Annals  of  Tryon  Co.  8vr    N.  York,  1831. 


^i 


88 


FARMERS-BROTHER. 


[Book  V 


wm  mentioned  as  the  ancient  eniinril  cliamher,  in  whkh  their  anceaton 
and  ours  had  oAon  niet  to  brighten  tlie  chain  of  friendt4tip ;  and  this  cir- 
ouiiistance,  together  with  the  iHPCsvnrc  of  a  great  part  of  the  heaiity  of  the 
city,  had  an  evident  effect  upon  the  fcelinfp  of  thn  Indiana,  and  aoemcd 
particularly  to  enibarrass  tlie  elocution  ot  the  Fanun-bnUurJ*  This 
MM  clauw  does  not  correspond  with  our  ideas  of  the  great  chiefl 

Through  his  whole  life,  Farwura-inUter  seems  to  have  been  a  peacema- 
ker. In  the  spring  of  the  next  year,  there  was  a  great  council  held  at 
Niagara,  consisting  of  tlie  chiefs  of  a  great  nwuiy  natioiw,  dwelling  upon 
tbe  shores  of  the  western  lakes.  At  this  tinic,  many  king  and  iaborious 
speeches  were  made,  some  ibr  and  oihera  against  the  conduct  of  the  Uni- 
ted States.  Fcprmen-bnther  shone  conspicuous  at  this  time.  His  speech 
was  nearly  three  hours  long,  and  tlie  final  determination  of  the  council 
was  peace.  We  know  of  no  sueeches  being  preserved  at  this  time,  but 
if  there  could  have  been,  doubtleea  much  true  history  might  have  been 
collecteii  from  them.  Ho  seems  not  only  to  have  been  esteemed  by  the 
Americans,  but  also  by  the  Engiisb.* 

Of  Pettr  JaqtuMty  wliom  we  have  several  times  incidentally  raendoned, 
we  will  give  some  account  before  proceeding  with  Hamm/amu.  He  was 
one  of  the  principal  sachems  of  the  Oneidas.  This  chief  died  in  Phila- 
delphia, 19  March,  VTXL  He  had  been  taken  to  Prance  by  Gen.  Lnfm/- 
ttte^  at  the  close  of  the  revolurionarv  war,  where  he  received  an  educa- 
tion. Mr.  Jaquettej  hnviiig  died  on  Slonday,  was  interred  on  the  following 
Wednesday.  *'  His  funeral  was  attended  from  Otler^s  hotel  to  the  Pres- 
byterian burying-ground  in  Mulberry-street.  The  corpse  was  preceded 
by  a  detachment  of  the  light  infiintry  of  the  city,  with  arms  reversed, 
drums  muffled,  music  playing  a  solemn  dirge,  l^lie  corpse  was  followed 
by  six  of  the  chieis  as  mourners,  succeeded  by  all  the  waniors ;  the  rev- 
erend clergy  of  all  denominations;  secretary  of  war,  and  the  gentlemen 
of  the  war  department ;  oflScen  of  the  feden!  army,  and  of  the  militia ; 
and  a  number  of  citizens.''f 

One  of  the  most  celebrated  speeches  of  fUimtta-bnUur  was  delivered 
in  a  council  at  Genesee  River,  in  1796,  and,  after  being  interpreted,  was 
signed  by  the  chieis  present,  and  sent  to  the  legislature  of  New  York.  It 
follows : — 

"  Brofken,  as  you  are  once  mom  assembled  in  council  for  the  purpose 
of  doing  honor  to  yourselves  and  justice  to  your  country,  we,  your  broth- 
ers, the  sachems,  chiefs  and  warriors  of  tm  Seneca  nation,  request  you 
to  open  your  ears  and  give  attention  to  our  voice  and  wishes. — You  will 
recollect  the  hte  contest  between  you  and  your  fkther,  the  great  king  of 
England.  This  contest  threw  the  inhabitants  of  this  whole  island  into  a 
great  tumult  and  commotion,  like  a  raging  whirlwind  which  tears  up  the 
trees,  and  tosses  to  and  fro  the  leaves,  so  that  no  one  knows  from  whence 
they  come,  or  where  they  will  tiill. — ^This  whirlwind  was  so  directed  by 
the  Great  Spirit  above,  as  to  throw  into  our  arms  twtt  of  your  ioftnt  chil- 
dren, Jasptr  Parriah  and  Horatio  Jonea^  We  adopted  them  into  our 
families,  and  made  them  our  children.  We  loved  them  and  nourished 
them.  They  lived  with  us  inan^  years.  M  kng^t  tht  Gnai  l^pvit  ipokt 
to  the  whirtwindy  and  it  vm$  attIL     A  clear  and  uninteinipted  sky  ap- 


*"  Le  villagn  cle  Rtiffalo  eit  hiibii^  par  Ics  Scnecas.  L«  cbef  de  celte  nation  est 
Brothers-farmtr,  esttfn<^  par  toutes  Irs  trihus  comme  grand  goerricr  el  grandjpolitique, 
«t  fort  rar«ss^  it  ce  titra  par  W  a|^s  ai^ais  el  les  agens  AmMcains.  Buffalo  est  le 
cbaf  Ueu  de  la  nation  Scnern."  Roche/a»mmld,  Voyeve  titnu  CAan'rifm  cm  1795, 6,  and 
7, 1,  i.  »9. 

t  Penn'iylvania  Gazelle. 

;  Taken  prisoners  at  the  dettruclioa  of  Wyoaiag  by  the  lories  aad  Indians  under 
Bititr  and  Brant. 


CUAP.  VI.] 


FARMERS-BROTHER. 


» 


peared.  The  path  of  peace  wos  opened,  and  the  chain  of  friendship  wm 
once  more  rnadc  bright.  Thon  these  our  adopted  children  left  us^  to  seek 
their  relations;  we  wished  tiiom  to  niniain  ftiiong  us,  and  promised,  If 
they  would  return  and  live  in  our  country,  to  give  each  of  them  a  seat  of 
land  for  them  and  their  children  to  sit  down  upon. — ^They  have  returned, 
and  have,  for  soveral  years  past,  bt:en  serviceable  to  ns  as  interpreters. 
We  still  feel  our  hearts  beat  with  affection  for  them,  and  now  wish  to  fiil- 
fi)  the  promise  we  made  them,  and  reward  them  for  their  services.  We 
have,  therefore,  made  up  our  minds  to  give  tliem  a  seat  of  two  square 
miles  of  land,  lying  on  the  outlets  of  Lake  Erie,  about  three  miles  below 
Black-rock,  beginning  at  the  mouth  of  a  creek  known  by  the  name  of 
Seoyf^tunutydeaartek^  running  one  mile  from  the  River  Niagara  up  said 
creek,  ttience  northerly  as  the  river  runs  two  miles,  thence  westerly  0116 
mile  ro  the  river,  thence  up  the  river  as  the  river  runs,  two  miles,  to  the 
'place  of  beginning,  so  as  to  contain  two  square  miles. — ^We  have  now 
made  known  to  you  our  minds.  We  expect  and  earnestly  request  that  * 
you  will  permit  our  friends  to  receive  this  our  gift,  and  will  make  the 
flame  good  to  them,  according  to  the  laws  and  customs  of  your  nation. — 
Why  siiould  you  beuitate  to  make  our  minds  easy  with  regard  to  this  our 
request?  To  you  it  is  but  a  little  thing ;  and  have  you  not  complied  witli 
the  request  and  confirmed  the  gitls  of-  our  brothers,  the  Oneidas,  the 
Onondagas  and  Cayugas  to  their  interpreters  ?  And  shall  we  ask  and  not 
be  lieani  ?  Wn  send  you  this  our  sfieeuh,  to  which  we  expect  your  i)|>- 
•wer  before  the  brfaking  up  our  great  council  fire." 

A  gentleman*  who  visited  BuflTalo  in  1810,  observes  t^nt  FYannen- 
irother  was  never  known  to  drink  ardent  spirits,  and  although  then  94  years 
old,  walked  {lerfectly  upright,  and  was  remarkably  straight  and  well 
formed  ;  very  grave,  and  answered  his  inquiries  with  great  precision,  but 
through  his  interpreter,  Mr.  Parrith^  liefore  named.  His  account  of  the 
mounds  in  that  region  will  not  give  Hatisfoction.  He  told  Dr.  King  that 
they  were  thrown  up  against  the  incursions  of  the  French,  and  that  the 
implements  found  in  them  wore  taken  from  them ;  a  great  army  of  French 
having  been  overthrown  and  mostly  rut  ofl^  the  Indians  became  possessed 
of  their  accoutrements,  which,  being  of  no  use  to  them,  were  buried  with 
their  ownei's. 

He  was  a  great  warrior,  and  although  "  eighty  snows  in  years"  when 
the  war  of  1813  began,  yet  he  engaged  in  it,  and  fought  with  the  Ameri- 
cans. He  did  not  live  tilNits  close,  but  died  ut  the  Seneca  village,  just 
after  the  battle  of  Bridgewater,  and  was  interred  with  military  honors  by 
the  fifth  regiment  of  U.  S.  infantry.  He  usually  wore  a  medal  presented 
him  try  Gen.  Wtuhinglon.  In  the  i-evolution,  he  fought  successfully 
against  the  An^iericnns.  Perhaps  there  never  flowed  from  the  lips  of  man 
a  more  sublime  metaphor  tlian  that  made  use  of  by  this  chief,  in  the 
speerh  given  above,  when  alluding  to  the  revolutionary  contest.  It  is 
worth  repeating :  "  T^e  Grtat  Spirit  spoke  to  the  tehitiunnd,  and  it  waa 
atilir 

The  following  letter  will,  besides  exhibiting  the  condition  of  the  Sene- 
cas,  tievelope  some  other  interesting  facts  in  their  biographical  history. 

"  To  the  Honorable  William  Eustis,  secretary  at  war. 

"The  sachems  and  chief  wurrioi-s  of  the  Seneca  nation  of  Indians,  un- 
derstanding yoii  arc  tiio  person  apiminted  by  the  great  council  of  your 
^nation  to  manage  and  conduct  the  afthirs  of  the  several  nations  of  Indians 
with  whom  you  are  at  peace  and  on  terms  of  friendship,  come,  at  this 

*Dr.  Wiiiiam  Kin^,  the  celebrated  electrician,  who  gives  the  author  this  infomistion 

verbally. 

8  ^ 


90 


FARMERS-BROTHER. 


[Boo*  V. 


» 


time,  aa  children  to  a  father,  to  lay  before  yon  the  trouble  which  wo  have 
on  our  niinda. 

"  Brother,  we  do  not  think  it  beat  to  multiply  words:  we  will,  thprefore, 
tell  you  what  our  complaint  is. — Druther,  listen  to  what  we  aay :  Some 
yean  since,  we  held  a  treaty  at  Bigtree,  near  the  Genesee  River.  Thia 
treaty  was  called  by  our  great  father,  the  president  of  the  United  States. 
He  sent  an  a^nt.  Col.  Wadnvortk,  to  attend  this  treaty,  for  the  purpose  of 
advising  us  m  the  bumness,  and  seeing  that  we  had  justice  done  us.  At 
this  treaty,  we  sold  to  Robert  Morrit  the  greatest  part  of  our  country ;  the 
sum  he  gave  us  was  100,000  dollars.  The  commissioners  who  were  ap> 
pointed  on  your  part,  advised  us  to  place  this  money  in  the  hands  of  our 
creat  father,  the  iiresident  of  the  United  States.  He  told  ua  our  father 
loved  his  red  chiloren,  and  would  take  care  of  our  money,  and  plant  it  in 
a  field  where  it  would  bear  seed  forever,  as  long  as  trees  grow,  or  waters 
run.  Our  money  has  heretofore  been  of  great  ser,  ice  to  us ;  it  has  hel|)ed 
us  to  support  our  old  people,  and  our  women  and  children ;  but  we  are 
told  the  field  where  our  money  was  planted  is  liecome  barren. — Brother, 
we  do  not  understand  your  way  of  doing  business.  This  thing  is  veij 
heavy  on  our  minds.  We  mean  to  hold  our  white  brethren  of  the  United 
States  by  the  hand ;  b;u  this  weight  lies  heavy ;  we  hope  you  will  remove 
it — We  have  heard  of  tiae  bad'conduct  of  our  brothers  towards  the  set- 
ting sun.  We  are  sorry  for  what  they  have  done ;  but  you  must  not 
blame  us ;  we  have  had  no  hand  in  this  bad  business.  They  have  had  bad 
people  among  them.  It  is  vour  enemies  have  done  this.— We  have  per- 
auaded  our  agent  to  take  this  talk  to  your  great  council.  He  knows  our 
(rituations,  and  will  apeak  our  minds. 

Farmer's  Brother,  [Hotumnnu,]  hit  X  mark. 
Little  Billy,  [Giahkaka,]  "    X     " 

YoDNo  King,  [Koyingqvautdh,]       "   X    " 
Pollard,  [Kaounaaotoand,]  "   X    " 

Cbief-warrior,  [Lunuehmewt,]      "   X    " 
Two-GUNS,  ••    X     " 

Joan  Set,  "   X     " 

Parrot-mose,  [iSboeootmi,]  "   X    " 

JoHif  Pierce,  ITukiny,]  "   X     ** 

'    '   ■.  Strong,  [KahaMa,]  **    X    " 

Wheelbarrow,  **    X     " 

Jace-berrt,  "    X    " 

Twenty  canoes,  [CadbaumMMe,]    "   X    ** 
BiG-EETTLE,  [Seaaewa7]  "   X    " 

Half-town,  [^claoutf]  "    X     " 

Keyandeanoe,  "   X    ** 

Captain-cold,  "   X     " 

E8<t.  Blinknet,  "   X    " 

Capt.  Johnson,  [Taiwinaha,]  "    X     " 

"  N.  B.  The  foregoing  speech  was  delivered  in  council  by  Farmers- 
Brother,  at  Buffalo  Creek,  19  Dec.  1811,  and  subscribed  to  in  my  presence 
by  ^e  chieft  whose  names  are  annexed. 

Erastds  Granger." 

Eight  thousand  dollars*  was  appropriated  immediately  upon  receipt  of 
die  above. 

Littte-iiUy,  or  Giahkaka,  is  the  same  of  whom  we  have  spoken  in  a 
preceding  chapter,  and  called  by  Waahington,  Jiiakakaka. 

Young-king,  the  third  signer  of  the  atrave  talk,  was  engaged  in  fighting 

*  "  In  lieu  of  the  diTidend  on  the  bank  shares,  held  by  the  president  of  the  IJ.  States, 
Jo  tnut  for  the  Seneca  nation,  in  the  bank  of  the  U.  Stales." 


Chap.  VI.]       HALF-TOWN-CORN-PLANT— BIQ-TREE. 


01 


for  the  Americani  in  the  lant  war  with  Englnnd,  and  by  an  art  of  con- 
sress  waa  to  tte  paid  yearly,  in  quarterly  pnyinenta,  9(K)  dollars,  during 
me.  The  act  stateH  that  it  waa  "  a  componsation  for  the  brave  and  meri- 
torious services  which  ho  rendered"  in  tnut  war,  "and  as  a  provision  Ibr 
the  wound  and  disability  which  he  received  in  the  performance  of  thoM 
■erviccs."    Thia,  was  in  the  spring  of  1816. 

Of  Pollard,  or  Capt.  Pollard,  we  shall  have  occasion  elsewhere  to  sajr 
more. 

Jnek-berry  was  sometimes  interpreter  for  Red-jaekel, 

Half-town  was  very  conspicuous  in  the  aflairs  of  the  Senecas,  hut  as  he 
is  generally  mentioned,  in  our  documents,  in  connection  with  Com-platit, 
or  Com-jnaiUer,  and  Big-tree,  we  bad  designed  to  speak  of  the  three  col- 
lectively. 

We  find  among  the  acts  of  the^Pennsylvania  legislature,  of  1791,  one 
**  for  (^ranting  800  dollars  to  Com-planttr,  Half-town  and  Bi^-tree,  Senica 
chiefs,  in  trust  fur  tho  Seneca  nation."     At  this  time  much  was  ap-  * 
prehcnded  from  an  Imliau  war.    Settlers  were  intruding  themselves  upon 
their  country,  and  all  experience  has  shown  that  whenever  the  whites  have 

Kue  among  them,  troubles  were  sure  to  follow.  Every  movement  of  the 
dians  was  looked  upon  with  jealousy  by  tliem  at  this  period.  Hajy-tawn 
was  the  "  white  man's  friend,"  and  communicated  to  the  ^rrisons  in  his 
country  every  suspicious  movement  of  tribes  of  whom  doubts  were  en- 
tertained. It  is  evident  that  hostile  bonds,  for  a  ions  time,  hovered  about 
the  post  at  Venango,  and,  but  for  the  vigilance  of  Half-loxm,  and  other 
friendly  chiefs,  it  would  have  been  cut  off.  In  April  this  year,  (1791,) 
Com-plani  and  Half-town  had  upwardH  of  100  warriors  in  and  about  the 
garrison,  and  kept  riumers  out  continually,  "  being  determined  to  protect 
It  at  all  events."  Their  spies  made  frequent  discoveries  of  war  parties. 
On  the  12  August,  1791,  Half-toum  and  J'ifete-arrote  gave  information  at 
Fort  Franklin,  that  a  sloop  full  of  Indians  had  been  seen  on  Lake  Erie, 
sailing  for  Presque  ImIo  ;  and  their  object  was  supposed  to  be  Fort  Frank- 
lin ;  but  the  conjecture  proved  groundless. 

The  Indian  name  of  Half-toton  was  Aehiout.  We  hear  of  him  at  Fort 
Harmer,  in  1789,  where,  with  23  oihers,  he  executed  a  treaty  with  the  U. 
States.  The  commissioners  '^•'  the  part  of  the  latter  were  Gen.  Arthur 
St.  Clair,  Oliver  ffolctU,  Richard  Bulltr  and  Arthur  Lee.  Among  the 
signeis  on  the  part  of  the  Senecas  were  also  Big-tree,  or  Kinndogetoa, 
Corn-planter,  or  Gyantiaaia,  besides  several  others  whose  names  are  liimil- 
iar  in  history.  Big-tree  was  often  called  Great-free,  which,  in  the  Ian- 
giiajio  of  the  Five  Nations,  was  JVttoronlt("oJOrt,*  whicli  niso  was  the  name 
of  the  Oneida  nation.f  Big-tree  was  with  Gen.  fVashivgton  during  the 
summer  of  1778,  but  returned  to  the  Indian  nations  in  tiic  autumn.  He 
proceeded  to  the  Senecu8,.and  used  his  eloquence  to  ditwimde  ttierii  from 
fighting  imder  Brant  against  the  Americans.  The  Oneiilns  were  friendly 
at  this  time,  and  Big-tree  was  receivrd  among  tbcm  with  hospitality,  in 
bis  way,  ufion  this  mission.  Havhig  staid  longer  than  was  exjiected 
among  the  Scneciu,  the  Oneidas  sent  a  messenger  to  him  to  know  the 
reason.  He  returned  answer  that  wlien  he  arrived  among  his  nation,  he 
found  them  all  in  arms,  and  their  villages,  Kimndaseago  atid  Jennessee, 
crowtled  with  warriors  from  remote  tribes ;  that  they  at  firet  seenit-d  in- 
clined to  hearken  to  his  wishes,  but  soon  IcM-ning  by  a  spy  ihnt  the 
Americans  wero  about  to  iiivalo  ificir  country,  nil  fluw  to  arms,  and  Big- 
tree  put  himself  at  their  head,  "  ddsrmined  to  chastiae,"  he  said, "  the  enemy 
UuU  dared  presume  to  think  of  penetrating  their  covntry,"    But  we  do  not 


•Or  Kiandogr.ra,  Kayenth':j;!il,<',  A  r. 
t  Benson's  Momotr,  before  tlio  N.  V.  Hist. 


Soc.  p.igc  SO.    Also  Ainer.  Magazine. 


HALP-TOWN-CORN-PLAirr— BIG-TREC. 


(Book  V. 


£ 


learn  that  he  was  obliged  lo  mainuin  that  hoatiki  attitude,  and  doubtleaa 
DeturowJ  aoon  after. 

Ill  the  year  171*0,  Big-trttt  Cwm-fUad  and  Haff-toitm  appeared  at  Phi- 
ladelpliia.  and,  by  their  iotrrpreter,  cuaimunicalea  to  PruMident  IVaahing- 
len  aa  followa : — 

**  Fjtker:  The  voice  of  the  Seneca  ualiona  apeaka  to  ymi;  the  sreat 
counaellor,  io  whoae  heart  the  wiae  men  of  all  the  Ikaiunfint  [i:i  U.  8.] 
have  placed  their  wiadom.  It  ma^  be  very  amall  in  your  eara,  and  we, 
therefore,  entreat  you  to  hearken  with  attention ;  for  we  are  able  to  apeak 
of  things  which  are  to  ua  very  neat. 

"  When  your  anny  entered  we  country  of  the  8ix  Natioiia,  we  called 
ou  the  town  datrmfer ;  to  tbia  day,  when  your  name  ia  heard,  our  women 
ook  lieliind  tliein  and  turn  palu,and  our  cliildren  cling  cloae  to  the  necka 
of  thtiir  mothera." 

**  When  our  chiefk  returned  firom  Fort  Stanwix,  and  laid  before  our 
couiii;il  what  had  been  done  there,  our  nation  waa  aurpriaed  to  hear  how 
great  n  country  you  luul  compelled  them  to  |pve  up  to  you,  without  your 
payiuK  to  ua  any  thing  for  it.  Every  one  aaid,  that  vour  hearta  were  yet 
awelieU  with  n^aentment  against  ua  fbr  what  had  happened  during  the 
war,  but  that  one  day  you  would  conaider  it  with  more  kindneaa.  We 
.IMdie4l  each  other,  What  hmt  we  done  to  dtnrve  auek  tevere  ehattUement  f 

"  Father :  when  you  kindled  your  13  iirea  separately,  tlie  wise  men  aa- 
aembled  at  tliem  told  us  that  you  were  all  brothers ;  the  children  of  one 
great  fatlier,  who  regarded  the  red  people  aa  hia  children.  They  called 
us  brothers,  and  invited  us  to  his  protection.  They  told  us  that  he  resided 
beyoud  the  great  water  whore  the  sun  first  riaes ;  and  that  he  waa  a  king 
whose  power  no  ]ieople  could  resiat,  and  that  his  vondneas  was  as  bright 
as  the  sun.  What  they  aakl  went  to  our  hearts.  We  accepted  the  invi- 
tation, and  promised  to  obey  him.  What  the  Seneca  nation  promises, 
they  fdithfully  perform.  When  you  refiiaed  obedience  to  that  king,  he 
cotiiinuiided  us  to  assist  bis  beloved  men  in  making  you  sober.  In  obey- 
ing him,  we  did  no  more  than  yourselves  had  led  us  to  promise.**  "  We 
were  deceived;  but  your  people  teaching  ua  to  confide  in  that  king, 
had  helped  to  deceive  us ;  and  we  now  appeal  to  your  breast,  b  all  Me 
blame  oura  ? 

"  Father :  when  we  saw  that  we  had  been  deceived,  and  heard  the  in- 
vitation which  you  gave  us  to  draw  near  to  the  fire  you  had  kindled,  and 
talk  with  you  concerning  peace,  we  made  haste  towards  it.  You  told 
us  you  coukl  crush  ua  to  nothing ;  and  you  demanded  fit)m  us  a  peat 
country,  as  the  price  of  that  peace  which  you  had  offered  to  us:  as  if  our 
want  tf  strength  had  destroyed  our  rights.  Our  chiefii  had  felt  your  power, 
and  were  unable  to  contend  against  you,  and  they  tlicrefore  gavo  up  that 
country.  What  they  agreed  to  has  bound  our  nation,  but  your  anger 
aguiii8t  lis  must  by  tliis  time  be  cooled,  and  although  our  strength  is 
not  increased,  nor  your  |)ower  become  less,  we  ask  you  to  consider 
calmly — fTere  the  terms  dictated  to  us  by  your  commissioners  reasonable.f^ 
Just  ?" 

Tliey  also  remind  the  president  of  tlie  solemn  promise  of  tlie  coiDpits- 
sioners,  that  they  should  bo  secured  in  the  peaceal>^e  possession  of  yf^fit 
was  left  to  them,  and  then  ask,  **Does  this  promise  binJ  you  V*  And  jthjat 
tio  sooner  was  the  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix  concluded,  thtin  commissioners 
,iroiu  Pennsylvania  came  to  purchase  of  them  what  was  inchided  within 
the  lines  of' their  state.  These  they  informed  that  they  did  mt  wish  Xo 
sell,  but  being  further  urged,  consented  to  sell  a  part.  But  th(:  coinn^^s- 
sioiicrs  biid  tnnt  "  they  mutt  ftove  the.  whole  ;**  for  it  was  already  ceded  to 
thrill  by  the  king  uf  England,  at  the  peace  following  the  revolution.  But 
still,  as  their  ancestors  had  aJwaya  paid  the  Indiana  ibr  land,  they  were 


C«*P.  VI.) 


HALF-TOWN— OORN-PLAHT—BIO-TREE. 


98 


willing  lo  pHy  them  for  it.  Being  not  able  to  contend,  tli«  land  wm  told. 
Soon  afli-r  this,  they  cni|iowen<d  a  iieraon  to  let  out  |«rt  of  their  land,  who 
aid  Congreaa  hul  aent  him  fbr  the  purpoae.  but  who,  it  acema,  iVaiidu- 
lentlv  procured  a  deed  iiiMead  of  a  power  to  Jcaae ;  for  there  aooii  came 
another  person  claiming  all  their  countrv  northward  of  the  line  of  Fi;nn- 
•ylvania,  saying  that  h«  purchaaed  it  of  the  other,  and  for  which  ho  had 
paid  220,000  dollars  to  him,  and  90,000  more  to  the  United  Btatea.  He 
now  demanded  the  land,  and,  on  being  refused,  threatened  immediate 
war.  Knowing  their  weak  ajtuation,  they  held  a  council,  and  took  the  ad- 
vice of  a  white  man,  whom  they  took  to  bo  their  fViend,  but  who,  aa  it 
proved,  had  plotted  with  the  other,  and  was  to  receive  aome  of  the  land 
for  his  agency.  He,  therefore,  told  them  they  must  comply.  "  AHtoniahed 
at  what  we  heard  from  every  quarter,**  they  say,  "  with  hearts  aching  with 
comi)aa8ion  for  our  women  and  children,  we  were  thus  rnmpellcd  to  giva 
up  all  our  country  north  of  iho  lino  uf  Pennsylvanin,  and  east  of  the  (Jen- 
esee  River,  up  to  the  Kreat  forks,  and  east  ot  a  south  line  drawn  up  from 
that  fork  to  the  line  of  Pemisylvauia."  For  this  he  agreed  to  give  them 
10,000  dollars  down,  and  1000  dollars  a  year  forever,  instead  of  that,  he 
paid  them  2500  dollars,  and  some  time  after  offered  500  dollars  more,  in- 
sisting that  that  was  all  he  owed  them,  which  he  allowed  to  be  yearly. 
They  add, 

**  Father :  you  have  said  that  we  were  in  your  hand,  and  that  by  clos- 
ing it  you  could  crush  us  to  nothing.  Are  you  determined  to  crush  ua  ? 
If  you  are,  tell  us  so  ;  that  those  of  our  nation  who  have  become  your 
shildren,  and  have  determined  to  die  so,  may  know  what  to  do.  In  this 
ease,  one  chief  has  said,  he  would  ask  you  to  put  him  out  of  his  pain. 
Another,  who  will  not  think  of  dying  by  the  hand  of  his  father,  or  his 
brother,  has  said  he  will  retire  to  the  Chataughque,  eat  of  the  fatal  root, 
and  sleep  with  his  fathers  in  peace." 

"  All  the  land  we  have  been  speaking  of  belonged  to  the  Six  Nations. 
No  part  of  it  ever  belonged  to  the  king  of  England,  and  he  could  not  give 
k  to  you." 

"  Hear  ua  once  more.  At  Fort  Stanwix  we  agreed  to  deliver  up  thosB 
of  our  people  who  should  do  you  any  wrong,  and  that  you  might  try 
diem  and  punish  them  according  to  your  law.  We  delivered  up  two  men 
accordingly.  But  instead  of  trying  them  according  to  your  law,  the  low- 
est of  your  people  took  them  from  your  magistrate,  and  put  them  imme- 
diately to  death.  It  is  just  to  punish  the  murder  with  death,  but  the  Sen- 
ecos  will  not  deliver  up  their  people  to  men  who  disregard  the  treaties  of 
their  own  nation." 

There  were  many  other  grievances  enumerated,  and  all  in  a  strain 
which,  we  should  think,  would  have  drawn  forth  immediate  relief.  In  his 
answer.  President  Waakington  said  all,  perhaps,  which  could  be  said  in  his 
situation  ;  and  his  good  feelings  are  manifest  throughout :  still  there  is 
something  like  evasion  in  answering  some  of  their  grievances,  and  an 
omission  of  notice  to  others.  His  answer,  nevertheless,  gave  them  much 
encouragement.  He  assured  them  that  the  lands  obtained  from  them  by 
fraud  was  not  sanctioned  by  the  government,  and  that  the  whol^  transac- 
tion was  declz'«d  null  and  void ;  and  that  the  persons  who  murdered 
their  people  should  bo  dealt  with  as  though  they  had  murdered  white 
men,  and  that  a\\  possible  means  would  be  used  for  their  apprehension, 
and  rewards  should  continue  to  be  offered  to  effect  it.  But  we  have  not 
learned  that  they  were  ever  apprehended.  The  land  conveyed  by  treaty, 
the  president  informed  them,  tie  had  no  authority  to  concern  vnth,  as  that 
act  was  before  his  administration. 

The  above  speech,  although  appearing  to  be  a  joint  production,  is  be- 
lieved to  have  been  dictated  by  Cmri-pLmtar.    It,  however,  was  no  doubt 


IM.   7E  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


^ 


^ 


^ 


1.0 


2.5 


I.I 


Li  128 

itt  Itt   i2.2 

2?  Hi   ■■ 
Sf  Uo    12.0 


IL25  III  1.4 


M 


m  I 


1.6 


'V 


V 


C»j,>»m 


FhotogFEqiiic 

Scmces 

Corporalion 


23  WIST  MAIN  STREiT 

WnSTIR.N.Y.  MStO 

(716)172-4503 


4^ 


Mr 


GORN-PLAMT. 


|B«OK  ▼.. 


the  wntiinMils  of  the  whole  natioiH  as  well  a»  thoee  of  himseM;  HaHf-Umm 
vaA  Bit(-4rt€. 

In  1791tan  act  paeaed  the  legislature  of  Pennqrlvania,"  to  empower  the 
l^tvemor  to  grant  a  patent  to  Mg-trte,  a  Seneca  chie^  for  a  certain  idand 
in  the  Alleghany  River." 

He  lamented  the  disaster  of  St.  CUar'a  army^  and  was  heard  to  say 
afterwards,  VuA  ht  vxnM  hme  two  acalps  for  Gen.  BuUaf*a,  who  fell  and 
was  scal|)ed  in  that  fight.  J<^  DeekardL,  another  Seneea  chief,  repeated 
the  same  words. 

Being  on  a  mission  to  Philadelphia,  in  April,  179S,  he  was  taken  sick 
at  his  lodgings,  and  died  after  ahout  90  hours'  illnessi  Three  days  after,  be* 
ing  Sunday,  the  SSd,  he  was  buried  with  all  requisite  attention.  The 
riiver  Bi^>-htt  was  probably  named  from  the  circumstance  of  this  chief 
having  lived  upon  it.  His  name  still  exists  among  some  of  his  descend- 
ants, or  othersef  his  tribe,  as  we  have  Bom  it^ubncribed  to  several  instru- 
meulB  within  a  few  years. 

Although  Corn-fianler  be  but  half  Indian,  we  would  not  throw  him 
out  of  our  book  on  that  account,  and  will,  therefore,  proceed  again  with 
bi»  memoira  His  Indian  name,  as  we  have  before  noted,  was  Qyantwm- 
UL  i  and  most  of  «nr  knowledge  concerning  him  is  derived  from  himself, 
and  is  contained  in  a  letter  sent  from  him  to  the  governor  of  Pennsylva- 
nia;  and,  akhouf^  written  by  an  interpreter,  is  believed  to  be  the  real 
prsdudaon  of  Com-fHemkr.  It  was  doled  "  Alleghany  River,  2d  mo.  9d^ 
rSSO^  and  is  as  follows:^ 

*  1  ftel  it  my  duty  t»  send  a  speech  to  the  governor  of  Pennsylvania  at 
this  tinM^  and  inform  him  the  place,  wbeie  I  was  from — which  was  at 
Conewaug*.*^  en  the  Ctenesee  lUver. 

**  Wbea  1  Was  a  chiM,  I  played  with  the  butterfly,  the  grasshopper  and 
the  frogs ;  and  as  I  grew  up,  I  began  to  pay  some  attention  and  play  with 
tke  lancn  beys  in  the  nei^borhood,  and  they  took  notice  of  my  skin  be- 
iag  a  diffcreat  color  froaa  theirs,  and  spoke  about  it.  I  itratiired  of  my 
mother  the  cause,  and  she  told  me  that  my  father  was  a  residenter  in  AI- 
baiiydt  I  still  cat  ny  victuahr  out  of  a  berk  dish.  I  grew  up  to  be  a  young 
BNn,  and  manried  me  a  wife,  and  I  had  no  kettle  or  gim.  I  then  knew 
wrhare  tm  fiither  lived,  and  went  to  see  him,  and  found  he  was  a  whit^ 
vomnt  »M»pi^9  the  Eni^ith  kaqpiafe.  He  gave  me  victual?  whilst  I  was 
at  his  houasv  but  when  I  sisned  to  return  home,  he  gave  me  no  provision 
to  e*t  on  the  way.  He  gave  me  nekher  kettle  nor  gun,  neither  did  he  tell 
itM  thai  the  United  States  wt>re  dbout  to  rebel  against  the  government,  of 
England. 

<*  I  will  now  tell  you,  favothers,  who  are  in  session  of  the  IJegislature  of 
FeBonylvanie,  that  the  Great  Spirit  has  made  known  to  me  that  I  have 
btea  wicked ;  and  the  cause  thereof  was  the  revohttioBary  war  in  Amer- 
isB.  The  cause  of  Indmns  having  been  led  into  sin,  at  that  time,  was 
that  DMHvy  of  them  were  in  the  practice  of  drinking  and  getting  intoxi- 
oated.  Orent  Britain  requested  ns  to  jeiit  with  them  m  the  conflict  against 
the  Ar^erieans,  and  promised  the  Ind'ant  land  and  liquor.  I  myself 
was  opposed  to  joining  in  the  eonflictt  as  i  nad  nothing  to  do  with  the  dtf- 
flewlly  that  existed  bMweeft  the  two  parties.  I  have  now  informed  you 
how  It  happened  that  the  Indians  took  a  part  in  the  revolution,  and  will 
raiale  to  you  some  civeumslanees  that  ocrurred  after  the  close  of  the  war. 
G«a.  Pafmmi,  who  was  then  at  Philaddphia,  told  me  there  was  to  be  » 
cooBcil  at  Fen  Stanwix ;  and  the  Indians  requested  vaa  to  attend  on  be- 

t 
*  This  was  the  Iroquois  term  to  desienate  a  place  of  Cliristiail  IndiaSt  ]  heaiie  xoatlf 
ptasMbeavki    lilsaMsaMeatCs^^wMiM^ 
I  k  k  said'  tAsMTk'  Ref .  iil  SB)  UmM  ha  was  aa  IrUtmaBi  ,j^' 


Chap.  VI.) 


CX)RN-PLANT. 


half  of  the  Six  Nations;  which  I  did,  and  there  met  with  three  ooinmia- 
aionere,  who  iiad  been  appointed  to  hold  the  couneiL  They  told  nie  they 
would  infimn  aie  of  the  cauae  of  the  revolution,  which  I  requested  them 
to  do  nuautely.  They  then  said  that  it  had  originated  on  account  of  the 
heavy  taxes  that  had  been  imposed  upon  them  by  the  British  |{o\'em- 
ment,  which  had  been  for  fifty  years  mcreanng  upon  them ;  that  the 
Americans  had  grown  weary  thereof  and  reftised  to  pay,  which  aflronted 
the  king.  There  had  likewise  a  diiSculty  taken  place  about  some  tea, 
which  they  wished  me  not  to  use,  as  it  had  been  one  of  the  causes  that 
many  people  had  lost  their  lives.  And  the  British  government  now  being 
affionted,  the  war  commenced,  and  the  cannons  be^[an  to  roar  in  our 
country.  General  Putnam  then  told  me,  at  the  council  at  Fort  Stanwix^ 
that,  by  tne  late  war,  the  Americans  had  gained  two  objects:  they  had 
estabUshed  thenoselves  an  independent  nation,  and  had  obtained  some 
land  to  live  upon ;  the  division  line  of  which,  firom  Great  Britain,  run 
through  the  lakes.  I  then  spoke,  and  said  that  I  wanted  some  land  for 
the  Indians  to  live  on,  and  General  Putnam  said  that  it  should  be  granted, 
and  I  should  have  land  in  the  state  of  New  York  for  the  Indians.  Gen. 
Putnam  then  encouraged  me  to  use  my  endeavors  to  pacify  the  Indians 
generally ;  and,  as  he  conndered  it  an  arduous  taik  to  perform,  wished 
to  know  what  I  wanted  for  pay  therefor.  I  replied  to  him,  that  I  would 
use  my  endeavon  to  do  as  hie  had  requested,  with  the  Indians,  and  for 
pay  thereof,  I  wouM  take  land.  I  told  him  not  to  pay  me  money  or  dry 
goods,  but  land.  Aud  for  having  attended  thereto,  I  received  the  tract 
of  land  on  which  I  now  live,  which  was  presented  to  me  by  Governor 
Mytin,  I  told  General  Putnam  tb  t  I  wished  the  Indians  to  have  the 
excluHve  privilece  of  the  deer  and  wild  game,  which  he  aasented  to.  I 
also  wuhed  the  Indians  to  have  the  privilege  of  hunting  in  the  wooda, 
and  making  fires,  which  lie  likewise  assented  to. 

"The  treaty  that  was  made  at  the  aforementioned  council,  has  been 
broken  by  some  of  the  white  people,  which  I  now  intend  acauaiuting  the 
governor  with.  Some  white  people  are  not  willing  that  Indians  should 
hunt  any  morc^  whilst  others  are  satisfied  therewith ;  and  those  white 
people  who  resHie  near  our  reservation,  tell  us  that  the  woods  are  theirs, 
and  they  have  obtained  them  from  the  governor.  The  treaty  has  been 
also  broken  by  the  white  people  using  tlieir  endeavors  to  destroy  all  the 
wolves,  which  was  not  spoken  about  in  the  council  at  Fort  Stauwix,  by 
General  Putnam,  hut  has  ori^nated  lately. 

"It  has  been  broken  anun,  which  is  of  recent  origin.  White  people 
wish  to  get  credit  from  Indians,  and  do  not  pay  them  honestly,  according 
to  their  agreement.  In  another  respect,  it  has  also  been  broken  by  white 
people,  who  reside  near  my  <'i welling;  for  when  I  plant  melons  and 
vines  in  my  field,  they  take  them  aa  their  own.  It  has  iieeii  broken  again 
by  white  people  using  their  endeavors  to  obtain  our  pine  trees  from  us. 
We  have  very  few  pine  trecj  ou  our  land,  in  the  state  of  New  York ; 
and  white  people  and  Ind'dns  often  get  into  dispute  respecting  them. 
There  is  also  a  great  quantity  of  whiskey  brought  near  our  reservation 
b^  white  people,  and  the  Induuis  obtain  it  and  Income  driiiikcn.  Another 
circumstance  has  taken  place  which  is  very  trying  to  me,  and  I  wish  the 
interference  of  the  governor. 

•♦  The  white  people,  who  live  at  Warren,  called  upon  me,  some  time 
ago,  to  pay  taxes  for  my  land ;  which  I  objected  to,  as  I  had  never  been 
called  upon  for  that  purpose  before ;  and  having  refused  to  pay,  the 
white  people  became  irritated,  called  upon  me  frequently,  and  at  length 
broug!it  four  guns  with  them  and  seized  our  cattle.  I  still  refused  to  pay, 
and  was  not  willing  to  let  the  cattle  gft.  After  a  time  of  dispute,  they  re- 
turned home,  and  f  understood  the  militia  was  ordered  out  to  enforce  the 


CORN-PLANT. 


(Book  V. 


eollection  of  tbe  tax.  I  went  to  Wnireii,  and,  to  avert  the  impendinc 
difficulty,  was  obliged  to  give  nay  note  for  the  tax,  the  amount  of  which 
was  43  dollars  and  79  cents.  It  is  my  demra  that  the  governor  will  ex- 
empt me  from  paying  taxes  for  my  land  to  white  people ;  and  also  cause 
that  tbe  money  I  am  now  obliged  to  pay,  nmy  be  refunded  to  me,  as  I 
am  very  poor.  The  governor  is  the  person  who  attends  to  the  situation 
of  the  p(M)ple,  and  I  wish  him  to  send  a  person  to  Alleghany,  that  I  may 
inform  him  of  the  particulars  of  our  situation,  and  he  be  authorized  to 
instruct  the  white  people  in  what  manner  to  conduct  themselves  towards 
the  Indians. 

"The  government  has  told  us  that  when  any  difficulties  arose  between 
the  Indians  and  while  people,  they  would  attend  to  having  them  removed. 
Wo  are  now  in  a  trying  situation,  and  I  wish  the  governor  to  send  a  per- 
8on,  authorized  to  aiioud  thereto,  the  fore  part  of  next  summer,  about  the 
time  that  grass  has  crown  big  enough  for  pasture. 

"  The  governor  rormjrly  requested  me  to  pay  attention  to  the  Indians, 
and  take  care  of  them.  We  are  now  arrived  at  a  situation  that  I  believe 
Indians  cannot  exist,  unless  the  governor  should  comply  with  my  request, 
and  send  a  person  authorized  to  treat  between  us  and  the  white  people, 
the  auproacbmg  summer.    I  have  now  no  more  to  speak."* 

Whether  tlie  government  of  Pennsylvania  acted  at  all,  or,  if  at  all,  what 
order  they  took,  upon  this  pathetic  appeal,  our  author  does  not  state.  But 
that  an  independent  tribe  of  Indians  should  be  taxed  by  a  neighboring 
people,  is  absurd  in  the  extreme ;  and  we  hope  we  shall  learn  that  not 
only  the  tax  was  remitted,  but  a  remuneration  granted  for  the  vexation 
and  damage. 

Q>m'pkmt  was  very  early  distinguished  for  his  wisdom  in  council,  not- 
withstanding he  confirmed  the  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix  of  1784;  five  years 
after,  at  tbe  treaty  of  Fort  Hanner,hegaveup  an  immense  tract  of  their 
country,  and  for  which  his  nation  very  much  reproached  him,  and  even 
threatened  his  life.  Himself  atid  other  chieft  committed  this  act  for  the 
best  of  reasons.  The  Six  Nations  having  tdcen  part  with  England  in  the 
revolution,  when  the  king's  power  fell  in  America,  the  Indian  nations  were 
reduced  to  the  miserable  alternative  of  giving  up  so  much  of  their  coun- 

2  OS  the  Americans  required,  or  tlie  whak  of^  it.  In  1790,  Corn-plant, 
i^f-Unen  and  Big-trte,  made  a  most  pathetic  appeal  to  Congress  for  an 
amelioration  of  their  condition,  and  a  reconsideration  of  former  treaties, 
in  which  the  following  memorable  passage  occurs: — 

"  Father :  we  will  not  conceal  from  you  that  the  great  God,  and  not  men, 
has  preserved  the  Corn-plant  from  the  hands  of  his  own  nation.  Forihey 
ask  continually, '  Where  is  the  land  on  which  our  children,  and  their  chil- 
dren after  them,  are  to  iie  down  upon  ?  You  told  us  tbat  the  line  drawn 
iVom  Pennsylvania  to  Lake  Ontario,  would  mark  it  forever  on  the  east, 
and  the  line  running  from  Beaver  Creek  to  Pennsylvania,  would  mark  it 
on  the  west,  and  we  see  tbat  it  is  not  so ;  for,  first  one,  and  thei>  another, 
come  and  take  it  away  by  order  of  that  people  which  you  tell  us  prom- 
ised to  secure  it  to  us.'  Hu  is  silent,  for  he  has  nothing  to  answer.  VVhen 
the  sun  goes  down,  he  opens  his  heart  before  God,  and  earlier  than  th( 
sun  appears,  again  u|H)n  the  hills  he  gives  thanks  for  his  protection  during 
the  night.  For  he  feels  that  among  men  become  desperate  by  the  inju- 
ries they  sustain,  it  is  God  only  that  can  preserve  him.  He  loves  peace, 
and  all  he  had  in  store  he  has  given  to  those  who  have  been  robbed  by 
your  people,  lest  they  should  plunder  the  innocent  to  repa^  themselves. 
The  whole  season,  which  others  have  employed  in  providing  for  their 


*  Bvchamm't  Sketches. 


[Book  V. 

mpendinc 
of  which 
>r  will  ex- 
abocauae 
>  me,  as  I 
9  aituation 
hat  I  may 
lorized  to 
!8  towards 

e  between 

removed. 

end  a  per- 

,  about  the 

le  Indians, 
It  I  believe 
(ly  request, 
ite  people, 

It  all,  what 
state.  But 
eigh  boring 
■n  that  not 
le  vexation 

luncil,  not- 
;five  years 
ict  of  their 
I,  and  even 
ict  for  the 
land  in  the 
itions  were 
heir  coun- 
Com-plant, 
ressror  an 
er  treaties, 

d  not  men, 
I.  For  they 
their  cliil- 
ine  drawn 
m  the  east. 
Id  mark  it 
iu  another, 
I  us  prom- 
^er.  VVhen 
!r  than  the 
tion  during 
r  the  inju- 
ives  peace, 
robbed  by 
hemselves. 
'  for  their 


Chap.  VI.] 


CORN-PLANT. 


chiefs  of  the  Five  Nations,  and  a  very  ^reat  warrior,  took  up  his  g 
and  said, '  /  ttumk  the  Great  Spirit  for  thta  opportuniiy  tf  smokmg  the ; 


families,  he  has  speqt  in  endeavors  to  preserve  |teace ;  and  this  monwnt 
his  wife  and  children  arc  lying  on  the  ground,  and  in  want  of  food." 

Iu  President  fFathington's  answer,  wo  are  gratified  by  his  particular  no- 
tice of  this  chief.  He  sayf,  **  The  merits  of  the  Cornrplant^  and  bis 
friendship  for  the  United  Statp«<,  are  well  known  to  mc,  and  shall  not  be 
forgotten ;  and,  as  a  mark  of  esteem  of  the  United  States,  I  have  directed 
the  secretary  of  war  to  make  him  a  present  of  too  hundred  cmdj\fhi  dol- 
lara,  e:tl.<er  m  rioney  or  goods,  as  the  Com-jphmt  shall  like  best." 

There  \7ao,  in  1789,  n  treaty  held  at  Marietta,  between  the  Indians  and 
Americans,  which  termiiiaten  "to  the  entire  satisfactioM  of  all  concerned. 
On  this  occasion,  an  elegant  cnttrtainment  was  provided.  The  Indian 
chiefs  behaved  with  the  greatest  decorum  throughout  the  day.  After  din- 
ner, we  were  _8erved  with  good  wine,  and  Com-pUmier,  one  of  the  first 

gbwB 

of  friendship  and  love.  Mccy  we  plant  our  ovm  vinea—be  the  fathers  of  our 
ovm  children — and  maintain  them.^  "• 

In  1.790,  un  act  passed  the  legislature  of  Pennsylvania,  for  "  granting 
800  dollars  to  Corn-planter,  Hdf-toum  and  Big-tree,'lu  trust  for  the  Sene- 
ca nation,  and  other  purposes  therein  mentioned."  In  Feb.  1791,  Corn- 
plant  wtfa  in  Philadelphia,  and  was  employed  in  an  extremely  hazardous 
expedition  to  undertake  the  pacification  of  the  western  triMs,  tho»  had 
already  shown  themselves  hostile.  The  mission  terminated  unfavorablv, 
from  msiirmountable  difficulties.f  There  were  many,  at  this  time,  as  ra 
all  Indian  wars,  who  entertained  doubts  of  the  fidehty  of  such  Indians 
as  pretended  friendship.  Corn-plant  did  not  escape  suspicion ;  but,  as  his 
conduct  showed,  it  was  entirely  without  foundation.  In  the  midst  of  these 
imputations,  a  letter  written  at  Foit  Franklin  says,  "  I  have  only  to  ob- 
serve that  the  Corn-plant  has  been  here,  and,  in  my  opinion,  he  is  es 
friendly  as  one  of  our  own  people.  He  has  advised  me  to  take  care, 
*forf  said  he,  *you  wHl  soon  have  a  chance  to  let  the  world  know  whMer 
you  are  a  soldier  or  noL'  When  he  went  oflfj  he  ordered  two  chiets  and 
ten  warriors  to  remain  here,  and  scout  about  the  garrison,  and  let  me 
know  if  the  bad  Indians  should  either  advance  against  me,  or  any  of  the 
frontiers  of  the  United  States.  He  thinks  the  people  at  Pittsburgh  shuuld 
keep  out  spies  towards  the  salt  licks,  for  he  says,  by  and  by,  he  tliinks, 
the  bad  Indians  will  come  from  tha  way." 

In  1793,  the  following  advertisement  appeared,  signed  by  Corn-plant : 
"  My  people  having  been  charged  with  committing  depredations  on  the 
frontier  inhabitants  near  Pittsburgh,  I  hereby  contradict  the  aasertiob,  as 
it  is  certainly  without  foundation,  and  pledge  myself  to  those  inhabitants, 
that  they  may  rest  perfectly  secure  from  any  danger  from  the  Senecas 
residing  on  the  Alleghany  waters,  and  that  my  people  have  been  and  still 
are  friendly  to  the  U.  States." 

About  the  time  Corn-plant  left  his  nation  to  proceed  on  his  mission  to 
the  hostile  tribes,  ns  three  of  his  people  were  travelling  through  a  settle- 
ment upon  the  Glenesee,  they  stoppra  at  a  house  to  light  their  pipes. 
There  happened  to  be  several  men  within,  one  of  wL  m,  as  the  foremoit 
Indian  stooi)ed  to  light  his  pipe,  killed  him  with  an  axe.  One  of  the  oth- 
ers was  baaly  wounded  with  the  same  weapon,  while  escaping  from  tfea 
house.  They  were  not  pursued,  and  the.  other,  a  boy,  escaped  unhurt 
(The  poor  wounded  man,  when  nearly  well  of  the  wound,  was  bitten  by- 
a  Biuke,  which  caused  his  immediate  death.)    When  Corn-plant  knew 

*  Curty'i  Museum,  v.  41ft. 

t "  GuusM  of  the  exittiug  Hottililiei/'  &c.  drawn  up  by  the  see'y  of  war,  Gen.  JQmk, 
in  1791. 

9 


CORN-PLANT. 


[Book  ▼ 


t 


what  had  happened,  he  charged  bis  warriors  to  remain  quiet,  and  not  to 
seek  revenji^  and  was  heard  unly  lo  sa^,  **  It  ia  hard,  when  I  and  my  peo- 
ple are  trying  to  make  peace  for  the  whUet,  that  we  lihovld  reeehe  tvch  re- 
toard.  I  can  roveni  my  young  men  and  tparriort  better  than  the  thirteen 
firea  can  theirar  How  is  it  that  tiiis  man  should  practise  upon  the  max- 
ima of  Confiiciut,  of  whom  he  never  beard  ?  (Do  ye  to  olAer*  a$  ye  icou^d 
that  they  ahould  do  xmtovou;)  and  tlie  monster  iu  human  form,  m  a  gos- 
pel land,  taught  them  Kom  his  youth,  should  show,  by  bis  actions,  bis 
utter  contempt  of  them,  and  even  of  the  divine  mandate  ? 

In  1816,  the  Rev.  Timothy  Mien,  then  president  of  Alleghany  col- 
lege, iu  Meadville,  Pennsylvania,  visited  the  Seneca  nation.  At  this  timt, 
Corn-plant  lived  seven  miles  below  the  junction  of  the  Connewango  with 
the  Alleghany,  upon  the  banks  of  the  latter,  "  on  a  piece  of  first-rate  bot- 
tom laud,  a  little  within  the  limits  of  Pennsylvania."  Here  was  his  vil- 
'  '  which  exhibited  signs  of  industrious  inhabitants.  He  then  owned 
acres  of  land,  600  of  which  comprehended  bis  town.  "  It  was  grate- 
ful to  noticp,"  observes  Mr.  Mden,  **  the  present  agricultural  habits  of  the 
place,  from  the  numerous  encloeures  of  buck-wheat,  corn  and  oatn.  We 
also  saw  a  number  of  oxen,  cows  and  horses ;  and  many  logs  designed 
for  the  saw-mill  and  the  Pittsburgh  markeL"  Corn-plant  had,  for  some 
time,  been  very  much  in  favor  of  the  Christian  religion,  and  hailed  with 
loy  such  OS  professed  it.  When  he  was  apprized  of  Mr.  Mdtn^s  arrival, 
[ie  hastened  to  welcome  him  to  his  village,  and  wait  upon  him.  And  not- 
withstanding his  high  station  as  a  chief,  naving  many  men  under  his  com- 
mand, he  chose  rather,  "  in  the  ancient  patriarchal  style,"  to  serve  his 
visitors  himself;  he,  therefore,  took  care  of  their  horses,  and  went  into  the 
field,  cut  and  brou|;ht  oats  for  them. 

The  Western  Missionaiy  Society  had,  in  1815,  at  Com-planVa  "ur^nt 
request,"  established  a  school  at  his  village,  which,  at  this  time,  promised 
success. 

Corn-plant  receives  an  annual  annuity  from  the  U.  States,  of  250  dol- 
lars, besides  his  proportion  of  9000  divided  equally  among  every  member 
of  the  nation. 

Goa-kuk-ke-warnarkon-ne-di-yu,  commonly  called  the  Prophet,  was 
brother  to  Corn-plant,  and  resided  in  his  village.  He  was  of  uttle  note, 
and  died  previous  to  1816.t  Corn-plant,  we  believe,  is  yet  living,  and, 
like  all  other  unenligbtened  people,  very  superstitious.  Not  long  since,  he 
said  the  Good  Spirit  had'  iol .(  him  not  to  have  any  thing  to  do  with  the 
whites,  <or  even  to  preserve  uiiy  mementoes  or  relics  they  had  fronj  time 
to  time  given  him ;  whereupon,  among  other  thin^  he  burnt  up  his  belt 
and  broke  his  elegant  sword.  He  often  mentions  his  having  been  at  Brad- 
docVa  defeat  Henry  Obeale,  his  son,  he  sent  to  be  educated  among  the 
whites.  He  became  a  drunkard  on  returning  to  his  home,  and  is  now 
discarded  by  his  father.  Com-plani  has  other  sons,  but  he  says  no  more 
of  them  shall  be  educated  among  the  whites,  for  he  says,  "  U  entirely  spoil 
Indian.^  And  although  he  countenances  Christianity,  he  does  not  do  it, 
it  is  thought,  from  a  belief  of  it,  but  probably  from  the  same  motives  as 
too  many  vi^tos  do4 

Tkariawee,  or  Charlee  Corn-planter,  was  a  pwty  to  the  treaty  of  Mos- 
cow, N.  Y.  in  1823.  He  was  probably  a  son  ot  Koeentwahk,  or  Cyantwaia. 

We  find  this  notice  of  Corn-plant  in  the  Pennsylvania  Gazette  of  1791 : 
**  The  Indians  in  this  quarter  [Fort  Pitt]  have  been  very  peaceable  for 
■ome  time,  but  down  the  Ohio  they  are  continually  doing  mischief.  There 

*  Fornnerly  called  Obaletown.  See  Pa.  Gaz.  1792,  and  Stanburi^t  Jour, 
t  Amer.  Register  for  1816.  vol.  ii.  SS6,  &.c. 

J  Verbal  account  of  E.  T.  Foote,  Es^.  of  Ghatauque  co.  N.  Y.  who  possesses  much 
uablp  information  upon  matters  of  ibis  kind. 


[Book  V 

ind  not  to 
nd  my  pea- 
se swh  re- 
Ihe  thirteen 
I  the  max- 
i«  ye  mntid 
I,  in  a  goB- 
ictions,  his 

(hany  col- 
t  this  time, 
rango  with 
It-rate  bot- 
ivas  his  vil- 
hen  owned 
was  grate- 
ibits  of  the 
oatH.     We 
[8  designed 
i,  for  some 
hailed  with 
Bn'a  arrival, 
,    And  not- 
er  his  coni- 
t«)  serve  his 
rent  into  the 

rit'»  "ur^nt 
tf,  promised 

Bf  250  dol- 
jry  member 

ropftef,  was 

■  little  note, 
living,  and, 
ng  since,  he 
do  with  the 
i  from  time 

up  his  belt 
len  at  Brad- 

among  the 
and  is  now 
lys  no  more 
fniirely  spoil 
es  not  do  it, 

motives  as 

aty  of  Mos- 

■  Cyaniwaia. 
tteof  1791: 
eaceable  for 
hief.  There 


lossesses  much 


cbat.  vn.] 


TECUMSEH. 


90 


•re  many  conjectures  in  this  country  about  Col.  Prodai*a  busineMi  in  the 
Indian  country,  as  it  is  known  he  \wt  left  Fort  Franklin,  at  French  Creek, 
in  couiuany  with  the  Cwm-planUr  and  many  of  his  people." 

Col.  Proctor  waa  Mut  to  aid  Com-pUmt  in  bis  intended  mi«ion  to  the 
hostile  tribes. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Tuum»eh—Hi»  great  txertima  to  preoent  the.  whUea  from  overrunning  ki$ 
country— Hit  expedition  on  Haatet'a  Creek— Cooperation  ofhiM  6roMer, 
the  Prophet— Rue  of  the  d^Uuliiet  between  Tecumseh  andOov.  Harri- 
ton—Speeeh  of  the  former  in  a  eouncil  at  Vineennes — Fearful  oecurrenet 
m  that  eouncu— WiifiiEMAK— TccunueA  visited  by  Gov.  Harrison  tft  hit 
canp — Determination  (f  war  the  result  of  the  interview  on  bolk  sidu — 
Charaeteristic  anecdote  of  the  cluef— Determines,  in  the  event  of  war,  to 
prevent  barbariHes—BatUe  of  Tippecanoe— Battle  ^f  the  T%imes,  and 
death  of  T\eumseh. — Description  of  his  person-Important  events  in  hii 
ltfe—PvKtKaHKtio,f(dher  of  Tecumseh— His  death— Particular  account 
qfEvhBKWATAWA,  or Uu  Prophet— Account  0^  RouifD-HEAO — Capture 
tmd  mtusaere  qf  Gen.  ffinchester's  army  at  the  River  Raisin — Mtberah 
or  the  Crane,  commonly  called  Walk-in-the- Water — ^TETowmuoK*- 
RAWE.f,  or  John  Norton — Wawnahton— Black-thunder— Onopa- 
TUNQA,  or  Bis-BLK — Petalbsharo — Metea. 

Tecumseh,  by  birth  a  Shawanee,  and  brigadier-general  in  the  army  of 
Great  Britain,  in  the  war  of  1812,  was  boru  about  1770,  and,  like  bis  great 
prototype,  Pometacom,  the  Wampanoag,  seems  always  to  have  made  his 
aversion  to  civilization  appear  a  prominent  trait  in  his  character ;  and  it 
is  no|:  presumed  that  be  joined  the  British  army,  and  received  the  red 
sash  and  other  badges  of  office,  because  he  was  fond  of  imitating  the 
whites ;  but  he  em|>loyed  thv  m,  more  prolMibly,  as  a  means  of  inspiring 
his  countrymen  with  that  respect  and  veneration  for  himself  which  was 
BO  necessary  in  the  work  of  expulsion,  which  he  had  undertaken. 

The  first  exploit  in  which  we  find  Teeumseh,  engaged  was  upon  a 
branch  of  Hacker's  Creek,  in  May,  1792.  With  a  small  band  of  wacriora, 
he  camb  upon  the  family  of  John  fTaggoner,  about  dusk.  They  (bund 
Waggoner  a  short  distance  from  his  house,  sitting  upon  a  log,  resting 
himself  after  the  fatigues  of  the  day.  Tecumseh  directed  his  men  to  cap- 
ture the  family,  while  himself  was  engaged  with  Wagmner.  To  make 
sure  woric,  be  took  deliberate  aim  at  him  with  his  rifle  ;1>ut  fortunately  he 
did  not  even  wound  him,  though  the  ball  (Missed  next  to  his  skin.  Wag- 
goner threw  himself  off  the  log,  and  ran  with  all  his  might,  and  Tecumseh 
followed.  Having  the  advantage  of  an  accurate  knowledge  of  the  ground, 
Wag^mer  made  good  his  escape.  Meanwhile  his  men  succe^sd  in 
carrying  off  the  family,  some  of  whom  they  barbarously  murdered. 
Among  these  were  Mrs.  Waggoner  and  two  of  her  children.  Several  of 
the  children  remained  a  long  time  with  the  Indians. 

This  persevering  and  extraordinary  man  had  made  himself  noted  and 
conspicuous  in  the  war  which  terminated  by  the  treaty  of  Greenville,  in 
1795.  He  was  brother  to  that  famous  impostor  well  known  by  the  name 
of  the  Prophet,  and  seems  to  have  joined  in  his  views  just  in  season  to 
prevent  his  fiilling  into  entire  disrepute  among  his  own  followers.  His 
princiiml  place  of  rendezvous  was  necr  the  confluence  of  the  Tippecanoe 
with  the  Wabash,  upon  tho  north  bonk  of  the  latter.    This  traci  of  coun- 


m 


TEcuMsen. 


[Boob  ▼. 


try  WW  none  of  hia,  but  o«u  been  iiosMseed  by  hia  brother  the  Prophdt 
in  1808,  with  a  motley  band  of  nbuut  a  1000  young  wiurriort  from  among 
tba  Sbawaneae,  Delawarea,  Wyandots,  Potowatomiea,  Ottowas,  KlkKa- 
poos  and  Cbipnevvaya.  The  Aliamiea  were  very  much  Opposed  to  this 
intrusion  ioio  uieir  country,  hut  were  not  powerful  enough  to  repel  it, 
and  many  of  their  nhieft  were  put  to  death  in  the  moat  barbaroiia  man> 
ner,  for  remonstrating  against  their  conduce  The  mHladministration  of 
the  Projfhtl,  however,  in  a  short  time,  verv  much  reduced  his  uumbera, 
BO  that,  in  about  a  vesr,  hia  followers  consisted  of  but  about  800,  and  these 
in  the  :.ioBt  miserable  state  of  existence.  Their  habits  had  been  such  as 
to  bring  fiiriiine  upon  them;  and  but  foi'  the  provisions  furnished  by  Gen- 
eral iiarrijon,  from  Vincennes,  starvation  would  doubtless  have  ensued.* 
At  this  juncture,  Teeumatk  made  his  appearance  among  them ;  and  al- 
though in  the  character  of  a  subordinate  chiet;  yet  it  was  known  that  he 
directed  every  thing  afterwards,  altho'igh  in  the  name  of  the  PropKeL 
His  exertions  now  became  immense,  to  cnguge  every  tribe  upoii  the  con- 
tinent in  a  ronledemcy,  with  the  open  and  avowed  object  of  arresting  the 
progress  of  the  whites. 

It  will  be  hard  to  find  excuse  for  all  the  proceedings  of  the  governi/ient 
(if  the  United  States  and  its  agents  towards  the  Indians  at  any  time.  The 
consciousness  of  power  goes  a  great  way  with  almost  all  men. 

Agreeably  to  the  direction  of  the  government.  Governor  Harrison  pur- 
chased of  the  Delaware*,  Miamies,  and  Potowatonies,  a  large  Xraci  of 
country  on  both  aides  of  toe  Wabasli,  and  extendiit)^  up  the  river  60  miles 
above  Vincennes.  This  wilh  in  1809,  about  a  year  after  the  Profhti  set- 
tled with  his  colony  upon  tho  Wabash',' As'  raioVo  stated'.  'Ttc&iAikh  Was 
■hwnt  at  this  time,  and  his  biother,  the  Prophtt.  was  not  considered  as 
liivin|(  any  claim  to  the  coiiiitrv,  being  there  without  the  consent  of  the 
Mlainies.  TecunueA  did  not  view  it  in  this  light,  and  at  hi«  ireturn  was 
Meeedingly  vexed  with  those  chid^  vtrho  had  mad^  the  %<}n<&ievtace ; 
many  of  whom,  it  is  aaselted,  he  threAteued  with  death.  7>eum«^S'«  dis- 
pleasure and  dissatiiiftction  reached  Gov.  JEf2irHMn,,who  despatched  a 
nicssengei'to  him,  to  state  *'tfaat  any  claims  he  might  We  to  the  lar  Is 
which  had  been  ceded,  were  not  affected  by  the  treity;  that  be  infiht 
come  to  Vincennes  and  exhibit  his  pretensions,  and  if  they  were  fovtriiTtb 
be  solid,  that,  the  land  would  either  be  ^ven  up,  or  an  ample  coiiipQnsa 
tion  made  fol*  iL'^t  Thid,  it  mum  be  confessed,  was  not  in  a  strain  e«ilc>>- 
latod  to  soothe  a  mighty  mind,  when  once  justly  irritated,  as  v^  that  of 
TTtrto^nM,  at  least  as  ho  conceived.  However,  upon  thd  19  Atigkst, 
1810,  (n  da>  which  cannot  fail  to  remind  the  reader  of  the  fate  of  bis 
great  archetype,  PkSip,  of  Potanoket,)  he  met  the  ^verrior  in  council  at 
Vincennefp,  with  many  of  bis  warriors ;  at  which  time  be  spoke  to  him  as 
follows: — 

"It  is  true  I  am  a  Shawanee.  My  forefathers  were  warriors.  Their 
son  19  a  warrior.  From  them  I  only  take  my  existenise;  fhim  my  tribe 
I  take  nothing.  I  am  tho  maker  bf  my  own  fortune;  and  oh!  that  I 
ctiuld  hmke  that  of  my  red  people,  and  'ftf  my  country,  os  meat  os  the 
oonceptions  of  my  mind,  when  I  think  of  the  Spirit  that  rules  the  universe. 
I  would  not  then  come  .o  Gov.  Harriaori,  to  ask  him  to  tear  the  tr^y, 
and  to  obliterate  the  landmiirk ;  hut  I  wotild  say  to  him.  Sir,  ;^on  have 
liberty  to  return  to  your  own  c6untry.  The  being  within,  comniuning 
^ith  piost  ages,  tells  me,  thM  once,  nor  until  lately,  there' was  no  vvhitb 
tetta  on  this  cotiUncnt.  That  it  then  all  belonged  to  red  men,  children  of 
dib  atme  parents,  placed  on  tt  by  the  Gt^at  Spirit  thiit  made  them,  to 
tee'p  it,  to  traverse  it,  to  enjoy  its  producdons,  atid  to  fill  it  With  the  saine 


*  Memoin  of  i/arriMN. 


t  Jfii/i*. 


OSAr.  vn.] 


TBOUmBH. 


IM 


Odm  •  iuppy  raee.  Since  made  miMnbie  by  Um  whha  peopit, 
who  an  never  conianted,  but  r'wejre  eueroecbiug.  Tbe  way,  wid  tbe 
only  waj  lo  obeek  and  to  Mop  this  evil,  m»  for  ell  ihe  red  men  to  unite  in 
ekuininji  a  eommon  and  equal  ri|{ht  in  the  land,  aa  it  waa  at  firat,  and 
ahouk)  M  yet ;  for  it  never  waa  divided,  but  belonga  to  all,  for  tbe  uae  ofeaeb. 
Tbat  no  part  baa  a  right  to  aell,  even  to  each  other,  rouoh  lea  to  arrangera; 
Uioae  who  want  all,  and  will  not  do  with  leaa.  The  white  people  nave 
uo  right  to  take  tbe  land  firom  tbe  Indiana,  becauae  they  had  k  flnt;  it  la 
theira.  Tbev  may  aelL  but  all  rouat  join.  Any  aale  not  niade  bv  all  ia 
not  valid.  The  lale  aale  ia  bad.  It  was  made  by  a  (Nut  only.  Part  do 
not  know  how  to  aeU.  It  requirea  al!  to  roalr.«  a  bargain  for  nil.  All  red 
men  have  equal  righta  to  tbe  unoocupied  laotl.  The  ri|^t  of  occupancy 
ia  aa  good  in  one  pwee  aa  in  anotbor.  There  cannot  be  two  occupationa 
in  the  aame  place.  Tine  firrt  exeludea  all  othera.  It  ia  not  ao  in  hunting 
or  travelling ;  for  there  the  aame  ground  will  aerve  many,  aa  they  may 
follow  each  other  all  day ;  but  the  camp  ia  stationary,  and  that  ia  occu- 
pancy. It  belongi  to  the  firat  who  aits  down  on  bia  blanket  or  akina, 
vhich  he  baa  thrown  upon  the  ground,  and  till  he  leavea  it  no  other  baa 
aritfht"* 

How  near  tbia  ia  to  the  original  ia  unknown  to  ua,  but  it  appeaia  too 
much  Auiericaniaed  to  oorreapond  with  our  notiona  of  TVcwnma;  never- 
tbeleaa  it  may  give  the  tnie  meaning.  One  important  paragraph  ought  to 
be  addeil,  whien  we  do  not  find  in  tL<*  wthor  fW>m  wnich  we  have  ex- 
tract^ the  above;  which  waa,  "that  tbe  Americana  had  driven  them 
firoiM  tbe  aen-coasta,  and  that  they  would  shordy  push  them  into  the  lakea^ 
and.  tbat  they  were  determined  to  make  a  stand  where  they  were."f  This 
language  forcibly  rsminda  us  of  what  the  ancient  Britona  said  of  their 
enemies,  when  uey  besought  aid  of  the  Romans.  "  The  barbariana  (anid 
thoy)  drive  ua  to  the  sea,  and  the  sea  beata  ua  back  upon  them ;  between 
these  extremea  we  are  expoaed,  either  to  be  alain  with  the  aword,  or 
drowned  in  the  wavea."t 

TVeuaueA,  having  thua  explained  bia  reaaona  against  the  validity  of  tbe 
purchase,  took  bin  seat  amidst  his  warriora.  <uk>vemor  HaniMm,  in  bia 
reply,  aaid,  **  that  tbe  white  people,  when  tbey  arrived  upon  this  Continent, 
had  fuund  the  Miamies  in  the  occupation  of  all  tiie  country  on  the  Wa- 
baal'^  and  at  that  time  the  Shawanese  were  residents  of  Georgia,  from 
which  they  were  driven  by  tbe  Creeks.  That  tbe  lands  had  been  pur- 
chased fifom  the  Miamiea,  who  wf^re  the  true  and  origitial  owners  of  it 
That  it  was  ridiculous  to  assert  thnt  all  the  Indians  were  one  nation ;  for 
if  such  had  been  tbe  intention  of  'he  Great  Spirit,  he  would  not  have  put 
six  different  tonguea  into  their  heaJs,  but  have  taught  them  all  to  speak  a 
h'nguage  that  all  could  understand.  That  tbe  Miamies  fo.tnd  it  for  their 
interest  to  sell  a  part  of  their  lauds,  and  receive  for  them  «  ftirther  an* 
nuity,  the  benefit  of  which  they  had  long  experienced,  from  the  pimctu- 
ality  with  which  the  aerenteen  fires  [the  seventeen  United  States')  com* 
plied  with  their  engagenMnts;  and  that  the  Shawanese  had  no  right  to 
come  from  a  distant  country  and  control  the  Miainieb  in  the  disirasal  of 
their  own  property."    The  governor  then  took  his  seat,  and  the  inter* 

fireter  proceeded  to  explain  to  Ti^mmMth  what  he  had  said,  who,  when 
le  htid  ntsariy  finished,  suddenly  interr  pted  him,  and  exclaimed,  "  Jt  if 
aUjfaiai  ;**  at  tho  same  time  giving  to  his  warriors  a  signal,  they  seized 
tlieir  war  cluba  and  spruiig  upon  their  feet,  from  the  zreen  grass  on  which 
they  had  boui  aitting.  The  governor  now  thought  nimser  in  imminent 
-danger,  and,  freeing  nitnself  firom  bia  arm-chair,  drew  hi'-  sword  and  pre- 
pared to  defond  himaelf.    He  was  attended  by  some  oflicers  of  bis  gov- 


*  Hilt.  Kerilaeky. 
9» 


t  M«m.  Hvritoa. 


X  Sdler*!  Englaiid. 


"s'V"wi'>i.' 


ICB 


TBCUMSBH. 


IBoM  T. 


crnmeiit.  and  nmaj  eltizena,  more  numermis  tluui  the  Indkni,  bat  all 
unaruwd :  mott  of  whoni,  however,  wbted  upon  Mnne  weuwD,  meh  m 
Monca  and  cluba.  Tteum$th  continued  to  maks  geaturaa  andT  apeak  with 
freat  emotion :  and  a  guard  of  13  armed  men  atttioned  in  the  rear  were 
ordered  up.  For  a  few  minutea,  it  waa  eipeeted  bkHid  would  be  died. 
Major  O.  R.  Fhude,  who  atood  near  the  governor,  drew  hia  dirli,  and 
/fMneaM/t  eocked  hia  piatoL  which  he  had  ready  primed ;  he  aaid  TVeian- 
«dk  liad  threatened  hia  life  for  bavinc  aigned  the  treaty  and  lale  of  the 
diaputed  hud.  A  Mr.  ffhuu,  the  Methodiat  minister,  ran  to  the  gov- 
emor'a  houae,  and  taking  a  gun,  atood  in  the  door  to  deftnd  the  ikmilr. 

On  being  informed  what  TVeimueA  had  aaid,  tlie  governor  replied  to 
him,  that  "ho  waa  a  bad  man— that  he  would  have  no  fiirther  talk  with 
him— that  he  muat  return  to  hia  camp,  and  aet  out  fbr  hia  liome  imme- 
diately.'' Tbua  ended  the  conference.  TVetmueA  did  not  leave  the  neigh- 
borhoo<],  but,  the  nejtt  morning,  liaving  reflected  upon  the  impropriety 
of  hia  conduct,  aent  to  the  governor  to  have  tlie  council  renewea,  and 
apol<^ed  for  the  aflhmt  oOfared ;  to  which  the  governor,  after  aome 
time,  eonaented,  having  taken  the  precaution  to  liave  two  additiooal  com- 
paniea  of  armed  men  in  readineaa,  in  caae  of  inault 

Having  met  a  aeeond  time,  Ttcum$ek  waa  aaked  whether  he  had  any 
other  fTOiinda,  than  thoae  he  had  atated,  1^  which  he  could  lav  claim  to 
the  bmd  in  queation ;  to  which  he  replied,  "  No  other."  Here,  then, 
waa  an  end  of  all  argument.  The  indignant  aoul  of  TeewmaA  could  not 
hut  he  enraged  at  the  idea  of  an  *'eauivalent  for  a  country,"  or,  what 
meant  tlw  same  thing,  a  eoR^wnrafion  lor  land,  which,  often  repeated,  aa 
it  had  been,  would  aoon  amount  to  a  eouniry!  ''The  behavior  of  Tkeim- 
Mk,  at  thia  interview,  waa  very  different  fivm  what  it  waa  the  day  before. 
Hia  deportment  waa  dignified  and  collected,  and  he  Aowed  not  the  least 
diqKwition  to  be  inaolent.  He  denied  having  any  intention  of  attacking 
the  governor,  but  aaid  he  had  been  adviaed  by  white  men"*  to  do  aa  he 
bad  done ;  that  two  white  men  had  visited  him  at  hia  place  of  residence, 
and  told  him  that  half  the  white  people  were  opposed  to  Governor  Hani- 
ton,  and  willing  to  relinquish  the  land,  and  tola  him  to  advise  the  tribes 
not  to  receive  pay  for  it ;  for  that  the  governor  would  be  soon  put  out  of 
office,  and  a  <*gnod  man"  sent  in  his  place,  who  would  give  up  the  land 
to  the  Indiana.  The  governor  asked  him  whether  he  would  prevent  the 
aurvey  of  the  land:  he  repKed  that  he  was  determined  to  adhere  to  the 
oM  houndaru.  Then  nroae  a  Wyandot,  a  Kikk8])oo,  a  Pottowattomie,  an 
Ottowas,  and  a  Winnebago  cbie^each  declaring  his  determination  to  stand 
liy  SfVeiMueft,  whom  they  had  chosen  their  chief.  After  the  governor  had 
Informed  Tunmath  that  his  words  should  be  truly  report  id  to  the  presi- 
dent, alleging;  at  the  same  time,  that  he  knew  the  land  wouM  not  be  re- 
linquiahed,  and  that  it  would  be  maintained  by  the  sword,  the  council 
eloaed. 

The  governor  wished  yot  to  prolong  the  interview,  and  thoui^ht  that, 
possibly,  Tievnuek  might  appar  more  subinissive,  should  lie  meet  him 
In  his  own  tent.  Accordingly  lie  took  with  liini  fin  interpreter,  and  visit- 
ed the  chief  in  his  camn  the  next  day.  The  governor  was  received  with 
kindnem  and  attention,  knd  Tenmueh  converwd  with  him  a  considerable 
time.  On  being  adced  by  the  governor,  if  his  determination  really  was 
aa  he  bad  ezprnsed  hunself  in  tlie  council,  he  said,  **  Yes ;"  and  added, 
"that  it  waa  virith  neat  reluctance  he  would  make  war  with  the  United 
Stales — against  whom  he  had  no  other  complaint,  but  their  purchasing 
the  Indiana'  land ;  that  he  was  extremely  anxious  to  be  their  flriend,  and 
if  he  (the  governor)  would  prevail  upon  tne  president  to  give  up  the  lands 

*  Memoirs  of  Hatrinm. 


IBami  T. 

HI,  bat  all 
>n,  tueh  M 
ipeak  wHh 


)  dirk,  and 
lidTkcMM- 
Mle  of  the 

>  thfl   lOT- 

B  fiuni^. 
repHeo  to 
•talk  with 
mo  imtiM- 
I  the  neigh' 
npropne^ 
Mwea,  and 
after  aome 
lionalcom- 

le  bad  any 
lY  claim  to 
nerei  theni 
h  could  not 
r,"  or,  what 
fvpeated,  as 

of  7VeiM»- 
day  beftwB. 
ot  the  least 
f  attacking 
D  do  as  he 
'  residence, 
mor  Harri- 

the  tribes 

put  out  of 
ip  the  land 
irevent  the 
lere  to  the 
rattomie,  an 
ion  to  stand 
>vemor  had 
)  the  presi- 

not  be  re- 
the  council 

iOUi;ht  that, 
meet  him 
r,  and  visit- 
ceived  with 
ronsiderable 
1  really  was 
and  added, 
the  United 
purehasins 
fliend,  and 
ip  the  lands 


tmikv.  ya.]  I'luumui.  UM 

htoly  pyKjI—d,  aad  agree  nevar  lo  nwha  aneihar  timtj,  without  iIm 
ooMant  of  aU  riM  tribaa,  he  would  U  thair  flihIiAil  aHy,  and  aiaiat  Uimb 
fa  all  ihoir  wan  with  the  Bngllsh,"  whom  ha  knew  were  alwaya  traal> 
fag  tfM  IndfaM  Ilka  doga,  ekqtpiBg  their  handa,  and  hdkwfag  tithhtf; 
that  he  wohM  mueh  mber  join  the  aevaolaen  Area ;  hut  rf'Uiey  would  not 
five  up  said  kada^  and  eompiy  with  his  raoiieat  in  other  rapeeta,  he  would 
jaia  the  English.  When  the  governor  told  him  there  was  no  probability 
that  the  prsMdent  w«niM  eompfy,  he  said,  ••  Well,  as  the  great  ehief  ia  to 
determine  the  manar,  I  hope  the  Great  Spirit  wiU  put  aanae  enough  into 
his  head,  lo  induce  him  lo  direct  you  to  give  up  tbia  land.  It  ia  true,  ho 
fa  so  Ihr  al^  be  will  not  bo  iqjurad  by  the  war.  Ho  may  ait  aiill  iu  hfa 
town,  and  drtek  hfa  wine,  wbilH  you  and  I  will  have  to  fight  it  out" 
He  had  aald  beftira,  wheii  aaked  if  it  were  hfa  determination  lo  make 
war  unleaa  hia  lermn  were  complied  with,  **  Jl  if  m«  tkkrmiimHam ;  nor 
«Mll  Ijgim  rul  fa  wffidymMIhmmmiikdMiktndmtH  m  lk»  Hkt 


Thus  is  exhibited  the  determined  character  of  TVcusim*,  In  which  no 
duplfaiqr  appears^  and  whoae  reoentinent  might  have  been  expected,  when 
queatioiied.  again  and  agabi,  upon  the  same  subjocL 

Moat  rsligwaaly  did  ho  proaeculo  tbia  plan ;  and  could  hia  extraordinary 
and  wonderflil  exertioas  be  known,  nn  fiction,  it  is  believed,  coiikl  scareo- 
lyaurpan  the  reality.  Thetribeato  thewestoftheMi«i«ippi,andthooe 
about  Lakea  Superior  and  Huron,  were  visited  and  reviaiua  bv  him  pre- 
vious to  the  year  181).  He  had  raiaed  in  theae  tribea  the  L'  ,h  expeotft- 
tion,  that  thmr  ahouM  be  abfa  «•  drive  the  Americana  to  the  east  of  the 
Ohio.  The  nmous  Bhm^mektt  was  aa  sanguine  as  Tteumith,  and  was 
hfa  abettor  in  uniting  diatant  tribea. 

The  Mfawmg  eharaeteriatie  drcumslance  occurred  at  one  of  the  meet- 
i'lga  at  Vineeimea.  After  TmmttA  had  made  a  speech  to  governor  Hmr>- 
t  vsen,  and  was  shoot  to  aeat  himaelf  in  a  chair,  he  olieervRd  that  none  had 
been  pheed  for  him.  One  was  immedfately  ordered  bv  the  governor, 
and,  as  the  interpreter  handed  it  to  him,  he  aaid,  **  Your  fttner  reauesia  you 
to  lake  a  ehair."  <•  Afjf  JMtrf*  saya  TVcusMeft,  with  great  indignity  of 
expression, "  Ifce  aim  is  wn^  faAer,  and  the  earth  i$  mymoOur;  and  on  Ur 
tasssi  IvnU  repass  ,*"  and  immediaiely  aeated  himseli,  in  the  Indfan  man- 
ner, upon  the  groamL* 

The  fight  at  Tippecanoe  followed  aoon  after.  This  affiur  took  place  in 
the  night  of  Nov.  ti,  1811,  in  which  03  Americans  were  killed,  and  196 
wounded.  TVmsiadk  was  not  in  this  fight,  but  bis  brother,  the  Prophet, 
eonducled  or  ordered  the  attack.  During  the  action,  lie  was  performing 
conjurations  on  an  eminence  not  far  ol^btit  out  of  danger.  His  men 
displayed  great  bnveiy,  and  the  fight  was  long  and  bloody.  Harmon 
Boat  aome  of  hfa  braveat  oflkers.  The  late  Colonel  Snetting,  of  Boston, 
then  a  captain,  was  in  thia  fight,  and  took  priaoner  with  his  own  hands 
an  Indian  chfaf^  the  only  Indian  taken  by  tne  Americans.  The  name  of 
the  captured  chfaf  we  do  not  learn,  but,  from  bis  fear  of  being  taken  for  a 
Shnwanee,  it  fa  evident  he  was  not  of  that  tribe.  When  he  viras  seized 
by  Capt.  SrtUmg,  he  ejaeuhted,  witfi  hurried  accents,  **  Good  man,  me  no 
Aaisanee.*'t  The  chwls  WkiU4ian  (Wapamangwa,'^  Stone-taUr  (Sanor- 
miMmnga,)  and  IPiwwtsidfc,  were  cnnapiruous  at  mis  time.  The  latter  hnd 
been  tiw  pretended  flrfand  of  the  governor,  but  now  appeared  his  eneui/. 

Just  before  hostilities  commenced,  in  a  talk  Governor  Harruon  had 
widi  TVeusue^  the  former  expressed  a  wish,  if  war  must  follow,  that 
cruehy  to  priaoners  should  not  be  allowed  on  either  side.  7%cum«ei  as- 
sured him  that  be  would  do  all  in  his  power  to  prevent  it;  and  it  is  be- 


t  laibraMlion  of  bis  WMk,W.  J.  Bneliing,  Esq.  of  Botlos. 


(Bms  V. 

Havod  ht  mMtf  adlMrMi  lo  this  ratoliMioa.  ladewi,  w«  liars  on*  «z- 
•mule,  wUeh  hM  never  baea  eaUed  ia  qiMMioo,  and  ia  worthy  iha  araat 
nriiid  of  ihia  ebief.  When  CoL  Dudkg  ww  eut  oil;  and  oaar  400  of  hto 
maot  not  ftr  Anm  Port  Meifi,  hjr  ftlling  Into  an  acnbiiali,  l\tmutk  arrivad 
at  the  leaiie  oT  action  whan  tha  Amancana  couM  raaiat  no  longer.  Ha 
axaned  himaelf  to  put  a  atop  w  tha  roaanaere  of  tha  aoidiara,  which  waa 
than  loinK  <>■>  <  *od  meeting  with  a  Chippaway  chief  who  would  not 
deaiat  oy  pemuiaion  nor  threaia,  ha  buried  nia  tomahawk  in  hia  head.* 

It  ia  aaid  that  TVcMMdk  had  been  in  almoat  every  important  battle  with 
the  Americana,  Aom  the  deatruetion  of  General  Harmo*t  armv  till  hk 
death  upon  the  Thamea.  He  waa  under  the  direction  of  GeneralPtwdar, 
In  the  laal  creat  act  of  hia  lifc,  but  waa  greatly  diaantiadt^  with  hia  coum 
of  iNTOoeedlnga,  and  ia  aaid  to  have  remonattated  againat  retreating  before 
tha  Americana  in  very  pointed  term*.  Pemft  viea>rv  had  juat  given  tha 
Americana  the  comnMnd  of  Lake  Erie }  aiMl  immediately  lAieir^Pnehr 
abandound  DeAoit,  and  marched  hia  nwjeaty'a  armyup  the  river  Thama% 
aecompanied  by  General  TVcwnmA,  with  amut  I<i00  warriora.  JifarrifOM 
overtook  them  near  the  Moravian  town,  Oct  ft,  1813,  aud,  after  a  bknidy 
battle  with  the  Indiana,  routed  and  took  priaonara  nearly  the  whole  Brit- 
iah  army ;  ProHur  nving  himaelf  only  by  flight  After  withatandinc 
almoat  tlio  whole  ibrce  of  the  Americana  fi>r  aome  tim^  TVeuaitdk  received 
a  aevera  wound  in  the  arm,  but  continued  to  fight  with  deaperation,  until 
a  ahot  in  the  head  ftom  an  unknown  hand  laid  him  proatrate  in  the  thiek- 
aat  of  the  flghLf    Of  hia  warriora  190  were  left  upon  the  fiekl  of  battle. 

Thua  fell  TVniawcA,  in  the  foity-lburth  year  of  nia  age.  He  waa  about 
five  feet  ten  incbea  in  hei^t,  of  a  noUe  appearance,  and  a  perfectly  aym* 
metrical  form.  **  Hia  carriage  waa  erect  and  lofty — hia  motiona  quick — 
hia  eyea  penetrating— hia  viMge  atem,  with  an  air  of  Aauleur  in  hia  coun- 
tetamce,  which  aroae  flrom  an  elevated  pride  of  aouL  It  did  not  leave 
him  even  ki  death."  He  ia  thua  apoken  of  by  one  who  knew  him.  Hia 
dreaa  on  the  day  of  the  firtal  battle  waa  a  deenkin  coat  and  pantaloona. 

At  the  battle  of  the  Thamea,  a  chief  by  the  name  of  iSllmie  aerved  aa  a 
guide  to  Col.  Johutm^a  resiment.  He  informs  us  that  he  knew  TeevaweA 
well,  and  that  he  once  had  had  hia  thigh  broken,  which  not  being  proper- 
ly aet,  cauaed  a  conaiderabie  ridge  in  it  alwaya  after.  Thia  waa  puUianed 
in  a  Kentucky  newspaper,  lately,  aa  necessary  to  prove  that  the  Indiaa 
killed  by  Col.  Mnuon  waa  Twmteh.  From*  the  same  jiaper  it  would 
aeem,  that,  even  on  he  day  of  battle,  it  was  doubted  by  some  whether  the 
.chwf  killed  were  Tuumteh,  and  that  a  critical  inquest,  was  held  over  his 
body ;  and  akbough  it  was  decided  to  be  lie,  yet  to  the  fact  that  the  colo- 
nel killed  him,  there  wus  a  demur,  even  then.  But,  no  doubt,  many 
were  willing  it  should  so  pass,  thinking  it  a  matter  of  nu  conaeoueoce,  ao 
long  aa  TVcMaueA,  their  most  dreaded  enemy,  was  actually  slain ;  and, 
peihape,  too,  so  near  the  event,  many  felt  a  delicacy  in  dissenting  from 
the  report  of  Col.  JoAfiam'*  firienda;  but  when  time  had  dispelled  such 
jealousy,  thoae  came  out  firankly  with  their  opinion,  and  hence  resulted  the 
actual  truth  of  the  case. 

That  the  American  soldiers  shouM  have  dishonored  themaelves,  after 
their  victory,  by  outraging  all  decency  by  acta  of  astonishing  feroci^  and 
barbarity,  upon  the  lifeieaB  body  of  the  fallen  chief,  is  grievous  to  mention, 
and  cannot  meet  with  too  aevere  condemnation.    Pieces  of  hia  riiin  were 


•  Jamu,  i.  S9I— P«rMM,  tS] . 

t  The  slory  (hat  he  fell  in  a  pcrsonitl  rencounter  with  Col.  Johnion,  mutt  no  longer 
be  believed.  F*«M  ire  enrirely  opposed  to  inch  a  conchuion.  Indeed,  we  cannot  leva 
ikat  the  colonel  ever  daimKl  tM  honor  of  (be  aehievenMnl. 


OiAK  VlLl 


TKCUMBKH. 


uken  swajr  l>T  aonw  of  UMin  m  menMntow!*  He  ii  Mid  to  have  bom*  • 
penooal  entnity  lo  Qenertl  IfarriMn,  at  thb  time,  Ibr  having  juat  beibva 
deatroyed  bia  fkihily.    The  celebrated  imeeh,  aaid  lo  have  bisen  deUvend 

5  the  mat  **  Shawaneae  warrior*  to  General  Plnadttr,  before  the  battle 
the  Thamea,  ia  believed  by  many  not  to  he  genuine.  It  mw  he  aaen 
in  every  hiatory  of  tho  warjUid  every  periodiealof  that  day,  and  in  not  • 
fow  ainne,  even  to  thia.  Therefore  we  omh  it  here.  The  ueeeh  of 
Logan,  perhaiMj  baa  not  circulated  wider.  Another,  in  our  opiniou,  mora 
worthy  the  rajghty  mind  of  TtetmuA,  puhttahed  in  a  work  aaid  to  ha 
written  by  one  who  heard  it,t  la  now  genefaOy  (on  the  authwrity  of  • 
iwbllo  joumall)  diacarded  aa  a  fiction. 

'  Among  the  akirmiahea  between  the  bellicereniB,  before  Geik  Jhli  aur- 
rendered  the  north- weatem  army,  2Vnwmf  and  hia  Indiana  acted  a  coa- 
^ticuoua  part 

.  Maiden,  situated  at  the  junction  of  Detroit  River  with  Lake  Ene.  was 
dbnatdered  the  Gibimltar  of  Canada,  and  it  waa  expected  that  Gen.  mlPt 
flrat  inovementa  would  be  to  poaieaa  himMlf  of  it  In  a  movement  that 
way,  Col.  AtArikmr  came  verv  near  beiiw  cut  off  by  a  pai^  of  Indiana 
led  by  iVnoMeA.  About  4  milea  fipom  Maldeii,  he  found  a  bridge  in  po*. 
aeaaion  of  a  body  of  the  enemy ;  and  ahhouch  the  bridge  witi  carriea  hv 
a  force  under  CoL  Ca$$A  in  effecting  whiebjJl  of  the  enemy  were  kille^ 
^t  it  aeema,  that  in  a  '*tew  daya  afterwafda"  they  wera  io  poanaidii  of 
It  again,  nnd  again  the  Americana  atood  rendv  to  repeat  the  attack.  It 
waa  in  an  attempt  to  reconnoinre,  that  CoL  UtArOmr  "advanoed  aomewhat 


too  near  the  enemy,  and  narrowljr  eaeaped  beiiy  cut  off  firom  hia  inen"| 
by  several  Indiana  who  had  nearly  pfeveated  hs  retreat 
,  Mwor  ronAom  waa detiiched  from  Amt  CanaidsLMth  900  men,  to  oon- 
v'6y  ISO  Ohio  militia  and  some  (irovlaMna  AogK  Wltiver  Rairin.  In  hai 
s^ond  day\i  march,  near  Brownatown,  he  ACi  *«]kn  wuhuah  of  70  f n- 
diana  under  TVcunuek,  who,  firing  upon  bun,  kilk»  W  men  ;'«mong  wfiqni 
w;er9  Cantaina,  MPCvUoek^  -AmMt,  OiknaM**  iad  Vkry:  9  mora  wtt« 
wounded. 
A  British  writer  upon  the  late  war,t(  <tAer  hnfing  rdatad  the  baltl?  af 
whldi  Tkewaiielb  ftlli  nya;  fit  aeema  eztnordinaiy  that 


the  Thames,  in  ^_         ,  ......  . 

6eh.  Harriaon  should' hav^  bnjitte^  to  mention,  b  hia  lettu*,  the  death.tf 
a  chief,  whose  flilt  contributed  ao  lugdy  tp.br^'doWi^  tM  Indian  spini» 
and  to  give  peace  and  ancuri^  to  th«l  wtww  iioM^-weBtiBi|i  fitmtier  or  tfie 
U.  States.  .  Tecwmth,  althou^  he  hidi  reeehred  a  niuilltet-ball  in  the'  left 
arm,  was  still  seeking  the  hotteM  of  the  Afej,"  when  he  received  the  tnor* 
tal  wound  in  the  braid,  of  wliich  he  in  a  few  nwments  expiiiiBd.  The 
error,  which  for  some  time  preyail|^  of  hia  beiiig  tbat  hj  CoL  AXttadM, 
is  copied  into  this  author'a  work.  The  following  deMvintiona,  though^  in 
dome  respects  erroneous,  are  of  auAeient  ?alap  to  lie  prelpervcd.    - 

Teetmueh  was  endoWiad  "with  more, dun  Ae  uaual atoutneaa, poaaeaa 
ed  all  the  agility  apd  perseverance,  of  the  Indian  d^aracter.    His  carriue 
v^as  digiiified ;  his  eye  penetrating;  hia  countenaiice,  vrUeh,  evei^  m 
dieath,  betrayed  the  indications  of  a  lofty  >q>irit,  rather  <n  the  alemer  paat 
Kad  he  not  possessed  a  certain  austerity  or  maiuieta^  he  could  never  have 


*  We  have  often  heard  il  said,  bat  wkether  ia  iralk  we  do  aot  aver,  Ifcat  Uwra  aie 
those  who  slUI  o4ni  raaor  slraps  made  of  it 

t  John  Dumt  HtmUr.  \  North  Anerieaa  Rjeview. 

&  Si  ice  Mvemor  of  Micbinn,  and  now  aecrelanr  of  wa#.' 

f  Braekenridge.  Hist  War.  31. 

IT  lo  this  olBeers  pocket,  il  n  said,  was  loiMd  a  letter  writtea  for  his  wife,  rivi 
aeeouat  of  his  having  killed  aa  Indian,  ftoaa  whoaa  head  he  tore  the  aealp  with  his 


leeih. 


This  is  the  process  when  the  hair  is  short 
**  Gitduitt.  eommoaljr  written. 


tt  Jtmu,  i.  117,  Ace. 


^ 


106 


TECUBISEH. 


[Book  V. 


controlled  the  wayward  passions  of  those  who  followed  him  to  battle. 
Ho  was  of  a  silent  habit ;  but,when  his  eloquence  became  roused  into 
action  by  the  reiterated  encroachments  of  the  Americans,*  bis  strong  in- 
tellect cr>nld  supply  him  with  a  flow  of  oratory,  that  enabled  hiiu,  as  ho 
Siverned  in  the  field,  so  to  prescribe  in  the  council.  Those  who  consider 
at,  in  all  territorial  questions,  the  ablest  diplomati<>t8  of  the  U.  States  are 
sent  to  negotiate  with  the  Indians,  will  readily  appreciate  the  loss  sustain- 
ed by  the  latter  in  the.  death  of  their  champioa.  The  Indians,  in  general, 
are  full  as  fond  as  other  savages,  of  the  gaudy  decoration  of  their  fMrsons; 
but  Teeumnh  was  an  CAception.  Clothes  and  other  valuable  articles  of 
spoil  had  often  been  his ;  yet  he  invariably  wore  a  deerskin  coat  and  pan- 
taloons. He  had  frequently  levied  subsidies  to,  comparatively,  a  large 
amount ;  yet  be  preserved  little  or  nothing  for  himself.  It  was  not  wcalui, 
but  ^lory,  tfiat  was  TecumseVa  ruling  passion.  Fatal  day!  when  the 
'Christian  people'  firs*:  penetrated  the  forests,  to  teach  the  arts  of 'civiliza- 
tion* to  the  poor  Indiau.  Till  then  water  had  been  hiF  only  beverage ; 
and  himself  and  his  race  possessed  all  the  vigor  of  hardy  savages.  Now, 
no  Indian  opens  bio  lips  to  the  stream  that  ripples  by  his  wigwam,  while 
be  has  a  rag  of  clothes  on  his  back,  wherewith  to  purchase  rum  ;  and  he 
and  his  squaw  and  his  childron  wallow  through  the  day,  in  beastly  drunk- 
enne8s.t  Instead  of  the  sturdy  warrior,  witii  a  head  to  plan,  and  an  arm 
to  execute,  vengeance  upon  the  oppresso/«  of  his  country,  we  behold  the 
puny  besotted  wretch,  squatting  on  his  hams,  ready  to  barter  his  country, 
nis  children,  or  himself,  for  a  rew  gulps  of  that  deleterious  comfiound, 
which,  far  more  than  the  arms  of  the  United  States,  [Great  Britain  and 
France,]  is  hastening  to  extinguish  all  traces  of  his  iiame  and  character. 
TVciMweA,  himself,  iu  early  lite,  had  been  addicted  tc  intemperance ;  but 
no  sooner  did  his  judgoient  decide  against,  than  his  resolution  enabled 
him  to  quit,  so  vile  a  hwit  Beyond  one  or  two  glosses  of  wine,  he  never 
afterwards  indulged."   ■' 

It  was  said  not  to  be  ftt>ni  good  will  to  the  Americans,  that  he  would 
not  permit  his  warriors  to  exercise  any  cruelty  upon  them,  when  fallen 
into  their  power,  but  from  principle  alone.  When  Detroit  was  taken  by 
the  British  and  Indians,  Teewnaeh  was  in  the  action  at  the  head  of  the 
latter.  After  the  surrender.  Gen.  Brock  requested  him  not  to  allow  his 
Indiana  to  ill-treat  the  prisoners,  and  to  which  he  replied,  "  JS/h !  I  de- 
tpiat  thtm  too  much  to  mtddU  with  than.*' 

Some  of  the  En^sh  have  said  that  there  were  few  ofiicers  in  the  U. 
States'  service  so  aUe  to  command  in  the  field  as  Tecumieh.  This  it  will 
not  us  behove  to  question ;  but  it  would  better  have  become  such  speech- 
makers,  if  they  had  added, "  in  his  peculiar  mode  of  warfare."  That  he 
was  a  more  wily  chief  than  Miakikinakwa,  may  be  doubted ;  that  either 
had  natural  abilities  inferior  to  those  of  Gen.  Jroyne,  or  Gen.  Brock,  we 
see  no  reason  to  believe.  But  this  is  no  argument  that  they  could  prac- 
tise European  warfare  as  well  as  those  generals.  It  is  obvious,  from  his 
iuteroourse  with  the  wl*.ites,  that  Tecuvmh  must  have  been  more  skilled 
in  their  military  tactics  than  most,  if  not  aM,  of  his  countrymen,  whether 
predecessors  or  cotemporaries. 

A  military  man^  as  we  apprehend,  says,  "  He  [Tecunuehj  was  an  ex- 
cellent judge  of  position  ;  and  not  only  knew,  but  could  point  out  the  lo- 
calities of  the  Whole  country  through  which  he  had  passed."  "His  fa- 
oility  of  communicating  the  information  he  had  acquired,  was  thus  dis- 
played oetore  a  concourse  of  spectators.  Previously  to  Gen.  Brock's  cross- 
mg  over  to  Detroit,  he  asked  Tncumaeh  what  sort  of  a  country  he  should 


*  Ai  though  the  Eoglith  of  Guada  had  Mver  been  guilty  ofenrroachnoni 


t  Thii  ii  not  tnie. 


\  Mr.  Jamet,  ut  npra. 


^ 


Chap.  VII.] 


PROPHET. 


107 


have  to  pan  through,  in  case  of  his  pror«eding  farther.  Teeunueh,  taking 
a  roil  of  elm-bark,  and  extending  it  on  the  ground  by  means  T  four 
atones,  dre>v  forth  bis  scalping-knife,  and  with  the  point  presen  etched 
upon  the  bark  a  plan  of  the  country,  its  hills,  woods,  riven,  morusses,  and 
roads ;  a  plan  which,  if  not  as  neat,  wan,  for  the  purpose  required,  fuliv 
as  intelligible  as  if  Anmotmith  himself  had  prepared  it  Pleased  with 
this  unexpected  talent  in  TVcunueA,  also  with  bis  having,  by  his  charac- 
teristic boldness,  induced  the  Indians,  not  of  his  immediate  party,  to  cross 
the  Detroit,  prior  to  the  embarkation  of  the  regulars  and  militia,  Gen. 
Brock,  as  soon  as  the  business  was  over,  publicly  took  off  his  sash,  and 
placed  it  round  the  body  of  the  chief.  T^eutnaeh  rec«ivt;d  the  honor  with 
evident  gratification ;  but  was,  the  next  day,  seen  without  his  sash.  Gen. 
Brbck,  fearing  something  had  displeased  the  Indian,  sent  his  interpreter 
for  an  explanation.  The  latter  soon  returned  with  an  account,  that  Te- 
eunuth,  not  wishing  to  wear  such  a  mark  of  distinction,  when  an  older,  and, 
as  he  said,  abler,  warrior  than  himself  was  present,  bad  transferred  the 
sash  to  the  Wyandot  chief  Round-head," 

The  place  of  this  renowned  warrior's  birth  was  upon  the  banks  of  the 
Scioto  River,  near  what  is  now  Chillicothe.  His  father's  name  was 
Pvketahmo.,  which  means,  /  Kgld  from  flying.  He  was  killed  in  the  battle 
of  Kanhawa,  in  1774.  His  mother's  name  was  Metthttttuhe,  which  sig- 
nifies, a  turtle  laying  her  eggs  in  the  sand.  She  died  among  the  Chero- 
koes.  She  had,  at  one  birth,  three  sons : — Ellakwatawa,  which  signifies, 
a  door  opened,  was  called  the  Prophet;  Ttcunueh,  which  is,  a  tiger 
crouching  for  his  prey^  and  Kumskaka,  a  tiger  that  flies  in  <Ae  air.* 

Although  we  have  given  some  important  facts  in  the  life  of  EUskwatawa, 
there  are  some  circumstances  which  claim  to  be  related.  After  the  ter- 
mination of  the  war  of  1812,  he  received  a  pension  from  the  government 
of  Great  Britain,  and  resided  in  Canada.  In  182G  he  was  prevailed  upon 
to  leave  that  country,  and  went,  with  others,  to  settle  beyond  the  Missis- 
sippi.   At  the  same  time  also  went  the  only  surviving  son  of  TVcuTueA. 

Much  has  been  said  and  written  about  the  Prophet ;  and,  as  is  generally 
the  case,  the  accounts  vary,  in  proportion  to  their  multiplicity.  From  a 
well-written  article  in  a  foreign  periodical,!  it  is  said  that,  during  the  first 
50  years  of  his  life,  he  was  remarkable  for  nothing  except  his  stupidity 
and  intoxication.  In  his  50th  year,  while  in  the  act  of  lighting  his  pipe, 
he  fell  back  in  his  cabin,  upon  his  bed ;  and,  continuing  for  some  time  life- 
less, to  all  aR|*earance8,  preparations  were  made  for  his  interment ;  ond  it 
was  not  until  the  tvWte  was  assembled,  as  usual  on  such  occaHions,  and 
they  were  in  the  act  of  removing  him,  that  he  revived.  His  first  words 
were,  "  DonH  be  alarmed.  I  have  seen  heaven.  Call  the  nation  together,  that 
I  may  tell  thum  xahat  has  appeared  to  me.'"  When  they  were  assembled, 
he  told  them  that  two  beautiful  young  men  had  tx-cn  sent  from  heaven 
by  the  Great  Spirit,  who  spoke  thus  to  him : — "  The  Great  Spirit  is  angry 
with  you,  and  will  destroy  all  the  red  men :  unless  you  refrain  fi-ons 
drunkenness,  lying  and  stealing,  and  turn  yourselves  to  him,  you  shall 
never  enter  the  beautiful  place  which  we  will  now  show  you."  He  was 
then  conductC'j  to  the  gates  of  heaven,  from  whence  he  could  behold  all 
its  beauties,  bat  was  not  permitted  to  enter.  After  undergoing  several 
hours'  tantalization,  from  extreme  desire  of  participating  in  its  indescriba- 
ble joye  and  pleasures,  he  was  dismissed.  His  conductors  told  him  to  teil 
all  the  Indians  what  he  had  seen ;  to  ref)cnt  of  their  ways,  and  they  would 
visit  him  again.  My  authority  says,  that,  on  the  Prophet's  visiting  the 
neighboring  nations,  his  mission  hod  a  good  effect  on  their  morals,  &c. 
But  this  part  of  his  story,  at  Iea8%  is  at  variance  with  facts ;  for  none 


•  achoderafl. 


t  The  New  Monthly  Magvtine. 


.m 


loe 


ROUND-HEAD. 


[Book  T. 


would  hear  to  him,  except  the  most  abandoned  yotine  warriors,  of  those 
trib<»  he  visited,  and  their  miserable  condition  in  colonizing  themselves 
upon  the  Wabash,  in  1811,  is  well  known.* 

There  was  an  earthquake  said  to  have  taken  plaee  in  the  Creek  coun- 
try, in  December,  ISll.f  The  Prophet  visited  the  Creeks  in  the  previous 
August,  and  "  pronounced  in  the  public  square,  that  shortly  a  lamp  wouM 
appear  in  the  west,  to  aid  him  in  bis  hostile  attack  upon  the  whites,  and, 
irthuy  would  not  be  influenced  by  his  peisuasion,  the  earth  would  ere 
long  tremble  to  its  centre.  This  circumstance  has  had  a  powerful  eflTect 
on  the  minds  of  these  Indians,  and  would  certainly  have  led  them,  gener- 
ally, to  have  united  with  the  northern  coalition,  luul  it  not.  -been  for  the 
interposition  of  travellers."  This  statement  was  made  by  a  Mr.  IVaneu 
ATHenry,  in  the  Georgia  Journal,  to  contradict  that  ever  any  such  earth- 
quake did  take  place,  and  by  which  we  learn  that  that  part  of  the  super- 
stitious world  really  believed  that  it  had,  and  that  places  had  been  actu- 
ally sunk.  The  same  communicant  says, "  I  have  only  to  state,  that  I 
have  comfortably  reposed  in  houses  where  newspapers  nave  announced 
eveiT  disappearance  of  earth."  He  states  also,  upon  the  authority  ot 
"a  Mr.  Chadbury,  an  English  gentleman,  from  Quebec,"  that,  "at  the 
age  of  15,  this  Indian  disappeared  from  his  relatives,  and  was  considered 
as  finally  lost.  That  he  strolled  to  Quebec,  and  from  thence  to  Montreal, 
where,  taken  as  a  pilot  to  Halifax,  he  remained  several  years ;  and  in  this 
space  received  an  education  qualifying  him  to  act  the  part  already  known." 
The  comet  of  1811  was  viewed  by  many,  throughout  the  countnr,  as  a 
harbinger  of  evil,  and  it  was  upon  this  seeming  advantage  that  the  Proph- 
et seized  to  frighten  his  red  brethren  into  his  schemes.^ 

Round-head  was  a  Wyandot,  and  fought  against  the  Americans  in  the 
last  war.  He  was  very  conspicuous  in  the  nattle  at  Frenchtown,  iipon 
the  River  Raisin.  The  Indian  force  ia  this  affair  was  about  1000.§  Uen. 
tfinchetter's  quarters  were  at  1  or  200  yards  from  the  main  army  when 
the  fight  commenced,  and,  in  an  endeavor  to  render  it  assistance,  was 
fallen  upon  by  the  Wyandots,  and  himself  and  attendants  captured. 
Bound-head  seized  upon  Gien.  Wiruherier  with  his  own  hands.  It  was  a 
severe  culd  morning,  22  Jan.  1813,  and  the  ground  was  covered  with 
mow. 

Our  chief^,  in  a  manner  truly  characteristic,  obli^d  the  general  to  divest 
himself  of  his  great  coat,  and  all  his  uniform.  With  nothing  but  his  shirt 
to  protect  him  from  the  cold,  Round-head  conducted  him  to  a  fire,  but 
not  until  he  had  got  on  the  general's  cocked  hat,  uniform  coat,  vest,  &c. 
It  was  in  this  condition,  that  Col.  Proctor  found  him ;  and  it  was  not 
without  much  persuasion  that  the  stern  warrior  relinquished  his  impor- 
tant captive ;  and  it  was  with  still  more  reluctance,  that  he  gave  up  the 
uniform,  in  which  he  had  had  so  short  a  lime  to  strut  about  and  show  him- 
self to  his  countrymen.)! 

This  was  a  most  diastrous  expedition  for  the  Americans :  538  were  cap- 
tured, according  to  the  British  account,  which  does  not  differ  materially 


*  This  fiimous  vision  of  the  Prophet  will  compare  in  strangeness  with  that  of  Ktpoth, 
bead  rhief  of  the  Delaware  nation,  related  by  Loskiel,  (ii.  114.)  He  lay  to  all  appear- 
ance dead  for  three  days.  In  his  swoon,  he  saw  a  man  in  white  robes,  who  exhibited  a 
catalogue  of  the  people's  sins,  and  warned  him  to  repent.  In  1749,  he  was  about  SOyetrs 
of  age,  and  was  baptized  by  the  name  of  Solomon.  We  have  related  in  Book  ifl.  an 
account  of  Sqtiando'a  vision ;  and  others  might  be  mentioned. 

t  "  The  earthquakes,  which,  in  1811,  almost  destroyed  the  town  of  New  Madrid  Qfihe 
Miuisiippi,  were  very  sensibly  felt  on  the  upper  portion  of  the  Missouri  country,  and 
occasioned  much  superstitious  dread  amongst  the  Indians."    Long's  Expedition,  I.S7X. 

t  Halcyon  Luminary,  i.  SOS,  &c.  New  York,  (June,)  18IS. 

(  Ferkint's  Late  War,  100.  (j  Jamtt,  Milit.  OeeurrmeM,  i.  188. 


asa 
"opA- 

in  the 
J,  upon 


Cii\r.ni.]  ROUND-HEAD.  109 

from  Jlio  Aiiipriran  ;•  nv.il  HOO  killfd  in  the  FwHir  uinf  iimssorrcd  liy  the 
Indians  itnmediatoly  nfn  r. 

Ill  Cnl.  Proctor\i  ntticia!  :icroii:u  of  tliiH  nfliiir,  hu  speaks  in  high  ternas 
of  tiio  eomtnrt  of  tli;*  Inilitm  cliirfs  niiti  wnrriors.  His  words  are:  "The 
z-iil  and  oniimge  of  ihe  Indian  department  were  never  more  conspicuous 
tlian  un  thid  urcusioii,  and  tlio  Indian  warriors  fouglit  with  their  usual 
bravery." 

Col.  Proctor  has  >Mx;n  tnnch  censured  for  his  conduct  at  tlie  River  Rai- 
sin. It  \vas  said  tliat  he  agreed  to  the  terms  iisited  for  bv  Gen.  JVinche^, 
and  then  paid  no  nttentinii  to  their  observance,  but  rather  countenatieed 
Vif  In'lians  in  their  barlrarities,  thinking  thereby  to  strike  the  Ainericans 
with  dread,  that  they  might  be  deterred  from  entering  the  service  in 
future.  ]{ut  the  Itriiish  historians  say  that  "the  whole  of  the  loft  divis- 
ion surrendered  at  discretion,"  and  not  "on  condition  6f  their  being  pro- 
tected from  the  savages,  btnng  allowed  to  retain  their  private  property, 
and  having  their  side-nrms  returne<l  to  them,"  as  stated  l)y  Gen.  fVmehuter: 
for,  Mr.  Jitmes  adds,  "  had  this  been  the  understanding,  one  may  suppose 
that  some  wiiting  would  have  l>een  drawn  up;  but,  indeed, Gen.  fVinchtt- 
ter  Avas  not  in  a  condition  to  dictate  tcnns.  Stripped  to  Us  shirt  and  trow- 
sers,  and  suilering  exceedingly  from  the  cold,  the  American  general 
was  found  by  Col.  Prortor,  near  to  one  of  the  Indian  tires,  in  possession 
of  the  Wyandot  ch\ef  Round-htad." 

So,  according  to  the  judgment  of  this  historian,  Col.  Proctor  was  under 
no  obligation  to  keep  his  word,  liccause  there  was  "no  writing"  with  his 
name  to  it  The  historian  that  will  even  set  up  a  defence  for  treachery 
may  calculate  witli  certainty  upon  the  value  posterity  will  set  upon  bis 
work.  We  want  no  other  than  Col.  Proctor's  own  account  from  which 
to  condemn  him  of,  at  lea^t,  great  want  of  humanity.  We  do  not  pretend 
that  the  Americans  were  always  free  from  the  same  charges ;  but  wc  would 
as  soon  scorn  their  extenuation  as  that  of  their  ei^emies. 

Round-head  was  present  with  Gen.  Brock  and  Tecunueh  when  they 
took  possession  of  Detroit,  on  the  15  August,  1813.  When  about  to  cross 
the  river  to  lay  siege  to  Detroit,  Cren.  Brock  presented  Tecunueh  with  his 
red  sash.  This  chief  had  too  much  good  sense  to  wear  it,  well  knowing 
it  would  create  jealousy  among  the  other  chiefs,  who  considered  them- 
selves equal  with  him ;  he  therefore  presented  it  to  Round-head,  as  has 
been  mentioned  in  the  life  of  Tecunueh. 

Whether  this  chief  were  more  wise  than  T^cumseh^  in  the  last  affair  in 
which  the  latter  was  engaged,  we  are  unable  to  say ;  but  it  appears  high- 
ly probable  that  the  conduct  of  Gen.  Proctor  was  the  cause  of  bis  bemg 
abandoned  by  most,  if  not  all  the  Wyandots,  previous  to  the  battle  of  the 
Thames.f  As  Round-head  was  their  chie^  to  him  will  be  attributed  the 
cause  of  their  wise  proceeding. 

The  following  letter,  written  after  the  battle  of  the  River  Raisin,  (we 
conclude,)  is  worthy  of  a  place  here. 

"  TAe  Hunma,  and  the  other  tribes  of  Jnduiiu,  assembled  at  the  fiKami 
Rapids,  to  the  inhabitants  of  ihe  River  Raisin. — IHends,  listen  !  You  have 
always  told  us  you  would  gtve  us  any  assistance  in  your  power.  We,  there- 
fore, as  the  enemy  is  approaching  us,  wUhin  25  miles,  eaU  upon  you  aU  to 
rise  up  and  come  hen  immeduUely,  bringing  your  arms  along  urith  ycfu. 
Should  you  faH  al  tftis  time,  we  tviU  not  consuter  you  in  future  as  friends, 
and  the  consequences  may  be  very  unpleasant.    H^  are  weU  eonvinced  you 


•  Thomson  has  522.    Hitt.  ^etchet,  104. 

t  Gen.  Harrison'*  official  letter,  among  Brammift  Ofieial  Doc.  p.  297. 

10  !» 


*<i 


110 


WALK-IN-THE-WATER. 


(Book  V. 


ham  no  ufritini^  foriidding  you  to  assist  us.     Wt  art  your  Jritnda  at 
preteni. 

Round-head  '^*»>'  his  mark. 

fValk-in-Uie-tDoter  ©  bis  mark.* 

fFalk-^n•{he•xeat^r  aldo  signalized  himself  in  these  events.  His  native 
name  is  Myeerah.  He  is  a  Huron,  of  the  tribe  of  the  Wyandots,  and,  in 
1817,  resided  on  a  reservation  in  Michigan,  at  a  village  railed  Maguaga, 
near  Brownstown.  Mr.  Brawn,  in  his  valtiahio  Western  Gazetteer, 
justly  styles  this  famous  chief  one  of  "nature's  nobles."  The  unfortunate 
Gen.  Hull  mentions  him  as  one  of  the  principal  "among  the  vast  number 
of  chiefs  who  led  the  hostile  hands"  of  the  west  when  the  war  of  1812 
commenced.  The  Kaska^^kias  Wyandots,  in  1814,  were  nearly  equally 
divided  between  a  chief  called  Tarhx,  which  signitics  the  Crane,  and 
Myeerah.  The  former  was  called  the  grand  chief  of  the  nation,  and  re- 
sided at  Sandusky.  He  was  u  very  venerable  and  intelligent  chief.  In 
1812,  Myeerah  told  some  American  officers  who  were  sent  to  the  Indians 
to  st-cure  their  favor,  that  the  American  government  was  acting  very 
wrong  to  send  an  army  into  their  country,  which  would  cut  on  their 
communication  with  Canada.  The  Indians,  he  said,  were  their  own 
master",  and  would  trade  where  they  pleased ;  that  the  affair  of  the  Wa- 
bash was  the  fault  of  Gen.  Harrison  -ntirely.  He  commanded  the  In- 
dian army  with  Round-head  at  the  battlu  of  the  River  Raisin. 

Ailer  the  battle  of  the  Thames,  in  which  also  fValk-in-tke-waler  was  a 
conspicuous  commander,  he  went  to  Detroit  to  make  peace,  or  rather  to 
ask  it  of  Gen.  Harrison.  In  crossing  from  Sandwich  with  a  white  flag, 
many  were  attracted  to  the  shore,  to  see  him,  where  also  were  drawn  up 
the  Kentucky  volunteers.  All  were  struck  with  admiration  at  his  noble 
aspect  and  fearless  carriage,  as  he  ascended  the  bank  and  passed  through 
the  ranks  of  the  soldiers.  The  greatest  firmness  attended  his  steps,  and 
the  most  dignified  nonchalanee  was  upon  his  countenance ;  notwithstand- 
ing his  condition  was  now  calftuluted  to  discover  humiliation  and  deep 
depression.  Only  a  few  days  before,  he  had  fought  hand  to  hand  with 
these  same  volunteers,  whose  ranks  he  now  passed  through. 

We  have  njt  heard  of  the  death  of  the  heroic  and  truly  great  chief 
Myeerah ;  but,  whether  alive  or  dead,  our  veneration  is  the  same.  It  was 
said  of  his  cotemporary,  Tieuvnsth,  that  in  the  field  he  was  an  Jlchitles, 
and  in  the  council  un  t^gamemnon.  At  least,  we  think,  as  much  may  in 
truth  be  said  of  Myeerah.  The  sequel  of  the  life  of  Tarhe  will  be  found 
in  a  former  chapter,  where  he  figures  under  the  name  of  King  Crane.  In 
1807,  a  treaty  was  made  at  Detroit  between  the  Chip|)ewnys,  Ottowas, 
Pottowattomies  and  Wyandots  and  the  U.  States.  Two  chiefs  I:"«»;des 
Jtfyeerah  signed  on  behalf  of  the  last-named  tribe.  His  name  to  that 
treaty  is  written  Miere.  The  next  year,  1808,  another  treaty  was  made 
at  Brownstown  with  the  same  tribes,  with  the  addition  of  two  delegates 
from  the  Shawanees.  Three  besides  Myeerah  signed  at  this  time.  He 
was  also,  we  believe,  a  party  to  the  treaty  made  at  Fort  Industry  in  1805, 
on  the  Miami  of  the  Lake. 

Less  is  known  of  the  history  of  the  two  next  chiefs,  of  which  we  shall 
ny  something,  than  of  many  others  less  distinguished. 

Teyoninhokeratoen  was  a  Mohewk  chief,  who  is  Rencmlly  known  under 
the  appellation  of  John  JVorton.  "  This  interesting  Ind  Ian,  about  two  years 
ago,  [1804  or  5,]  visited  England,  where  numerous  traits  of  an  amiable 
disposition  and  a  vigorous  intellect  produced  the  most  pleasing  impres- 
sions on  all  who  were  introduced  to  him.    A  proof  of  his  possessing,  in  a 


*  Engluh  Barbarititi,  188. 


cbaf.  vn.] 


TEYONINHOKERAWEN. 


lU 


[Book  V. 

frwnda  at 

aric. 
I  mark.* 

H'm  native 

Dtn,  and,  in 

Maguaga, 

&ZETTEER, 

infortiinate 
ist  number 
ir  of  1812 
riy  equally 
Crone,  and 
DP,  and  re- 
chief.  In 
he  Indians 
iCting  very 
t  ofr  their 
their  own 
»f  the  Wa- 
led the  In- 

ixdtr  was  a 
r  rather  to 
white  flag, 
)  drawn  up 
t  his  noble 
ed  through 
i  steps,  and 
twithstand- 
and  deep 
hand  witii 

great  chief 
lie.  It  was 
m  JlchilUs, 
ich  may  in 
ill  be  found 

Crane.  In 
s,  OttowaSv 
efs  i:«»«»;deB 
me  to  that 

was  made 
o  delegates 

time.  He 
try  in  1805, 

ch  we  shall 

lown  under 
It  two  years 
an  amiable 
ng  impres- 
lessing,  in  a 


high  degree,  the  qualities  of  a  good  temper  and  great  mental  quicknesL 
occurred  at  the  upper  rooms,  at  Biith,  wiiero  he  appeared  in  the  dreaa  of 
his  country.  A  young  Eiiglishiiian,  who  hod  been  iu  America,  ac- 
costed the  chief  with  several  abrupt  questions  res;iectiiig  his  place  of 
alMxle,  situation,  and  the  like.  To  these  Mtrton  returned  answers  {it  once 
pertiuciit  and  modest.  The  inquirer,  however,  expressed  himself  dis- 
satisfied with  them,  and  hinted,  in  almost  plain  terniii,  thut  he  believed 
him  to  be  an  impostor.  Still  the  Aiucricaii  suppressed  his  resentment,  ' 
and  endeavored  to  conviuce  the  genlleman  that  ilrm  uccoiinl  of  liimself 
might  be  depended  upon.  'Well,  but,'  returned  the  other,  'if  you  really 
are  what  you  pretend  to  be,  how  will  you  relish  returning  to  the  savages 
of  your  own  country  ?"Sir,*  replied  Norton,  with  a  glance  of  intelligence, 
*  I  shall  not  experience  so  great  a  change  in  my  society,  as  you  imagine,  for 
IJini  there  are  savages  in  this  counby  alaoJ  Animated  with  the  xpirit  of 
genuine  |)atriotism,  tTiis  generous  chieftain  was  unweariedly  occupied,  dui-- 
ing  the  intervals  nf  hia  public  business,  in  acquiring  every  species  of 
useful  knowledge,  for  the  purpose  of  trans|)nrting  it  to  his  own  country, 
for  the  benefit  of  his  people ;  and  what  the  friends  to  the  happiness  of 
meu  will  hear  with  still  greater  admiration  and  pleasure,  he  was  also 
engaged,  under  the  auspices  of  Mr.  WUberforee  and  Mr.  Thornton,  in  the 
laborious  oniployinent  of  translating  the  Gospel  of  St.  John  into  his  native 
tongue."*  Whether  that  published  by  the  American  Bible  Society  be 
the  same  translation,  I  am  not  positive,*  but  believe  it  is.  The  following 
is  the  3d  of  Chap.  i.  Yorigkwagwegon  ne  rode  wiyeniduUn,  olf,  tsi  nikon  ne 
kaghson  yagh  oghnahhoten  teyoJon  ne  ne  yagh  raonJuth  te  haybdare. 

We  learn  also  from  Mr. /aruen  that  whtitiTeyonin^jkerawen  was  in  Eng- 
land, ho  ''apiieared  to  be  about  45  years  of  nge;"  tall,  musbular,  and  well 
proportioned,  possessing  a  fine  and  intelligent  countenance.  His  mother 
was  a  Scotch  woman,  and  he  had  spent  two  yeara  in  EklUibiirgh,  in  his 
youth,  namely,  from  nis  t3th  to  hia  l.'hb  yvwr,  read  and  s^R'e  English  and 
French  well.  He  was  married  to  a  female  of  bis  own  tribe,  by  whom  he 
had  two  children.  He  served  in  the  lost  war  with  the  English,  as  will 
presently  be  related. 

Becaiisj  this  chief  spent  a  few  years  in  Scotland  when  young,  some 
historians^  have  asserted  that  he  was  not  an  Indian,  but  a  Scotchman ; 
and  a  writer^  of  a  sketch  of  the  late  Canada  war,  says  ho  was  related  to 
the  French.  Of  this  wo  have  no  doubt,  as  it  is  not  uncommon  for  many 
of  those  who  piss  for  Indians  to  have  white  fathers.  We  should  think, 
therefore,  that,  instead  of  his  mother's  being  a  Scotch  woman,  his  father 
might  have  been  s  Frenchman,  and  his  mother  an  Indian. 

Of  JVorfon's  or  Teyoninhokerawen^s  exploits  in  the  Inst  war,  there  were 
not  many,  we  presume,  as  there  are  not  many  recorded.  When  Col. 
Murray  surprised  Fort  Niagara,  on  the  19  Dec.  1813,  JVorton  entered  the 
fort  with  him,  at  the  head  of  a  force  of  about  400  meu.§  Fort  Niagara 
was  garrisoned  by  about  300  Americans,  of  whom  but  20  escaped.  AH 
who  resisted,  and  some  who  did  not,  were  run  through  with  the  bayonet. 
We  only  know  that  JSTorton  was  present  on  this  occasion. 

On  the  6  June,  1814,  Gen.  Vincent  and  .Yorton,  with  a  considerable 
force,||  attacked  an  American  camp  ten  miles  from  Burlington  Bay,  at  a 
place  called  Fifty  Mile  Creek.  The  onset  wns  made  before  day  on  a  Sun- 
day morning.  The  invaders  seized  upon  seven  pieces  of  cannon,  and  turned 
them  upon  tlicir  enemies.    The  night  was  very  diu-k,  and  the  confusion 

*  Jamon't  Strnnj^r  in  America,  278.  4to,  Loudon,  1307. 

t  Jamet,  Military  Occurrences,  ii.  IG.        \  Mr.  M.  Smith,  who  lived  (hen  in  Canada. 
^  Some  American  historians  8ny,  "  Britisli  and  Indians ;"  but  Mr.  Jamet  (ii.  16.) 
Mvs  there  was  but  oiio  "  Indian,"  and  ho  was  a  Scotcliman ! 
I  The  number  of  rajik  and  iilc  was  704,  of  tho  Americans  about  3000. 


-# 


113 


WAWNAHTON. 


[Book  V. 


wa  very  groit.  The  American  generals  Chandler  and  fFinder,  one  ma- 
jor, five  captains,  one  iieutennot,  and  1 16  men,  were  taken  prisoners.  Never- 
theless the  Americans  fought  with  such  n-solution  that  the  attackicg  party 
were  obliged  to  abandon  their  advantage,  leaving  150  of  their  number 
behind  them.  They,  however,  carried  on  two  pieces  of  cannon  and  some 
horses. 

The  next  chief  we  intr^  iuce  chiefly  to  illustrate  a  most  eztraordinaiy 
mode  of  doing  penance,  ait  mg  the  nations  of  the  west 


WaumaUon,*  a  bold  and  fearless  chief,  of  the  tribe  of  Yankton,f  (whose 
name,  translated,  is  "  Ae  who  chorees  the  enemi/")  was  considerably  noted 
in  the  last  v:vr  with  Canada,  "He  had,"  says  my  author,  "  killed  seven 
enemies  in  battle  with  his  own  hand,  as  tlio  seven  war-eagle  plumes  in  hia 
hair  testified,  and  received  nine  vvoiindH,  as  was  »ho wn  liv  an  equal  number 
of  little  sticks  arrangtvl  iu  liis  coal-hlack  hair,  and  pimted  in  a  manner 
that  told  an  Indiun  eye  whctlier  they  were  inflicted  liy  a~  bullet,  knife  or 
tomahawk,  and  l>y  whom.  At  tl^e  attack  on  Foit  Sandusky,  in  the  late 
war,  be  received  a  liuliet  and  tJtiv;e  liuck  shot  in  iiiei  breast,  which  glanced  on 
the  boiie,  und  passing  ivMmd  uiider^lio  skin,  came  out  at  his  back."  This, 
and  other  extraordinary  escai)eH,  he  made  use  of,  like  th«  famous  Tuapa- 
qutn,  two  ages  bcibre,  to  render  himself  of  greater  importance  amon^  his 
nation.  At  this  time  he  was  supposed  to.,|)^  atwiit  30  years  of  age,  ot*  u 
noble  and  elegant  appearance,  and  is  still  believed  to  be  living,| 

Major  Long's  coinjxtny  considered  WaumaJdon  a  very  interesting  man, 
whose  acquauitaiice  they  cultivated  with  success  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Lake  Traverse.    They  dc3cril)e  him  as  upwards  of  six  feet  high,  and 

•  Wanotan,  in  Lontr't  Kxped.  to  St.  Peers,  i.  448. 

t  Yatdctoan,  (I.»ng,  ib.  404,)  which  signifies  detcended  from  the  fern  leavei. 
i  Facts  published  by  W.  J,  finellinjr,  Esq.    It  'i»  said  by  Keating,  in  Lon^i  ExpM, 
'  i.  448,  liiat  be  was  about  28  yean  of  a^.    Tliia  was  in  18z3. 


CBAr.  vn.] 


BLACK-THUNDER. 


113 


poR'eeamga  countenance  that  would  be  considered  handnome  in  any 
cour.try.  He  prepared  a  feaM  for  the  part^,  as  soon  as  lie  kn<>w  they 
were  jconiiug  to  hu  village.  **  When  speaking  of  the  Dneotas,  wc  pur^ 
porciy  |H>8t|Ktned  mentioning  the  frequent  vowh  which  they  make,  and 
their  strict  adherence  to  them,  because  one  of  tho  iM-st  evidences  which 
we  have  collected  on  this  point  councctn  itself  with  the  character  of  fVa- 
fwtan,  and  may  give  a  favorable  idi>u  of  his  extreme  fortitude  in  enduring 
paiu.  In  the  summer  of  i&Si  he  undertook  a  journey,  from  which,  a|>- 
prehending  mucii  (!.«ng«r  ou  the  part  of  the  Chipiiewas,  he  made  a  vow 
to  the  s'.'n,  that,  if  he  returned  safe,  he  would  abstaiu  from  all  food  or 
drin'c  fur  the  space  of  four  successive  days  and  nights,  and  that  he  would 
distribute  among  his  people  all  the  pro(ierty  which  he  possessed,  including 
all  his  lodges,  liorses,  dogs,  &c.  On  his  return,  whicli  happened  without 
accident,  he  celebrated  the  dance  of  ,  he  sun ;  this  consisted  in  niaMng 
three  cuis  through  his  skin,  one  on  his  breast,  and  one  on  each  of  hia 
arms.  The  skiu  was  cut  in  the  manner  of  a  loop,  so  as  to  perniit  a  rope 
to  pass  betweeu  the  flesh  and  the  strip  of  skin  which  was  thus  divided 
from  the  body.  The  ropes  being  passed  through,  their  ends  were  sccur> 
od  to  a  tall  vertical  pole,  planted  at  about  40  yards  from  his  loduc.  He 
then  began  to  dance  round  this  pole,  ni  the  commencement  of  this  fast, 
frequently  swingiug  himself  in  the  air,  so  as  to  be  supported  merely  by 
the  conls  which  were  secured  to  the  strips  of  skin  sepr  rated  from  his 
arms  and  breast.  .  le  continued  this  exercise  with  few  intermissions 
during  tho  whole  of  his  fast,  until  the  fourth  day  about  10  o'clock,  A.  M., 
when  the  strip  of  skiu  from  his  breast  gave  way ;  notwithstanding  which 
he  interrupted  not  the  dance,  although  supported  merely  by  his  urms. 
At  noon  the  strip  from  his  left  arm  snap|>ed  off:  his  uncle  then  thought 
that  he  had  suffered  enough,"  and  with  his  knife  cut  the  last  loop  of  skin, 
and  Wanotan  fell  down  in  a  swoon,  wher6  he  lay  the  rest  of  the  day,  ex- 
posed to  (he  scorching  rays  of  the  sun.  After  tliis  he  gave  away  all  his 
property,  and  with  his  two  squaws  deserted  his  lodge.  To  such  mon- 
strous ^)llies  does  suiwrstition  drive  her  votaries ! 

Bla:k-thunder,  or  Macldutlananamakee,  was  styled  the  celebrated  patriarch 
of  the  Fox  tril)e.  He  made  himself  remembe<'ed  by  many  from  an  excellent 
speech  which  he  made  to  the  American  commissioners,  who  had  assem- 
bled many  rhinis  at  a  place  called  the  Portage,  July,  1815,  to  hold  a  talk 
with  thetn,  U|)on  the  state  of  tJKsir  utTairs;  particularly  as  it  wns  believed 
by  the  Americans  that  the  Indians  meditated  hostiliiier-  An  American 
comrni.sslnncr  o^Nsned  the  tnik,  and  unbecomingly  accused  the  Indians  of 
breach  of  fbrinor  triiaties.  The  first  chief  that  answered,  spoke  with  a 
tremulous  voic.o,  and  evidently  betrayed  guilt,  or  ])oriiaps  fear.  Not  so 
wi;li  the  upright  chief  Black-thunder.  He  felt  equally  iiidipiant  at  th« 
ciKi'tft3  of  tliR  white  man,  and  the  unmanly  cringing  of  tho  chief  who  had 
just  s()ok('n.    ll<j  l)e}j)Hi : — 

"  My  father,  nistraiu  your  feelings,  and  hear  calmly  what  I  fhall  say. 
I  shall  8!iy  it  |)l>iiiily.  I  sIihII  not  speak  with  fear  and  trembling.  I  have 
never  injnre-1  y;)u,  and  iunocenrt!  can  feel  no  fear.  I  turn  to  you  all,  red- 
Mkitis  and  vviiiie-skiuji — where  is  the  man  who  will  appear  as  my  accuser? 
Fatlier,  I  underHjand  not  clrp.rly  how  tliin<»  are  working.  I  have  just 
iHion  set  at  lilvirty.  Am  I  again  to  bn  plunged  into  hondnjce?  Frowns 
are  all  aroimii  m<- ;  but  I  am  incapable  of  change.  You,  perhaps,  may 
\w,  i<;iioritnt  of  vvliHt  I  tell  vou ;  hot  it  is  a  truth,  which  I  call  heaven  an.t 
earth  to  witness.  It  is  a  hict  which  can  onsily  he  proved,  thnt  I  have 
been  assailed  in  uhuost  cv<!ry  |K)8sible  way  that  pride,  fear,  feeling,  or  in- 
terest, could  toufli  me— that  I  have  been  pushed  to  the  last  to  raise  tlia 
tomahawk  ujjuinst  you  ;  but  all  1 1  vain.  I  never  could  be  made  to  feel 
that  you  were  iiiv  nu;my.  If  this  be  the  conduct  of  an  enemy,  I  shall  neoer 
10^  ' 


114 


ONGPATONGA. 


[Boos  V. 


beifour/mnd.  You  are  acquainted  with  my  remoTat  above  Prairie  dea 
CbinnR.*  I  we  At,  and  fbmied  a  settlemeiit,  and  called  my  warriors  around 
me.  We  took  couniiel,  am^  fh>m  that  counsel  we  never  have  departed. 
We  smokefl,  and  resoived  tn  make  common  cause  with  th<^  U.  States.  I 
sent  yon  the  pipe— it  resembled  this— and  1  iicnt  it  by  the  Minouri,  that 
the  Indians  of  the  Mivsiwippi  might  not  know  wlint  we  were  doing.  You 
received  it.  1  then  told  you  that  your  friendH  should  be  my  frien<ls — that 
your  cnnmips  should  l)e  my  enemies— and  that  I  only  awaited  your  signal 
to  make  war.  ff  this  he  the  eondwt  of  an  tnemy,  I  ahaU  never  be  your 
fiimd, — Why  do  I  tell  you  this  ?  Because  it  is  a  tnith,  and  a  melancnolv 
truth,  that  the  good  things  which  men  do  are  of^en  buried  in  the  ground, 
wUle  their  evil  deeds  are  stripped  naked,  and  exposed  to  the  world.f — 
When  I  came  here,  I  came  to  you  in  friendship.  I  little  thought  I  should 
have  had  to  defend  myself.    I  have  no  defence  to  make.    If  I  were 

Eilty,  I  should  have  come  prepared ;  but  I  have  eve^  held  you  by  the 
ml,  and  I  am  come  without  excusei*.  If  I  had  fought  against  you,  I 
would  have  told  }  ju  so :  but  I  havu  nothing  now  to  say  here  in  your 
councils,  except  to  repeat  what  I  said  before  to  my  great  father,  the  pres- 
ident of  your  nation.  You  heard  it,  and  no  doubt  remember  it.  It  was 
simply  this,  Mj^  lands  can  never  be  surrendered ;  I  was  cheated,  and 
basely  cheated,  m  the  contract;  I  will  not  surrender  my  country  but  with 
my  lifo.  Again  I  call  heaven  and  earth  to  itvitness,  and  I  smoke  this  pipe 
in  evidence  of  my  sincerity.  If  you  are  sincere,  you  will  receive  it  from 
me.  My  only  dehiro  is,  that  we  should  smoke  it  together — that  I  should 
ip«ip  your  sacred  hand,  and  I  claim  for  myself  and  my  tribe  the  protec- 
tion of  your  country.  When  this  pipe  touches ^our  lip,  may  it  operate 
as  a  blessing  upon  ail  my  tribe.— JlferT/  (Ae  tmokt  rue  Wu  a  cloud,  and  car- 
ry aumf  teim  itaUVu  animomtie$  which  have  arisen  between  u»."| 

The  issue  of  this  ..ouncil  was  amicable,  and  on  the  14  Sept.  following, 
Black-thunder  met  commisaoners  at  St.  Louis,  and  executed  a  treaty  of 
peace. 

Ongpatonga,^  or,  as  he  was  usually  called,  Big-dk,  was  chief  of  the 
Mahas  or  Omawhaws,  <  hose  residence,  in  1811,  w.^  upon  the  Mi8sonri.|| 
Mr.  Braekenridge  visited  his  town  on  the  19  May  of  that  year,  in  his  voy- 
age up  that  river.  His  **  village  is  situated  about  three  miles  from  the 
river,  and  contains  about  3000  souls,  and  is  836  miles  from  its  inoiith.*^ 
We  shall  give  here,  as  an  introduction  to  him,  the  oration  he  made  over 
the  grave  of  Black-buffalo,  a  Sioux  chief  of  the  Teton  tribe,  who  died  on 
the  night  of  the  14  Jiily,  1811,  nt  "  Portage  des  Sioux,"  ond  of  whom  M  . 
Braekenridge  remarks":**  ''The  Black-buffyo  v/bb  \he  Sioux  chhf  wit., 
whom  we  had  the  conference  tit  the  grent  bend ;  and,  from  his  appeal  - 
ance  and  mild  deportment,  I  was  induced  to  form  a  high  opinion  of  him.** 
After  being  interred  with  lienors  of  war,  Ongpatonga  spoke  to  those  a«- 
aembled  as  follows : — **  Do  not  grieve.  Misfortunes  will  happen  to  the 
wisest  and  best  men.  Death  will  conge,  and  always  comes  out  of  season. 
It  is  the  command  of  the  Great  Spirit,  and  all  nations  and  people  must 
obey.    What  is  passed  and  cannot  bo  prevented  should  not  be  grieved 


*  The  upper  military  poit  upon  the  Mjsiisiippi,  !n  1818. 

t  "  Tliis  pnssa^  forcibly  reminds  u«  of  that  in  iihaktpeart :" 

'  The  evil  that  men  do  lives  afker  tliem  ; 
The  goo<l  is  often  interred  with  their  bones.' 

1  Philadelphia  Lit.  Gacelte. 

$  OiU(Me-p<m-tKt,  in  Inxjuois,  was  "  men  mirpnssin;^  nil  others."     Hist.  Fivt  Natiotu. 

I  "  The  O'Mahas,  in  number  29M),  not  lon^  n^,  abandoned  their  old  vi!la«e  on  the 
aeulh  tide  of  the  Mi»souri,  and  now  dwell  on  ilie  F.Ik-horn  River,  due  west  (rem  their 
oM  village,  80  miles  wesi-north-v.Oiit  from  Council  Blufls."  Morte't  Ind.  Kept.  251. 

f  Braekenridge,  ut  tup.  91.  **  Jour,  up  the  Missouri,  S40. 


[Booc  V. 

airie  dM 
rs  around 
departed. 
3tate&  I 
ouri,  that 
ig.  You 
ids— that 
tur  signal 
'  be  your 
elancnolv 
)  ground, 
world.f — 

I I  should 
f  I  were 

III  by  the 
i8t  you,  I 
)  in  your 

the  pres- 
;.  It  was 
sated,  and 
y  but  with 
)  this  pipe 
ive  it  from 
:  I  sliould 
he  protec- 

it  operate 
r,  and  cor- 

following, 
I  treaty  of 

ief  of  the 
Mi$souri.|| 
in  his  voy- 
from  the 
inouth."^ 
nade  over 
ho  died  on 
whom  M  , 
cii'^f  wit., 
lis  appooi- 
m  of  him." 
»  those  a«- 
len  to  the 
of  season, 
ioplo  must 
be  grieved 


CHir.  VII.] 


ONGPATONOA. 


116 


FH'tv  Nation*. 
rilliigeon  tlio 
'SI  UGm  tbeir 
«pt.  SSI. 
ssouri,  S40. 


for.    Be  not  diaeouraged  or  dis'^'-waed  theu,  tlict  in  viaitiag  your  fttbar* 
here,  [the  American  commiaaioner,]  you  have  loat  your  chief.    A  mi*- 


fortune  of  this  kind  may  never  a^in  be(UI  you,  but  this  would  liave  at* 
tended  you  perhaps  at  your  own  village.  Five  times  have  I  visited  this 
land,  and  never  returned  with  sorrow  or  {lain.  Mistbrtunea  do  not  flour- 
ish particularly  in  our  path.  They  grow  every  where.  What  a  misfor- 
tune for  me,  that  I  could  not  have* died  this  day,  instead  of  the  chief  that 
lies  before  us.  The  trifling  losa  my  natitm  would  have  sustained  in  my 
deat!i,  would  have  lieen  doubly  paid  fur  by  the  honors  of  my  huriul. 
They  wuld  have  wiped  off  every  thing  like  regret.  Instead  of  being 
covered  with  u  cloud  of  sorrqw,  my  warriors  would  have  felt  the  sun- 
shine of  joy  ill  (heir  lienrts.  To  iiie  it  would  have  been  a  moHt  glorious 
occurrence,  llereallor,  when  I  die  at  huiiie,  iiieteoil  of  n  noble  grave  ami 
a  irraml  procession,  (lin  i-olliiig  music  and  the  thundering  cannon,  with 
a  nag  waving  at  my  heud,  I  shall  he  wrapjied  in  n  robe,  (an  old  robe  per- 
hapK,)  and  huistcid  on  a  slender  scaffold  to  the  whistling  windH,t  soon  to 
be  blown  down  to  the  enith.]:  My  fle^h  to  lie  devoured  by  the  woIvch, 
and  niy  bones  rattled  on  the  plain  by  the  wild  beasts.  Chief  of  the  sol- 
diers, [addressing  Col.  Miller,]  your  labors  have  not  been  in  vain.  Your 
attenMcii  shall  not  be  forsrottcu.  My  nation  shall  knowtha  respect  that  is 
paid  over  (he  dead.  When  I  return  I  will  echo  the  sojnd  of  your  guns." 
Dr.  Morse  saw  Or^patonga  at  Washington  in  the  winter  of  1821,  and 

*  Gov.  Edioardi  or  Cnl.  MUler. 

t  It  is  a  riHtnin  lo  expose  Ihe  dead  upon  a  scafTold  among  some  of  the  tribes  of  the 
west.    8e«  BraektnHd^,  Jour.,  186.  ■,  Fikt's  Expedition ;  Lotig't  do. 
X  The  engraving;  at  the  comnienremeut  of  Book  II.  illustrates  this  passage. 


■^ 


116 


"STALESHAROO. 


[Book  V. 


diwouraed  with  him  nnd  'Mkahfpa,  chief  of  the  republican  Pauneee, 
**oD  the  subject  of  their  civilization,  and  sendinf  inatnieiera  among  them 
fbr  that  piiriKMe."  The  doctor  has  printed  the  convenation,  and  we  ore 
Horry  to  uckuowledge  thai,  on  reading  it,  Big-tlk  '  '^  '  :  nur  estima- 
tion ;  '  nt  hia  age  must  be  liiH  excuae.  When  he  :d  who  mode 
the  red  and  white  peopis,  he  anHWered,  "The  aan...  i.wuig  who  made  tlie 
white  people,  made  the  rud  |>c>ople ;  but  the  wkUe  are  bttter  than  the  red 
Pf'jple.  ^Iiia  acknowledgment  ia  too  degrading,  and  does  not  comport 
with  the  i^iioral  charorier  of  the  American  Indians.  It  is  not,  however, 
very  sur|f  iHing  that  ouch  an  expreaaion  should  CHcapc  on  individual  aur- 
rounded,  |ia  woa  Ongpatonga,  by  magnificcace,  luxury,  and  attention  from 
the  fpvab 

Bw'dk  was  a  party  to  several  treatiiA,  made  between  Ns  nution  and 
the  laiited  States,  previoua  lo  his  visit  to  Washington  in  ItiSl. 


■  r 
f 


Petalesharoo  was  not  a  chief,  but  n  brave  of  tht;  tribe  of  the  Paunees. 
(A  brave  is  a  warrior  who  has  ilistiiigni^hed  himsHlf  in  battlc,an(l  is  next  in 
importance  to  a  chief.*)  lie  wtm  the  !<on  of  LeliUsha,  a  iauiows  chief,  com- 
monly called  the  Knife-chter,  or  Old-knife.  Whuri  JMujor  Long  and  hin 
company  trave]le<l  ncrouH  the  continent,  in  181!)  and  20,  they  became  ac- 
(|(iaintcd  with  Petalesharoo.  From  several  jxirHona  who  were  in  Long'i 
conipuny,  Dr.  Morte  rollected  tlie  particular  of  him  which  he  gives  in  his 
Indian  Ueport  n»  an  anecJoto. 

In  ili<!  winter  of  1891,  Peluleaharoo  visited  Wasiiington,  being  one  of  n 
dH(>utati<>ii  rro.'u  !  is  nation  to  the  Antericnn  government,  on  u  business 
mutter. 


Long'.i  ExpctlitUai.  i.  ''.Hi  ;  and  Dr.  Morte's  ludiaii  Report,  347. 


Chap.  VH] 


PETALE8HAROO. 


117 


This  iraoe  was  of  elefant  form  and  countenance,  and  waa  attired,  in 
Ilia  viait  to  Washington,  aa  repraaeoted  in  the  above  engraving.  In  ItSl, 
ho  waa  about  25  yean  of  age.  Attbeag«of91,hewaaaodia(iucuiiihe4lby 
hia  abihtiea  and  proweaa,  Uiat  he  waa  called  (he  *^bravett  «^the  bntvet. 
Hut  few  ycara  |irevioua  to  ItJOl,  it.  waa  a  cuatom,  not  only  with  hia  nation, 
but  thoae  adjacent,  to  tortiiro  and  bum  captivva  oa  aacrificet  to  the  great 
Star.  In  au  expedition  performed  by  aome  of  hia  countrvincu  aguinat  the 
Iteana,  a  tuuiale  waa  taken,  who,  on  their  return,  waa  doomed  lu  aulfer 
according  to  their  uaagea,  Blie  waa  iaatened  to  the  atake,  and  a  voat 
crowd  ajMcmbltid  upon  the  adjoining  plain  to  witneaa  the  Mccne.  Thia 
6ra«e,  unoliaerved,  liad  atationed  two  fleet  horaea  at  a  amall  diatance,  and 
waa  aented  among  the  crowd,  aa  a  ailent  apeetator.  All  were  aiixioualy 
waiting  to  enjoy  Uio  8|iectacle  of  the  firat  contact  of  the  flamea  with  thou* 
victim ;  when,  to  their  oatoniahment,  a  hravr.  waa  aeen  rending  aaunder 
the  conia  which  Iwuud  her,  and,  with  tbe  awitlneaa  of  tliought,  bearing  her 
in  hia  urtns  beyond  the  amazed  multitude ;  where  placing  her  uiion  one 
horae,  and  mounting  himaelf  upon  tbe  other,  he  bore  her  off  aafe  to  her 
frienda  and  country.  Thia  act  would  have  endangered  the  life  of  an  or- 
dinary chiefj  but  auch  was  bia  away  in  tbe  tribe,  that  no  one  preaumed 
to  cenaure  the  daring  act 

Thia  transaction  was  the  more  eztraordinarv,  aa  its  performer  waa  as 
much  a  aon  of  nature,  and  hod  had  no  more  of  the  advantages  of  educa- 
tion, than  the  multitude  whom  lie  astonished  by  tbe  humane  act  just 
recorded. 

Thia  account  being  circulated  at  Wasbinston,  during  the  young  chief's 
stay  there,  the  young  ladies  of  Mihs  fHat^i  seminary  in  tbat  place,  re- 
solved to  give  bim  a  demonstratioa  of  the  high  esteem  in  which  they 
held  hirn  on  account  of  hia  humane  touduct ;  they  therefore  preaented 
him  an  elegant  silver  madol,  ap|iropriately  inacribed,  accompanied  by  the 
following  anort  but  aflfoetionateaddreas:  "  Brother,  accept  this  token  of 
oiur  esteem — always  wear  it  for  our  sakes,  and  when  again  vou  have 
the  power  to  save  a  poor  woman  from  death  and  torture — think  of  this, 
and  of  us,  and  fly  to  her  relief  and  her  rescue."  The  hrme'a  reply : — 
**  Hiii  [taking  hold  of  the  medal  which  he  bad  just  suspended  from  h>9 
neck]  wiU  gtoe  me  ea$e  more  than  I  tver  had,  and  I  will  listen  more  than  I 
ever  aid  to  white  men,  I  om  glad  that  my  brothert  and  aiatert  hme  heard  qf 
the  good  act  I  have  done.  Afy  brothers  and  sixers  think  that  I  did  it  in  ig- 
noraiice,  but  J  now  know  what  I  have  done,  I  did  it  in  ignorance,  and  nd 
not  know  that  I  did  good;  but  by  givinff  me  this  medal  I  know  if." 

Some  time  rfter  the  attempt  to  sacrifice  tbe  Itean  woman,  one  of  the 
warriors  of  Ldeletha  brought  to  the  nation  a  Spanish  boy,  whom  he  had 
takeiL  The  warrior  was  resolved  to  sacrifice  him  to  Venus,  and  the  time 
was  appointed.  Letelesha  had  a  long  time  endeavored  to  do  away  the 
custom,  nnd  now  consulted  Petaleshwroo  upon  the  course  to  be  pursued. 
The  youug  brave  said,  "  I  will  rescue  the  boy,  as  a  warrior  should,  by 
force."  Ilis  fiitlier  wss  unwilling  that  he  should  expose  his  life  a  seconil 
time,  and  used  great  exertions  to  raise  a  sufficient  quantitv  of  n  erchan- 
dize  for  the  purehase  of  the  captive.  All  that  were  able  cuv  .ributed, 
and  a  pile  was  made  of  it  at  the  lodge  of  the  Knife-chief,  who  r lien  suin- 
nooned  the  warrior  before  him.  When  he  had  arrived,  the  chief  com- 
manded him  to  take  the  merchandize,  and  deliver  the  boy  to  him.  The 
warrior  refused.  Letelesha  then  waved  bis  war-club  in  the  air,  Imde  the 
warrior  obey  or  prepare  for  instant  death.  "Strike,"  said  Petalesharoo, 
"I  unit  meet  the  vengeance  of  hia  friends.'"  but  the  prudent  and  excellent 
Letelesha  resolved  to  use  one  more  endeavor  before  committing  such  an 
act.  He  therefore  increased  the  amount  of  property,  which  had  the  de- 
aired  effect.    Tbe  boy  was  surrendered,  and  tbe  valuable  collection  of 


m  METCA.  [Book  V. 

foods  McrificofI  in  h»  stoad.*  Thia,  it  is  thoujfht,  will  bo  thn  last  time 
llic  inlininan  custom  will  bo  attom|itefi  in  the  tnbe.  "The  orisiii  of  thiii 
aangiiinary  nrrifice  is  unknown ;  iirobntily  it  existed  praviousTy  to  thehr 
iolerrounte  with  the  white  tradcrs.'t  They  believed  that  the  micct'ss  of 
their  enterprises,  and  all  undertakings,  depended  upon  their  iaithAilly 
adhering  to  the  due  perfbmiance  ofthesa  rites. 

In  hia  wav  to  Waahington,  he  ataid  boom  days  in  Philadelphia,  where 
Mr.  AWqffe  bad  a  fine  opportunity  of  taking  hia  portrait,  which  he  per- 
fbrrood  with  wonderflil  aueoeaa.  It  waa  copied  for  Dr.  Oodman^t  Natuial 
Htaioiy,  and  adonia  the  aecoad  volume  of  toat  valuable  work. 


*  A 


Metea,  chief  of  the  Pottowattomiei^  is  brought  to  our  notice  on  ae- 
eount  of  the  oppoailion  he  made  to  the  sale  of  a  lai^ge  tract  of  his  country. 
In  1821,  he  resided  upon  the  Wabash.  To  numerous  treaties,  from  1814 
to  1821,  we  find  hia  name,  and  generally  at  the  head  of  those  of  his  tribe. 
At  the  trenry  of  Chicago,  in  the  year  last  mentioned,  he  delivered  the 
fuilowing  speech,  after  Gov.  Ccua  had  informed  hiiu  of  the  objects  of  his 
mission. 

"  My  father,—- We  have  listened  to  what  you  have  said.  Wc  sliall  now 
retire  to  our  camps  and  consult  upon  It.  You  will  hear  nothing  morH 
from  us  at  present.  [This  is  a  uniform  custom  of  all  the  Indians,  When 
tlie  council  was  nt^iii  convened,  Mttea  voiitinued.]  We  meet  you  hero 
to-ilay,  because  we  had  promised  it,  to  tell  you  our  minds,  and  what  wh 
have  agreed  upon  among  ourselves.  You  will  listen  to  us  with  a  good 
mind,  and  believe  what  we  say.  You  know  that  we  first  rame  to  this 
countrv,  a  long  time  ago,  and  when  we  sat  ourselves  down  upon  it,  we 
met  with  a  great  many  hardshi|)8  and  difficulties.  Our  country  was  then 
very  large,  wit  it  has  dwindled  away  to  a  small  spot,  and  you  wish  to  pur- 


'  Long,  lU  cMpra,  357-8, 


t  Jlld. 


CB4P.  VII.] 


METEA. 


119 


ehane  that !  This  hu  eauMd  lu  to  rdkrt  much  upon  what  you  htm 
told  us ;  and  we  have,  therclure,  liroticht  all  tli«  rhicfa  and  warrion,  aad 
the  youuff  men  and  women  and  childrra  of  our  iribe,  tliat  one  part  mar 
not  do  wnat  the  oihen  ohjwt  to,  and  that  all  n«y  he  nitnraa  or  what  m 
going  forward.  You  know  your  children.  Since  you  fint  came  among 
theiN,  they  have  lititenod  to  your  wonla  with  an  attentive  ear,  and  have 
always  hearkened  to  your  ciHinaela.  Wlienrver  you  have  had  r  proposal 
to  make  to  us,  whenever  you  have  had  a  fiivur  to  auk  of  us,  we  nave  al* 
ways  lent  a  favorable  car,  and  our  invarialric  answer  has  been  'ycfc* 
This  you  know !  A  long  time  haii  iMKwd  since  we  first  came  upon  our 
lands,  i^id  our  old  people  bnve  all  sunk  into  their  graves.  Tliey  had 
wnse.  We  are  all  young  and  foolish,  and  do  not  wish  to  do  any  thioK 
(hat  they  would  not  approve,  were  they  living.  We  are  fearfld  we  sliaU 
offend  tnvir  Hpiritis  if  wo  sell  our  lands ;  and  wc  are  fearful  we  shall  of- 
fend you,  if  we  do  not  sell  them.  This  has  caused  us  great  perplexity  of  ' 
thought,  because  we  have  counselled  among  ourselves,  and  do  not  know 
how  we  can  |wrt  with  the  land.  Our  country  w:i8  given  to  us  by  the 
Great  Spirit,  who  gave  it  to  us  to  hunt  uuon,  to  make  our  coniiiekls  upon, 
to  live  upon,  and  to  make  down  our  beila  upon  when  we  die.  And  ho 
would  never  forgive  us,  shoukl  wo  bar^n  it  away.  When  you  fint 
spoke  to  us  for  lands  at  Sl  Mary's,  we  said  we  had  a  little,  and  agreed  to 
sell  you  a  piece  of  it ;  but  we  told  you  wc  couM  spare  no  more.  Now 
you  ask  us  again.  You  are  never  satisfied !  We  have  sold  you  a  great 
tract  of  land,  already ;  but  it  is  not  euougli !  We  sold  it  to  you  for  tho 
bei\pfit  of  your  chiltlren,  to  iiirm  and  to  live  upon.  Wc  have  now  but 
little  left.  We  shall  want  it  all  for  ourselves.  We  know  not  how  long 
we  may  live,  and  wo  wish  to  have  8o.-no  lands  for  our  children  to  hunt 
upon.  You  are  gradually  taking  away  o<ir  hunting-grounds.  Your  chil- 
dren are  driviug  us  before  them.  We  are  growing  uneasy.  What  lands 
you  have,  you  may  retaki  for  ever ;  but  we  shall  aell  no  more.  You 
think,  perhaps,  that  I  speak  in  pnsrion ;  but  my  heart  is  good  towards  you. 
I  speak  like  one  of  your  own  children.  I  am  an  Indian,  a  red-skin,  and 
live  by  hunting  and  fishing,  but  my  country  is  already  too  rmall ;  and  I 
do  not  know  how  to  bring  up  my  chiklren,  if  I  give  it  all  away.  We 
sold  you  a  fine  tract  of  land  ai  Sl  Mary's.  We  said  to  you  then  it  was 
enough  to  satisfy  your  children,  and  tiie  last  we  should  sell:  and  we 
thought  it  would  be  the  last  you  would  af)k  for.  Wc  hnve  now  told  you 
what  we  had  to  say.  It  is  what  was  determined  on,  in  a  council  among 
ourselves ;  and  what  I  have  spoken,  is  the  voice  of  my  nation.  On  this 
account,  all  our  people  have  come  here  to  listen  to  uic ;  but  do  not  think 
we  have  a  bod  opinion  of  you.  Where  should  we  gin  a  Irad  opinion  of 
you  ?  We  speak  to  you  with  a  good  heart,  and  tlie  feelings  of  a  friend. 
You  are  acquainted  with  this  piece  lOf  land — the  country  we  live  in. 
Shall  we  give  it  up?  Take  notice,  it  is  a  Hnall  piece  of  land,  and  if  we 
give  it  away,  what  will  beconie  of  us  ?  The  Great  Spirit,  who  has  pro- 
vided it  for  our  use,  allows  iw  to  keep  it,  to  bring  up  our  young  iiirn 
and  support  our  fomilies.  We  should  incur  his  anger,  if  wo  bartered  it. 
away.  If  vv  :>  had  more  land,  you  should  get  more,  but  our  land  has  boon 
wasting  away  fcver  since  the  white  people  became  our  neighbors,  and  we 
have  now  hardly  enough  left  to  cover  tho  bones  of  our  tribe.    You  are 

a  the  midst  of  your  red  children.  What  is  due  to  us  in  money,  we  wish, 
d  will  receive  at  this  place ;  and  wc  wont  nothing  more.  We  all  shake 
bands  with  you.  Behold  our  warriors,  our  women,  and  children.  Take 
pity  on  us  und  on  our  words." 

Notwithstanding  tho  decisive  language  held  by  MtUa  in  this  speech, 
aguQBt  selling  land,  yet  his  name  is  to  Uie  treaQr  of  sale.    And  in  another 


lao 


KEEWAGOUSHKUM. 


[Book  V. 


speech  of  about  equal  length,  delivered  shortly  aflcr,  upon  the  same  sub- 
ject, the  same  determination  is  manifest  throughout. 

At  this  time  he  appeared  to  be  about  forty  years  of  age,  and  of  a  noUe 
and  dignified  appearance.  lie  is  allowed  to  be  the  most  eloquent  chief 
of  his  nation.  In  the  last  war,  he  fousht  against  the  Americans,,  and,  in 
the  attack  on  Fort  Wayne,  was  severely  wounded ;  on  which  account  he 
draws  a  pension  from  the  British  goveniment.* 

At  the  time  of  the  treaty  of  Chicago,  of  which  we  have  made  mention, 
^veral  other  chiefs,  I)e8ide8  Metea,  or,  as  his  name  is  sometimes  written, 
Meet^Of  were  very  prominent,  and  deserve  a  remembrance.  Among 
them  may  be  particularly  named 

Keetoagoushkum^  a  chief  of  the  first  authority  in  the  Ottowa  nation. 
We  Rhall  give  a  speech  which  he  made  at  the  time,  which  is  considered 
very  valuable,  as  well  on  account  of  the  history  it  contains,  as  for  its 
merits  in  other  respccis.  Indian  History  by  an  Indian,  must  be  the 
most  valuable  part  of  any  work  about  them,    ktewagouahkum  began : — 

"  My  father,  listen  to  me !  The  first  white  people  seen  by  us  were 
the  French.  When  they  first  ventured  into  these  lakes  they  hailed  us  as 
children ;  they  came  with  presents  and  promises  of  peace,  and  we  took 
them  by  the  hand.  We  gaveihem  what  they  wanted,  and  initiated  them 
into  our  mode  of  life,  which  they  readily  fell  into.  After  some  time, 
during  which  we  had  become  well  acquainted,  we  embraced  their  father, 
(the  king  of  France,)  as  our  father.  Shortly  after,  these  people  that  wear 
red  coats,  (the  English,)  came  to  this  country,  and  overthrew  the  French ; 
and  they  extended  their  hand  to  us  in  friendship.  As  soon  as  the  French 
were  overthrown,  the  British  told  us, '  We  will  clothe  you  in  the  same 
manner  the  French  did.  We  will  supply  you  with  all  you  wqnt,  and 
will  purchase  all  your  peltries,  as  they  did.'  Sure  enough !  after  the 
British  took  poeaession  of  the  country,  they  fulfilled  all  their  promises. 
When  they  told  us  we  should  have  any  thing  we  were  sure  to  get  it ;  and 
we  got  fi-om  them  the  best  goods. — Some  time  after  the  British  had  been 
in  possession  of  the  country,  it  was  reported  that  another  people,  who 
wore  white  clothes,  had  arisen  and  driven  the  British  out  of  the  land. 
These  people  we  first  met  at  Gneenville,  [in  1795,  to  treat  with  Gen. 
IFoyne,]  and  took  them  by  *he  hand. — When  the  Indians  first  met  the 
American  cbieij  [Waynt^  in  council,  there  were  but  few  Otto  was  pres- 
ent ;  but  he  said  to  them, '  When  I  sit  myself  down  at  Detroit,  you  will 
all  see  me.'  Shortly  after,  be  arrived  at  Detroit  Proclamation  was  then 
made  for  all  the  Indians  to  conie  in. — We  were  told,  [by  the  general,] 
'  The  reason  I  do  not  push  those  British  farther  is,  that  we  may  not  forget 
their  example  in  giving  you  presents  of  cloth,  arms,  ammunition,  and 
whatever  else  you  may  require.*  Sure  enough !  The  first  time,  we  were 
clothed  with  great  liberality.  You  gave  us  strouds,  guns,  ammunition, 
and  many  other  things  we  stood  in  need  of,  and  sa'd, '  This  is  the  way 
you  may  always  expect  to  be  used.'  It  was  also  saiil,  that  whenever  we 
were  in  great  necessity,  you  would  help  us. — When  the  Indians  on  the 
Maumee  were  first  about  to  sell  their  lands,  we  heard  it  with  both  ears, 
but  we  never  received  a  dollar. — The  Chippewas,  the  Pottowattomies, 
and  the  Ottowas  tcere,  orieitiaUy,  but  one  nation.  We  separateo  from 
each  other  near  Michiliinackinac.  We  were  related  by  the  ties  of  blood, 
language  and  interest ;  but  in  the  course  of  a  long  time,  these  things  have 
been  fonmtten,  and  both  nations  have  sold  theur  lands,  without  consulting 
UB." — "Our  brothers,  the  Chippewas,  have  also  sold  you  a  large  tract  of 
land  at  Saganaw.  People  are  constantly  passing  through  the  country, 
but  we  received  neither  invitation  nor  money.    It  is  surprising  that  the 


Schoolcraft'*  Traveli. 


[Book  V. 

same  sub- 

of  a  noble 
lent  chief 
ns^  and,  in 
iccount  he 

3  mention, 
18  written, 
.    Among 

va  nation, 
considered 

as  for  its 
ust  be  the 
began : — 
y  us  were 
ailed  us  as 
1  we  took 
iated  them 
ome  time, 
leir  father, 
!  that  wear 
le  French ; 
;he  French 

the  same 

wqnt,  and 
!  after  the 

promises, 
get  it ;  and 
1  had  been 
eople,  who 
i"  the  land, 
with  Gen. 
8t  met  the 
>was  pres- 
t,  you  will 
1  was  then 
B  general,] 
/  not  forget 
nition,  and 
3,  we  were 
nmunition, 
s  the  way 
enever  we 
ans  on  the 

both  ears, 
iwattomies, 
ratea  from 
38  of  blood, 
:hings  have 

consulting 
je  tract  of 
le  country, 
ig  that  the 


Chap.  VII.] 


TOPINABEE. 


131 


Poltowattomies,  Ottowaa,  and  Chl|)pew:is,  who  are  nil  one  nation,  should 
sell  t!)eir  lands  without  giving  eucii  other  notice.  Have  wc  tiien  degen- 
erated so  much  iliut  wo  can  no  longer  trust  one  unothor? — Perhaps  tho 
Pottownttomies  iriuy  think  I  lia*'c  coirie  hero  on  a  i)Rgging  journey,  that 
I  wish  to  claim  a  sharu  of  lands  to  which  my  people  are  not  entitled.  I 
tell  theia  it  is  not  su.  Wo  have  never  begged,  aud  shall  not  now  com- 
mence. When  I  went  to  Detroit  lost  full.  Gov.  Caas  told  ine  to  come  to 
this  place,  at  this  time,  and  listen  to  what  hu  had  to  8ay  in  council.  As 
we  live  ii  groat  way  in  ihc  woods,  and  never  sec  white  people  except  in 
the  fall,  when  tlie  traders  ctitne  among  us,  we  have  not  bo  many  oppor- 
tpnities  to  profit  by  this  intercourse  us  our  neighbors,  and  to  get  what 
necessaries  we  require ;  but  we  make  out  to  live  independently,  and  trade 
upon  our  own  lauds.  Wc  have,  heretofore,  received  nothing  less  than 
justice  from  the  Americans,  and  all  wo  expect,  in  the  i)resent  treaty,  is  a 
full  proportion  of  the  money  and  goods." 

"  A  scries  of  misfortunes,"  ways  IVlr.  Schoolcrajl, "  has  since  overtaken  this 
friendly,  modest,  and  sensible  chief.  On  returning  from  the  treaty  of 
Chicago,  while  off  the  tnouth  of  Grand  River,  in  Lake  Michigan,  his  canoe 
was  struck  by  a  flaw  of  wind  and  upset.  After  making  every  exertion, 
ho  saw  his  wife  and  all  his  children,  except  one  son,  perish.  With  his 
son  he  reached  the  .shore ;  but,  ai  if  to  crown  his  misl'ortunes,  this  only 
surviving  child  has  since  been  poisoned  for  the  part  he  took  in  the 
treaty." 

The  result  of  this  treaty  was  the  relinquishment,  by  the  Oftowa?,  Chip- 
pevr'as,  and  Poltowattomies,  of  a  tract  of  country  in  the  .southern  part  of 
the  peninsula  of  Michigan,  containing  upwards  of  5,000,000  acres,  and 
for  which  they  received  of  the  United  Stales,  in  goods,  35,000  (iollars; 
and  several  otiier  sums  were  awarded  to  tho  separate  tribes,  to  some 
yearly  ibrever,  and  to  others  for  a  limited  term  of  yeare.  Some  of  the 
chiefs  who  attended  to  the  treaty  were  oppose«l  to  this  sale,  and  hence  the 
reason  that  Keeiaof^ooshkurn's  son  was  poisoned. 

Koange,  in  the  following  speech,  o[)posed  it  in  a  manly  style.  lie  was 
a  chief  of  mature  age,  and  of  a  venerable  aspect. 

"  My  father,  since  you  heard  froq^  our  brothers,  the  Chippewas  and 
Ottawas,  we  have  counselled  together.  It  is  now  your  wish  to  hear  the 
sentiments  of  the  three  Nations.  I  shall  deliver  them.  Sometimes  the 
Indians  have  acted  like  children.  When  requested  they  have  signed 
away  their  lands  without  consideration.  This  has  always  made  trouble 
in  the  nation,  and  blood  has  been  spilt  in  consequence.  We  wish  to 
avoid  such  foolish  and  bad  conduct.  The  last  time  we  sat  down  in  coun- 
cil together,  we  had  not  fully  consulted  each  other;  and  perhaps  you 
drew  a  wrong  conclusion  from  what  we  said.  We  did  not  consent  to 
your  request.  In  times  past.  When  you  have  asked  us  for  lands,  we  have 
freely  sold  them.  At  present  there  are  a  number  of  our  people  opposed 
to  selling,  and  we  have  found  it  very  difficult  to  agree  in  mind.  One 
point,  in  particular,  we  differ  tnuch  upon  ;  it  is  the  extent  of  the  grant  you 
request.  Wo  give  you  one  more  proof  of  our  friendship,  by  meeting  you 
in  this  council. .  You  know  our  minds — wo  now  take  you  by  the  hand. 
Look  down  upon  us  with  compassion  and  wish  us  well." 

This  speech,  Mr.  Schoolcrajl  says,  was  rather  more  favorably  rendered 
by  the  interpreter,  than  it  should  have  been,  in  regard  to  the  (lisposal  of 
the  land.  We  think,  however,  that  ho  speaks  m  very  decided  terms 
against  it. 

There  was  another  chief  present  at  this  treaty,  a  Pottowattomie,  whom 
we  will  mention,  particularly  to  show  the  "ruling  passion"  of  the  Indians 
for  ardent  spirits.    This  was 

T^'no&ee,  or  Thupenda.    He  was  a  chief  much  respected,  and  was 


^m 


BLACK-HAWK. 


(Book  V. 


venerable  now  from  his  age  ;  haviing  been  the  first  chief  of  his  tribe,  from 
before  the  time  of  fFame'a  war.  His  name  stands  first  to  a  nti miter  of 
treaties,  from  that  of  Greenville,  in  1795,  to  that  of  Chicaco,  in  1821. 
There  was  a  good  deal  of  reluctance  with  many  present,  at  tlie  latter 
treaty,  to  comply  with  its  requisitions,  but  when  it  was  finally  determined 
that  it  sliould  be  executed,  all  seemed  eager  to  have  it  go  into  effect  with- 
out delay,  from  the  circumstance,  that  a  certain  quantity  of  whiskey  was 
stipulated  to  be  delivered  to  them  as  soon  as  it  was  executed.  Thupeneba 
said  to  Gov.  Caas,  *^  Father,  toe  are  very  thirsty  for  aome  of  that  mm  you 
have  brought  for  u».  We  toish  it  to  be  given  to  ua.  fVe  can  no  longer  re- 
alrain  our  thirat."  And  when  he  was  told  that  the  goods  were  not  ready 
to  be  delivered,  he  said,  "  Give  vs  the  whiskey.  We  care  not  for  the  reat.^ 
We  need  not  ask,  here,  whether  the  tempter  or  the  tempted  deserve 
most  our  censure  in  such  coses. 

CHAPTER  VIII. 


Of  the  laic  war  in  the  west,  and  the  chiefs  engaged  in  it — Black-hawk — 
JVeopope — The  Prophet — Keokuk,  and  othet^. 

It  will  be  necessary,  in  this  chapter,  before  detailing  events  in  the  lives 
of  chiefs,  to  give  some  account  of  such  tribes  of  Indians  as  will  often  be 
mentioned  as  we  proceed.  We  shall,  however,  confine  ourselves  to  such 
tribes  as  took  part  in  the  late  war  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Ijakes  Mich- , 
igau  and  Superior,  more  especially ;  and  firstly  of  the  Winnebagoes  or 
Winebnygos.  This  tribe  inhabit  the  country  upon  the  Ouisconsin,  a 
river  that  rises  between  the  Lakes  Superior  and  Michigan,  and  which 
diNmbogues  itself  into  tlie  Mississippi,  near  the  S.  W.  angle  of  the  N.  W. 


Crap.  VDI.] 


BLACK-HAWK. 


198 


territory.  They  were  fbuod  seated  here  when  the  country  was  fint 
visited  by  whites,  about  150  years  ago,  and  here  they  still  remain.  In 
1890,  they  were  supposed  to  number  1550  souls,  of  whom  500  were  men, 
350  women,  and  700  children,  and  lived  in  ten  towns  or  villages.*  A 
body  of  Winnebago  warriors  was  in  the  fight  at  Tippecanoe,  under  the 
impostor  EUakwc£u§a.  Sanamahhonga,  called  Stone-eater,  and  fVapam- 
vtigwo,  or  ffkUe^ootit  were  leaders  of  the  Winnebago  wiuriors.  The 
latter. was  one  that  oppc»ed  Gren.  Wayne  in  1794,  but  was  reconciled  to 
the  AmericaiM  in  1795,  by  the  treaty  of  Greenville.  He  also  treated  with 
Gen.  Harrison,  in  1^D9,  at  Fort  Wayne,  and  again  at  Greenville  in  1814 ; 
but  he  was  active  in  the  war  of  1812,  and  on  the  British  side.  Winneba- 
go Lake,  which  discharges  its  waters  into  Green  Bay,  was  probtilily 
named  fit>m  this  tribe  of  Indians,  or,  what  is  quite  as  probable,  they  re- 
ceived their  name  frotn  the  lake. 

Secondly,  the  Menominies.  This  tribe  inhabits  a  river  bearing  their 
name,  and  is  situated  about  one  degree  north  of  the  Winnebagoes,  from 
whom  they  are  separated  by  a  range  of  mountains.  They  numbered  in 
1820,  according  to  some,  about  355  persons,  of  whom  not  more  than  100 
were  fighters;  i)ut  this  estimate  could  apply  only,  it  is  thought,  to  the 
most  populous  tribe. 

Thirdly,  the  Pottowattomies,  or  Pouteouatamis.  This  nation  wns  early 
known  to  the  French.*  In  the  year  1668,  300  of  them  visited  Father 
tffdotiez,  at  a  place  which  the  French  called  Chagouamigon,  which  is  an 
island  in  Lake  Superior.  There  was  among  them  at  this  time  an  old 
man  100  years  old,  of  whom  his  nation  reported  wonderful  things; 
among  others,  that  he  could  go  without  food  20  davs,  and  that  he  often 
saw  the  Great  Spirit  He  was  taken  sick  here,  and  died  in  a  few  days 
after.f 

The  country  of  the  Pottowattomies  is  adjacent  to  the  south  end  of  Lake 
Michigan,  in  Indiana  and  Illinois,  and  in  1820  their  numbers  were  set 
dowp  at  3400.  At  this  time  the  Unittsd  States  paid  them  yearly  .5700 
dollars.  Of  this,  3S0  dollars  remained  a  pennanent  annuity  until  the  late 
war. 

Fourthly,  the  Sacs  and  Foxes.  These  are  usually  mentioned  together, 
and  are  now  really  but  one  nntion.  They  also  had  the  gospel  taught  them 
about  1668,  by  the  Jesuits.  They  live  to  the  west  of  the  Pottowattomies, 
generally  between  the  Illinois  and  Mississippi  Rivers,  in  the  state  of  Illinois. 
The  chief  of  the  Sauks,  or  Sacs,  for  at  least  14  years,  has  been  Keokuk. 
Of  him  we  shall  particularly  speak  elsewhere.  The  Sacs  aud  Foxes 
were  supposed  tt'  amount,  in  1820,  to  about  3000  persons  in  all ;  one  fifth 
of  whom  may  be  accounted  warriors. 

Thus  we  have  taken  a  view  of  the  most  important  points  in  the  history 
of  the  tribes  Mrhich  were  engaged  in  the  late  border  war  under  Blaek- 
luuek,  and  are,  therefore,  prepared  to  proceed  in  the  narration  of  the  events 
of  that  war.  It  will  be  necessary  for  us  to  begin  with  some  events  as 
early  as  1823;  at  which  period  a  chief  of  the  Winnebagoes  called  Red- 
bird  was  the  most  conspicuous.  This  year,  the  United  States'  agents 
held  a  treaty  at  Prairie  du  Chien,  with  the  Sacs  or  Saques,  Foxes,  Win- 
nebagoes, Chippeways,  Sioux,  &c.,  for  the  purpose,  among  other  things,  of 
bringing  about  a  peace  between  the  first-named  tribe  and  the  others,  who 
were  carrying  c<n  bloody  wara  among  themselves.  To  eftect  the  object 
in  view,  biounds  were  set  to  each  tribe.  About  this  time,  the  Galena  lead 
mines  attracted  great  attention  ;  and  the  avarice  of  those  concerned  drove 
several  diousand  mincre  beyond  the  limits  of  the  United  States,  into  the 


*  Dr.  Morse  ralod  th«in  at  5000.    Ind.  Report,  Ap.  362. 
t  Charlevoix,  Hitt.  de  la  Nouv,  Franco,  i.  395. 


Si 


RED-BIRD. 


[Book  V. 


adjacent  lands  of  the  Winnebagocs.  Whether  this  great  encroachment 
was  the  cause  of  the  rnurder  ofM.  Mtthodt,  his  wife  and  five  children,  we 
are  not  certain.  It  is  certain  tliat  this  family  lived  near  Prairie  du  Chien, 
and  tiiat  they  were  murdered  by  a  party  uf  Winnebagoes ;  two  of  whom 
were  afterwards  taken  and  imprisoned*  in  the  jail  of  Crawford  county. 
An  article  in  the  treaty  just  nientione<l,  provided  that  any  or  each  of  those 
Indian  nations  visiting  a  garrison  of  the  United  States,  such  party  or 
parties  sliouid  l>c  protected  from  insult  from  others  by  said  garrison. 

Notwithstanding  this,  in  the  summer  of  1827,  a  party  of  24  Qhippeways, 
on  a  visit  to  For*  Snelling,  were  fallen  upon  by  a  band  of  Sioux,  who 
killed  and  wounded  eight  of  them.  The  commandant  of  Fort  Snelling  cap- 
tured four  of  tliem,  whom  he  deliver.'^d  into  the  hands  of  the  Chippe ways, 
who  immediately  shot  them,  according  to  iheir  custom. 

Red-bird  resented  the  proceedings  of  the  commandant  of  Fort  Snelling, 
and  equally  the  conduct  of  the  Cliippewnys,  and  roisolved  on  retaliation. 
Accordingly  he  led  a  war  party  against  the  latter,  but  was  defeated ;  and 
upon  his  return  he  was  derided  by  iiis  neighboi-s. 

It  is  said  thnt  Red-bird  hod  lieen  deceived  by  the  Indians,  who  told 
him,  that  those  put  to  death  by  the  Chip|)cways  were  those  who  had 
been  imprisoned  for  the  murder  of  Methode  and  family.  If  this  were  the 
case,  kit  it  go  us  liir  as  it  will  to  brighten  the  character  of  Red-bird. 

Enraged  ut  liis  ill  success  against  the  Chippeways,  Red-bird,  with  only 
three  despciute  companions  like  himself,  rapaired  to  Prairie  du  Chien, 
where,  about  the  first  July,  they  killed  two  persons  and  wounded  a  third. 
We  hear  of  no  plunder  taken  by  t!iiem,  except  a  keg  of  whiskey,  with 
which  they  retired  to  the  inoiith  of  Bad-axe  River.  Immediately  after, 
with  his  company  augmented.  Red-bird  waylaid  two  keel-boats  that  had 
been  conveying  cnminissary  stores  to  Fort  Snelling.  One  came  into  the 
ambush  in  the  day-time,  and,  after  a  fight  of  four  hours,  esca()ed,  with  the 
loss  of  two  killed  and  four  wounded.  It  was  midnight  before  the  other 
fell  into  the  snare,  and,  owing  to  the  darkness,  escaped  without  much 
injury. 

Not  Itiig  after,  Gen.  Atkinson  marched  into  the  Winnebago  country, 
with  a  hiigade  of  troops,  regulars  and  militia,  where  he  succeeded  m 
making  prisoners  oi Red-bird  a:id  some  others  of  the  hostile  Winnebagoes. 
J{e(/.6tra  Boon  after  died  in  prison.  "Some  of  the  otlier  culprits  were 
tried  and  found  guilty,  and  sentenced  to  death,  but  were  pardoned  by 
President  Atam$,  it  is  said,  on  the  implied  condition  of  a  cession  of  the 
mining  district."* 

In  the  case  of  the  United  States  against  Wmtrkoo-hak  and  Man-na-at- 
ap-e-kah,  lor  tlic  nnirder  of  Methode  and  family,  a  nolle  prosequi  was  en- 
tered, and  the  jjrisoners  discharged.  Kanoiidcak,  or  the  Youngest-of- 
the-tku7ider8,  and  Karcahonsept-hiui,  or  Black-hatok,  had  been  imprisoned 
for  the  attack  on  die  boat  above  mentioned,  and  also  a  son  of  Red-bird; 
but  they  were  dischaiged.  Two  others,  at  the  same  court,  were  found 
siiiity  of  murders,  and  sentenced  to  be  oxccutod  26  Deceml>er  following. 
This  was  in  Aiigimt,  1828. 

Hence,  where  duily  troubles,  in  kind  like  what  we  have  related,  oc- 
curred, no  one  could  expect  Iraiiqunlity  while  the  parties  in  them  were 
within  hail  of  each  other ;  and  it  has  often  happened  that  much  greater 
bloodshed  luis  followed  far  less  causes,  than  existed  at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  piTsent  war.  Nevertheless,  it  did  not  commence,  as  border 
wars  often  do,  by  a  great  irruption  on  the  part  of  the  Indians;  and  it 
seems  as  though  thoy  were  only  following  up  a  retaliation,  to  which,  by 
numerous  giievoiici  s,  they  had  been  actually  driven.    The  complaints  on 


*  Troin  a  collcclioa  of  facU  published  by  W.  J.  SaeUiitg,  Esq. 


CaAr.  vm.] 


BLACK-HAWK. 


m 


the  part  of  the  whites  are  the  same  aa  have  always  been  made — that  the 
Indians  paid  no  remrd  to  their  engagements.  We  do  not  pretend  to  ex- 
onerate them  of  blame,  but  we  do  chai^ge  their  enemies  with  much 
greater.  In  our  present  business,  it  is  enough  that  the  whites  were  the 
agffreswra,  which,  for  once  out  of  hundreds  of  times,  where  the  facts  are 
well  established,  we  shall  not  be  thought  very  presumptuous,  perhaps,  in 
setting  down  as  granted. 

The  fact,  we  apprehend,  will  not  be  denied,  that  many  fhmtier  estab- 
lishments have  very  little  to  lose  by  an  Indian  w&i-,  but  much  \o  gain  if 
successful.  The  settlers  are  sure  that  by  a  wai-  the  Indians  will  be  drivjBD 
farther  from  them,  and  be  obliged  to  give  up  their  approximate  lands ;  in 
which  event  they  are  no  longer  a  frontier,  but  a  thoroughfare  to  one. 
And  hence  the  nocking  in  of  new  settlers  raises  the  value  of  produce,  aa 
well  as  lands,  by  creating  a  demand  for  them.  Thus  it  >s  not  difficult  to 
see,  that  the  avaricious  and  wicked  have  every  inducement  to  bring  about 
an  Indian  war. 

Black-hawk,  we  have  just  seen,  was,  in  1827,  suspected,  and  even  im- 

Erisoned  for  an  act  of  alle^d  bostili^ ;  and  it  is  probable  that  he  may  have 
een  remotely  concerned  m  the  afiair  charged  against  him.  Be  tnat  as 
it  may.  Red-bird  had  died  in  prison,  and  Red-bvrd  was  his  IHend.  Indians 
could  be  seized,  tried  and  executed,  for  killing  those  who  aggravated  them 
to  do  so,  but  it  often  happens  that  when  Indians  are  murdered  by  whites, 
the  murderers  cannot  be  brought  to  justice.  Sometimes  they  make  an 
escape,  and  sometimes  are  shielded  by  their  friends ;  therefore  the  equal 
administration  of  justice  has  never  neen  had.  The  Indians  know  and 
feel  the  force  of  these  reflections;  and  it  is  not  strange  that,  in  1831,  the 
whites  of  the  frontier  of  Illinois  thought  that  **the  Indians,  with  some  ex- 
ceptions, from  Canada  to  Mexico,  along  the  northern  fivntiers  of  the 
United  States,  were  more  hostile  to  them  than  at  any  other  period  since 
the  lost  war."*  It  is  not  probable,  however,  that  the  conjecture  was  true, 
to  the  extent  imagined. 

A  number  of  the  Sac  Indians,  who,  in  the  war  between  the  U.  States 
and  Great  Britain,  served  the  latter,  which  gave  them  the  name  of  the 
"  British  band,"  was  the  most  conspicuous  in  opposing  the  whites.  This 
band  of  Sacs  had  rendezvoused  at  their  chief  vil!nge,  on  the  Mississippi, 
where  they  hod  collected  such  of  their  neighbors  as  wished  to  engage  in 
the  war.  Gen.  Gaines,  joined  by  Grov.  Reynolds,  and  Gen.  Duncan's 
brigade  of  1400  mounted  men,  possessed  themselves  of  the  Sac  village 
on  the  26  June.  They  did  this  without  opposition  ;  for  when  the  Indianjf 
discovered  the  whites  on  their  march,  they  fled  across  the  river,  and  after 
a  short  time  dis|)layed  a  white  flag  for  a  parley.  Meantime  their  as- 
sociates had  abandoned  them,  and  the  Sac  band  was  left  alone  to  manage 
affairs  in  the  best  manner  they  could.  They  therefore  made  peace  with 
the  whites,  with  all  due  tiubmission ;  and  the  latter  thought  there  would 
be  no  further  cause  of  alarm.  Indeed,  such  was  their  deportment,  that 
Gen.  Gaines  was  of  opinion  that  they  were  as  completely  humbled,  as  if 
they  had  been  chastised  in  battle,  and  were  less  disposed  to  disturb  the 
frontiers  than  if  the  other  event  had  taken  place ;  and  only  a  few  days 
before  this.  Gen.  Gaine '  said  he  was  confirmed  in  the  opinion,  that,  what- 
ever might'bc  their  hostile  feelings,  they  were  resolved  to  abstain  from 
the  use  of  their  tomahawks  and  fire-arms,  except  in  self-defence. 

Meanwhile  a  difliuulty  seems  to  have  arisen  between  some  of  the  Sacs 
and  the  Menominies,  and  28  of  the  lotter  had  been  murdered.  Agreeably 
to  the  14th  article  of  the  treaty  of  Prairie  des  Chiens,  concluded  19  Aug. 
1825,  the  United  States  obliged  themselves  to  interpose  between  these  and 


*  Gov.  Reynotd'i  leUer  to  the  secretary  or  war,  7  July,  1831. 


*' 


rab 


BLACK-HAWK. 


[Book  V. 


other  western  tribe*  in  cases  of  tiviibles.  Tlie  Sans  had  not  only  coin< 
mitted  the  n>.uru»ra  just  mentioned,  but  tlie^  hnd  recrossed  the  Mississippi 
to  its  east  bank,  and  occupied  the  country  in  the  spring  of  1833,  that  they 
had  fled  from  the  last  year,  and  by  treaty  given  up.  Black-hawk  was  the 
allc^d  leader  in  botli  coses.  Therefore  Qen.  AUanton  set  out  on  an  ex- 
pedition,  in  which  it  was  hoped  he  would  seize  Black-hawk,  who,  it  was 
said,  was  "  the  sole  fomenter  of  all  these  disturbances ;"  and  it  was  said 
niso  tho*  be  had  little  respect  for  treaties,  and  that  he  had,  "  in  former  ne- 
gotiations, so  far  overreached  our  commissioners,  ns  to  make  peace  on  his 
own  terms."  Here  we  have  nn  early  acknowledgment  of  the  abilities 
of  our  chief  in  matters  of  diplomacy.  .  But  to  return  to  the  expedition. 

Gen.  ^tkuiaon  was  at  Rock  River,  at  a  place  called  Dixon's  Ferry,  on 
15  May,  when  he  received  news  from  a  force  which  had  marched  to 
Sycamore  Creek,  about  30  miles  from  Dixon's,  that  a  part  of  that  force  hod 
mei  with  a  total  defect.  There  had  been  various  murders  committed  at 
Sycamore  Creek,  which  occasioned  the  march  of  this  force  thither. 
Ainons  the  sufTerers  about  that  place  was  the  family  of  a  Mr.  Hall,  which, 
from  the  circumstance  of  his  two  daughters  having  been  carried  into  cap- 
tivity, created  much  sympathy ;  they  being  one  but  16  and  the  other  18 
J  ears  of  age.  Before  they  were  leid  away,  they  saw  their  mother  toma- 
awked  ana  scal|)ed,  and  almut  20  others  (nt  Indian  Creek,  which  empties 
into  Fox  River)  treated  in  like  manner.  These  youne  women,  aAer  they 
were  conveyed  out  of  the  reach  of  the  whites,  by  tlieir  captors,  were  hu- 
manely treated,  and  have  since  been  restored  to  their  friends. 

Those  who  marched  to  Sycamore  Creek  were  in  number  about  375, 
under  the  command  of  Maj.  StiUman.  They  were  encamped  at  Ogee,  or 
Dixon's  Ferry,  when  the  news  of  the  massacre  on  Indian  Creek  arrived, 
at  which  intelliseuce  M^j.  SliUman  got  permission  of  Gen.  fFhUesidea  to 
inarch  in  that  direction.  On  Monday,  14  May,  they  came  upon  a  few 
Indians,  whether  enemies  or  not  is  not  mentioned^  nor  do  we  presume 
the  whites  8top|ied  to  inquire,  for  ''theirs  was  the  march  of  death,"  and 
therefore  two  of  them  were  shot  down,  and  two  others  captured.  The 
same  day,  at  evening,  when  the  army  had  arrived  at  a  convenient  place 
to  encamp  u()on,  and  after  they  had  madj  some  preparations  for  encamp- 
ing, a  small  band  of  Indians  were  discovered  bearing  a  white  flag.  One 
company  of  men  went  out  to  meet  them,  but  soon  discovered  they  were 
only  a  decoy.  How  they  knew  this  to  be  the  fact,  we  are  not  informed. 
,Thu  detachment,  therefore,  fell  back  upon  the  main  body,  which,  by  this 
t^me,  had  remounted ;  and,  as  strange  a.s  it  is  true,  this  misguided  bund 
rushed  forward,  regardless  of  all  order,  for  several  miles,  until  they  had 
croned  Sycomore  Creek,  and  were  completely  in  the  Indians'  |)ower. 
The  reader  can  now  expect  nothing  but  a  detail  almost  exactly  similar  to 
the  Pawtucket  fight.  The  whites  had  crossed  the  creek  man  by  man,  as 
they  came  to  it,  and  all  the  Indians  had  to  do,  wcs  to  wait  until  a  goodly 
number  had  got  within  their  grasp.  It  was  moonlight  when  tlie  fight 
began,  and  after  a  few  struggles  the  whites  fled  in  greater  disorder,  if  pos- 
sible, than  they  came.  The  Indians,  after  making  the  onset  by  a  dis- 
charge of  their  guns,  fell  on  with  their  knives  und  tomahawks,  and  had 
not  the  night  and  situation  of  the  country  favored  tiieir  flight,  nearly  uU 
the  army  must  have  been  cut  off.  The  Indians  were  reported  to  have 
■en  about  1500  or  2000  strong,  and  it  was  said  12  of  them  were  killed  in 
tlie  fight.  Of  the  whites  13  only  are  refwrted  as  having  been  killed. 
Their  flight  was  quite  equal  to  that  of  the  nnny  under  Gen.  St.  Clair. 
Immediately  after,  1400  men  marched  to  the  scene  of  action,  to  bury  the 
dead;  and  their  account  of  Imrbnrities  committed  on  the  bodies  o^  the 
dain  adds  nothing  to  those  already  related  in  similar  events.  One  sol- 
dier only  escaped  disfiguration,  which  is  not  easily  accounted  for,  unless 


Cbaf.  VIII.] 


BLACK-PVWK. 


197 


were 


as 


it  were  the  cam  that  he  hail  secreted  himself  until  all  the  Indians  hut  one 
bad  \ct\  the  sreno  of  action ;  for  h«  was  found  side  by  side  with  an  Indian, 
cod  I  grasping  the  other,  and  both  in  the  arms  of  death.  The  soldier's 
bead  was  nearly  cut  off,  and  the  Indian  was  shot  through  the  bodv. 
Hence  it  was  supposed  that  these  two  had  exchanged  their  deadly  shana 
at  the  same  moment;  and  from  the  situation  of  the  Indian  it  was  evident 
he  had  died  while  in  the  very  act  of  dealing  the  fatal  blow  upon  his  ad- 
verBiiry. 

An  idea  of  the  rapidity  with  which  the  Indiana  convey  intelligence  of 
important  events  may  Im  had  from  the  fact,  that  a  runner  from  Blaek- 
hoiok  and  his  allies,  bearing  to  the  Missouri  Indians  the  news  of  their 
victory,  arrived  at  the  Dos  Moines  Rapids  24  hours  before  tiie  express 
sent  by  Gov.  Reynolds. 

In  July  following  the  cholera  ravaged  severely  among  the  troops  op- 
posed to  the  Indians,  insrunuch  that  several  companies  were  entirely 
broken  up,  and  many  belonging  to  them  perished  in  a  manner  too  revolt- 
ing to  lie  described.  Of  a  corps  under  Col.  Thoiggs,  of '208  men,  but  nine 
were  left  alive! 

Gen.  Dodge  surprised  a  party  of  12  Indians  near  Galena,  and  cut  them 
oflT  to  a  man.  The  whites,  that  they  might  not  be  outdone  in  cniehy  by 
their  enemies,  scalped  the  slain.  Near  this  same  place  Capt.  Steveruon 
had  what  was  termed  a  hard  fi/j^ht  with  another  small  |)arty,  killing  six  of 
them,  and  losing  three  of  his  own  men.  This  fight  was  severe ;  knives, 
bayonets  and  tomahawks  being  the  weapons  employed.  What  time 
this  affair  took  place  is  not  mentioned,  but  it  was  probably  in  July. 

Black-hawk  assembled  his  forces  at  a  point  between  Rock  and  Ouis- 
consin  Rivers,  where  it  was  nxiKcted  he  would  meet  the  whites  in  a  gen- 
eral battle.  His  waniors  were  yiipitosed  to  amount  to  at  least  1000.  Gen. 
Mkinson  had  nearly  double  that  number  of  men,  and  resolved  to  meet 
him  as  soon  as  possilile ;  and  great  hopes  were  entertained  tiiat,  in  such 
event,  a  finishing  blow  would  be  |>ut  to  the  wiir.  But  the  old  chief  had 
seen  too  much  exfterience  to  full  a  prey  in  this  case  ;  he  therefore  escaped 
into  an  intrrmiimble  wildiriu ss.  Gen.  Jitkinson^  after  almost  insur- 
mountable liifficultics,  arriviul  at  Cashkonong;  in  this  move  he  was  also 
disappointed  in  finding  any  Iitdians.  This  was  about  the  middle  of  July, 
1832,  and  |ieople  began  to  i)es|)air  of  effecting  any  thing  against  the  old 
wary  chief,  but  by  8trat?WG»<« 

About  the  same  timr,  Gnn.  Doc^e  was  in  pursuit  of  a  trail  of  Indians 
uear  40  miles  from  Fort  -lebago.  It  appears  they  were  a  flying,  half- 
,  starved  band,  who  made  litu  or  no  resistance,  on  being  attacked  l>y  the 
whites.  It  is  stated  that  they  were  "brought  to  battle"  in  the  evening; 
which  will  account  for  their  not  being  nil  cut  off.  They  left  16  dead  on 
the  ground  where  the  fight  or  attack  l)egan  ;  and  the  whites  had  but  one 
man  killed,  and  four  wotmdod.  The  condition  of  the  Indians  at  tliis 
perio(i  can  bo  well  conceived  of,  when  it  is  understood  that  the  army 
found  many  of  them  dead,  as  ihey  marched  along,  emaciated  and  starved 
to  death  !  Gen.  DoJge  had  pursued  this  trail  of  Indians  near  100  miles; 
and  the  place  where  he  came  up  with  them  was  upon  the  Ouisconsin, 
over  against  the  old  Sac  village.  In  the  general's  official  letter,  he  says, 
"From  the  scalps  taken  by  the  Winnel»agoes,  [a  part  of  which  tribe  were 
befriending  the  whites,!  as  well  as  those  taken  by  the  whites  and  the 
Indians  carried  from  the  field  of  battle,  we  must  have  killed  40  of 
them." 

It  was  now  uncertain  where  the  Indians  were  next  to  be  found,  but  it 

was  supposed  they  might  descend  the  Ouisconsin,  and  so  escape  across 

the  Mississippi  in  thut  direction  ;  therefore  Gen.  Dodge  recommended  the 

>  jdacing  a  cannon  on  the  river  to  cut  them  off,  and  Gen.  Mtinxm  marched 


% 


m 


BLACK-HAWK. 


[Book  V. 


i'^ 


for  tjie  Blue  Moundi  with  bis  regular  troops,  and  a  brigade  of  mounted 
men,  in  all  about  IGOO  strong. 

Mfltiiwbile  BUuMrhttwk,  finding  it  im|)racticable  to  escape  with  his 
whole  company  bv  way  of  the  Ouisconsin,  crossed  the  country,  it  ap- 
pears, and  atrucit  tne  Mississippi  a  cousiderablfl  distance  above  the  mouth 
of  the  former,  and,  the  better  to  ensure  the  escape  of  his  warriors,  suffer- 
ed tlieir  women  and  children  to  descend  the  river  in  boats,  by  which 
means  a  great  nunilwr  of  them  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  whites.  In  their 
pasMue,  some  of  the  boats  conveying  these  poor  wretches  were  overset, 
(by  what  means  we  are  not  informed,)  and  many  of  those  in  them  were 
drowned.  Their  condition,  on  arriving  at  Praine  du  Chien,  was  doieflil 
ill  the  extreme.  Many  of  the  children  were  in  such  a  famished  otate  that 
it  was  thought  imponible  to  revive  them.  It  is  humiliating  to  add,  that 
in  speakinff  of  their  treatment,  it  was  said,  they  were  **gmiraUy  received 
Mid  treated  with  humanity ;"  if,  indeed,  generally  is  to  be  understood  in 
its  common  import. 

Immediately  after  these  tranHactions,  the  steomboat  Warrior,  with  a 
small  force  on  l)OHril,  wna  acnt  up  the  Miasiasippi ;  and  on  its  return  the 
oaptain  of  it  gave  the  followiii);  account  of  his  expedition : — 

"  Prairie  du  Chieti,  3  Aug.  1832.  I  arrived  at  this  place  on  Mondav 
last,  [30  July,]  ond  was  despatched,  with  the  Warrior  alone,  to  Waposhaw^ 
village,  120  miles  above,  to  inform  them  of  the  approach  of  the  Bars,  and 
to  onler  down  all  the  friendly  Indiana  to  this  place.  On  our  wey  down, 
we  met  one  of  the  Sioux  ImumI,  who  informed  us  that  tlie  Indians  (our 
enemies)  were  on  Bad-axe  River,  to  the  number  of  400.  We  stopped 
and  cut  some  wood  and  prepared  for  action.  About  4  o'clock  on  Wednes- 
day afternoon,  [I  Aug.]  we  found  the  eentianm  [Indians]  where  he 
stated  he  had  ten  them.  As  we  ncared  them,  they  raised  a  white  flag, 
and  endeavored  to  deroy  us ;  but  we  were  a  little  too  old  for  them ;  for, 
instead  of  landing,  we  ordered  them  to  send  a  boat  on  board,  which  they 
declined.  After  about  15  minutes*  delay,  giving  them  time  to  remove  a 
few  of  their  women  and  children,  we  let  slip  a  six-pounder  loaded  with 
canister,  followed  by  a  severe  fire  of  musketrv ;  and  if  ever  you  saw 
amight  blankets,  you  would  have  seen  them  there.  I  fought  them  at 
anchor  most  nf  the  time,  and  we  were  all  very  much  exposed.  I  have  a 
ImH  whirli  came  in  cIoho  by  whei-e  I  was  standing,  and  passed  through 
the  bulkhead  of  the  wheel-room.  We  fought  tbem  for  about  an  hour  or 
more,  until  our  wood  began  to  fait,  and  night  coming  on,  we  left  and  went 
on  to  the  Prairie.  This  tittle  fight  cost  them  33  killed,  and,  of  course,  a 
great  many  woimdcd.  We  never  lost  a  man,  and  had  but  one  man 
wounded,  (shot  through  the  leg.)  The  next  tnorning,  before  we  could 
get  back  again,  ou  accoUiit  of  a  heavy  fog,  tlicy  had-  the  whole  [of  Gen. 
Alkmaon'si  army  upon  them.  Wo  found  them  at  it,  walked  in  end  took 
a  hand  ouraelvcs.  The  fii-st  shot  from  the  Warrior  laid  out  three.  I  can 
hardly  tell  you  any  thing  almut  it,  for  I  am  in  great  haste,  as  I  am  now 
on  my  way  to  the  field  a^n.  The  army  lost  eight  or  nine  killed,  and  seven- 
teen wouudi'd,  whom  we  brought  down.  One  died  on  deck  last  night.  We 
brought  down  36  prisoners,  women  and  children.  I  tell  you  what,  Sum, 
there  is  no  fun  in  fighting  Iniliaiis,  particularly  at  this  seoson,  when  the 
gross  is  so  vtiry  bright.  Every  man,  and  even  my  cabin-boy,  fought 
w<>il.  We  had  16  regulars,  5  riflrmen,  and  20  of  ourselves.  Mr.  How,  of 
Platte,  Mr.  Jamet  G.  Soulard  and  one  of  the  RoUttet,  were  with  us, 
and  foiifjlit  well." 

The  place  where  this  fight  took  place  was  about  40  miles  above  Prune 
du  Chien,  on  the  noiili  side  of  the  Mississijipi,  nearly  opposite  the  mouth 
of  tlie  loway ;  and  the  whites  were  very  fortuiute  in  being  able,  at  the 
time,  to  cooperate  by  laud  and  water.     Gen.  JltShufm  having 


■t" 


[Book  V. 

mounted 

with  hu 
ry,  it  ap. 
lie  mouth 
n,  suffer- 
by  which 
Id  their 
3  ovonet, 
lem  were 
OS  doiefiil 
Dtate  that 
add,  that 
f  received 
jnrtood  in 

>r,  with  a 
return  the 

1  Mondav 
apashaw^ 
Sara,  and 
vsy  down, 
idiauB  (our 
'e  stopped 
a  Weniies- 
where  he 
white  flag, 
them}  for, 
vhich  they 
I  remove  a 
mded  with 

you  saw 
It  them  at 

I  have  a 
id  through 
an  hour  or 
I  and  went 
if  course,  a 
t  one  man 
I  we  could 
tie  [of  Gen. 
n  and  took 
ree.    I  can 
I  am  now 
,  and  seven- 
night.  We 
what,  Sam, 
J,  when  the 
boy,  fought 
Wr.  flow,  of 
re  with  us, 

K)ve  Prwrie 
3  the  mouth 
able,  at  the 
\uon  having 


cbap.  vin.] 


NAOPOPE. 


1» 


formed  a  junction  with  Oen.  Dodge,  the  army,  connsting  of  1300  men, 
crossed  the  Ouisconsin  on  the  27  and  28  July,  and  soon  after  fell  upon 
the  trail  of  thn  Indians,  who  were  flying  from  the  late  scene  of  action  on 
that  river,  as  wo  have  observed  above.  The  country  through  whicli  the 
army  had  to  march  was  a  continued  series  of  mountains,  covered  to  their 
very  tons  with  a  thick  wood  of  heavy  timber,  and  much  underwoKod. 
The  valleys  were  very  deep  and  difficult  to  be  passed ;  but  nothing  could 
damp  the  ardor  of  the  whitea,  and  they  pressed  on  to  overtake  Black' 
hiouk  before  he  should  be  able  to  escape  across  the  Mississippi.  This 
they  accomplished,  as  we  have  already  seen.  The  place  where  they  were 
overtaken  was  very  favorable  for  the  Indians,  as  may  Im;  jugded  by  their 
being  able  to  maintain  a  fight  of  about  three  hours,  in  their  wretche«l,  half- 
starved  condition,  with  not  more  than  300  warriors.  They  were  discov- 
ered in  a  deep  ravine,  at  the  foot  of  a  precipice,  over  which  the  army  had 
to  pass ;  and  they  were  routed  only  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.  Old  logs, 
high  grass  and  large  trees  covered  them  until  the  charge  was  made,  when, 
as  they  were  driven  from  one  covert,  they  readily  found  another,  and 
thus  was  the  fight  protracted.  At  length  the  whites  were  able  so  to  dis- 
pose of  their  force,  as  to  come  upon  them  above  and  below,  and  also  in 
the  centre.  No  chance  remained  now  to  the  Indians,  but  to  swim  the 
Misbiitiippi,  or  elude  the  vigilance  of  their  enemies  by  land,  whtf  had 
nearly  encomimssed  them.  Many,  therefore,  undertook  the  former  means 
of  flight,  but  few  escaped  by  it,  as  the  greatest  slaughter  was  in  the  river; 
but  a  considurable  number  found  means  to  escape  bv  land.  One  hun- 
dred and  fifly  of  them  were  supposed  to  have  been  killed  in  this  battle. 

Blaek-haiok  was  among  those  who  escaped,  but  his  precipitation  was 
such,  that  he  left  even  his  papers  behind  him ;  one  of  which  was  a  cer- 
tificate from  British  oflicers,  that  he  had  served  faithfblly  and  fought  val- 
iantly for  them  in  their  late  wur  against  the  United  States.  The  prison- 
.  en  taken  at  this  time  stated  that  at  the  battle  on  the  Ouisconsin,  with  tho 
force  under  Oen.  Dodge,  68  of  theur  numbers  were  killed  and  many 
wounded. 

It  was  now  thought  that  the  Sacs  would  he  glad  to  make  peace  on  any 
terms.  Accordingly  (ron.  ^Udtuon  determine  to  order  Keokuk  to  de- 
mand a  surrender  of  the  remaining  urincipal  men  of  the  hostile  party. 
From  the  battle  ground  the  Gleneralb  ^tkxruon,  Dod^e  and  Po«ey  went 
down  the  river  to  Fort  Crawford,  (Prairie  du  Chien,)  in  the  Warrior,  and 
the  army  followed  by  land.  On  the  4  August,  Capt.  Price,  with  a  small 
company,  killed  and  took  19  Sacs  lietween  Cossville  and  the  Ouisconsin. 

The  fortune  of  the  hostile  Indians  having  now  become  desperate, 
enough  of  their  countrymen  were  ready  to  volunteer  to  hunt  them  in 
every  place.  On  the  3  August,  100  Sioux  had  permission  to  go  out  after 
them,  and  soon  after  another  smaller  band  set  off.  News  was  soon  after 
brought,  that  these  had'oveclaken  tho  hostile  Sacs  and  Foxes  on  the  south 
side  of  the  Mississippt,  and  in  a  fight  had  killed  about  120  of  ihem. 

JTeo/tititwaschief^of  tho  friendly  Sacs,  and,  about  the  same  time,  caused 
a  nephew  of  his  to  be  given  up  to  the  whites,  as  being  die  murderer  of 
one  Moaiin,  in  Warren  county,  Illinois. 

^aopope  wa6  second  in  command  to  Black-hmok,  and  in  all  the  expe- 
ditions against  the  whites ;  ho  was  taken  prisoner  in  the  fight  with  the 
Sioux,  and  at  his  examiimtion  afterwards  by  Gen.  Scott,  about  the  murders 
which  had  been  committed  on  the  whites,  be  gave  this  account  of  himself : — 

"  /  (dtoaya  belot^d  to  Black-hawk's  hand.  Last  aummtr  I  went  to  Mai' 
dm ;  when  I  came  bcKk.,  I  found  that  by  the  treaty  roith  Gen.  Gaines,  the 
Sacs  had  moved  across  the  Mississippu  I  remained  duritw  the  tinnier  leith 
Ou  prophet,  on  Rock  River,  35  miles  above  the  mouth.  During  Ou  winter, 
Ae  prophet  setU  me  across  the  Mississippi,  to  Block-hawk,  wim  a  message, 


u 


lao 


DECORIE. 


[Book  V. 


to  UU  him  and  hit  btmd  to  erott  back  to  hit  viUage  and  make  com :  that  yf 
the  L^marieant  tame  and  told  them  to  move  arain^  thty  teouU  thake  handt 
with  them.  If  the  ^merieant  had  come  and  toU  vt  to  moot,  toe  thmdd  have 
tkaken  hamli,  and  immediately  have  moved  peaceably.  We  encamped  on 
i&nKtwe  CreeL  We  met  tome  Poltouattomiet,  and  I  made  ajtaaifar  them. 
A  that  time  I  heard  there  teere  tome  Americant  [under  Major  SiUmon] 
near  ut.  I  prepared  a  white  flag  to  go  and  tee  them,  and  tent  tioo  or  three 
young  men  on  a  hill  to  tte  what  tMy  were  doing.  Before  the  ftatt  wot 
fmmtd,  I  heard  my  young  men  were  killed.  Thit  wat  at  tuntet.  Some  iff 
my  young  men  ran  out ;  two  killed,  and  the  Americana  were  aten  ruthing  on 
to  our  camp.  My  young  men  fired  a  few  gunt,  and  the  ^merieant  ran  off, 
and  my  young  men  chated  them  abotU  tix  milet." 

Mnpope  further  naid,  tbat  tho  Pottowattoinies  of  the  Village  immediate- 
ly left  them,  and  that  no  Kickapoos  joined  them,  but  those  who  were 
oriffinalk  with  Black-hawk ;  but  the  Winnebagoea  did,  and  brought  in 
acupa  irequently ;  that,  at  laat,  when  they  found  the  Baca  would  be 
beaten,  they  turned  against  them.  It  waa  also  siven  in  by  some  of  ihoae 
examined  at  this  time,  that  Black-hawk  said,  wlien  the  steamboat  War- 
rior approached  them,  that  he  pitied  the  women  and  children,  and  began 
to  make  preparations  (o  surrender  to  the  whites,  and  for  that  purpose 
sent  out  a  white  flag  ;o  meet  the  boat,  which  initucHiately  fiied  upon 
them.  Then  said  be,  **  I  fired  too."  The  truth  of  this  will  not  be  ques- 
tioned, inasmuch  us  the  facts  agree  with  the  captain  of  the  Warrior's  own 
account  Hence  tlte  inference  is  clear,  tbat  much  blood  might  have  been 
saved,  but  for  the  precipitoncy  of  those  who  only  sought  revenge. 

The  bioody  scene  on  the  morning  of  the  2  August  luiiy  lie  conndered 
as  the  last  act  of  hostility  of  importance  lietw^^u  the  whites  and  Indiana. 
Putiea  of  the  friendly  tribes  were  so  coptinually  ou  the  alert,  that  it 
see^iied  very  probable  the  principal  chiefs  wqiud  soon  full  into  their 
han^  These  axpectatious  were  soon  realized;  for  at  II  o'clock,  S7 
Au^st,  Blaekrhawk  and  his  prophet  were  delivered  to  Gen.  Street  at 
Prairie  tl  .  Chien.  They  were  brought  by  two  Winnebagoes,  Deeorie  and 
Chtetar,  and,  whei)  delivered,  were  dressed  in  a  full  dress  of  white  tanned 
deerekkM.  Soon  afler  they  were  seated  in  the  presence  of  the  oflScer, 
Jhcorie,  coUed  the  One-eyed,  rose  and  spoke  thus  to  him : — 

<*  My  father,  I  now  stand  before  you.  When  we  parted,  I  told  you  I 
would  return  soon ;  but  I  could  not  come  any  sooner.    We  have  had  to 

?>  a  great  diatonoe,  [to  the  Dalle,  on  the  Ouisconsin,  above  the  Portage.] 
ou  oee  we  have  done  what  you  sent  us  to  do.  'These  [pointing  to  the 
prisoners]  are  the  two  you  told  us  to  get. — We  have  done  what  you  told 
Da  to  do.  We  always  do  what  you  tell  us,  because  we  know  it  is  for  our 
good.  Father,  you  tcld  us  to  get  these  men,  and  it  would  be  the  cause 
of  much  good  to  the  Winnebagoes.  We  have  brought  them,  but  it  haa 
been  very  liard  for  us  to  do  so.  That  one,  Mueedamwhkduiekq,  [meaning 
Black-hawk,]  was  a  great  way  off.  You  told  us  to  bring  them  to  yon 
alive :  we  have  done  so.  If  you  had  told  us  to  bring  their  beads  alone, 
we  would  have  done  so,  and  it  would  have  been  less  difficult  than  what 
we  have  done. — Father,  we  deliver  these  men  into  your  hands.  We 
would  not  deliver  them  even  to  our  brother,  the  chief  of  the  warriors,  but 
to  you ;  because  we  know  you,  and  we  believe  you  are  our  friend.  We 
want  you  to  keep  them  safe ;  if  they  are  to  be  hurt,  we  do  not  wish  to 
see  it  Wfut  until  we  are  gone  before  it  is  done. — Father,  many  litdp 
birds  have  been  dying  about  our  ears  oi  late,  and  we  thought  they  whis- 
pered to  us  that  there  was  evil  intended  for  us ;  but  now  we  hope  these 
evil  birds  will  let  our  ears  alone. — We  know  you  are  our  friend,  because 
you  take  our  port,  and  that  is  the  reason  we  do  what  you  tell  us  to  do. 
Xva  wy  you  love  your  red  children :  we  think  we  love  you  as  much  if  not 


Chap.  VIII.] 


CHAETON. 


191 


more  than  you  love  us.  We  have  confidence  in  ymi,  and  you  may  ntf 
on  us. — We  have  been  promised  a  great  deal  if  w«  woultl  uke  theae  men, 
*  — that  it  would  do  much  good  to  our  people.  Wc  now  hope  to  see  what 
will  Ite  done  for  us. — We  iiave  come  m  haste ;  we  am  tired  and  hnugiy. 
W«  now  pui  these  men  into  your  hands.  Wu  liAve  done  all  that  you 
tokl  us  to  do." 

0«n.  StnH  said  in  answer : — 

"  My  children,  you  have  done  well.  I  told  you  to  bring  these  men  to 
me,  and  you  have  done  ■•.  I  am  pleased  at  what  you  have  done.  It  b 
for  your  good,  and  for  this  reason  I  am  pleased.  I  assured  the  great 
chief  of  the  warriors,  [Gen.  .^tkituoti,]  that  if  these  men  were  in  your 
country,  you  would  find  them,  and  bring  them  to  nio,  and  now  I  can  say 
much  for  your  good.  I  will  go  down  to  Rock  Island  with  the  prisoners, 
and  I  wi.sh  you  who  have  brought  thusu  men,  especially,  to  go  with  me, 
with  such  other  chiefs  and  warriors  as  you  may  select.  Mv  children,  the 
great  chief  of  the  warriors,  when  he  len  this  place,  directed  me  to  deliver 
uiese,  and  alS  other  prisoners,  to  the  chief  or  the  warriors  at  this  place. 
Col.  TVij^/or,  who  is  hero  by  me. — Some  of  the  Winnebagoes  south  of  the 
Ouisconsin  have  befriended  the  Saukies,  I^acs,]  and  aome  of  the  Indians 
of  my  agency  have  also  given  them  aid.  This  uispleaseth  the  great  chief 
of  the  warriors  and  your  great  lather  the  president  and  was  calculated  to 
do  much  harm. — Your  great  fiither,  the  president  at  Washington,  has  sent 
a  great  war  chief  fVom  the  far  east,  Oen.  ScoU,  with  a  fresh  anny  of  sol- 
diers. H(i  is  now  at  Rock  Islana.  Your  great  father,  the  president,  his 
sent  him  and  the  governor  and  chief  of  Illinois  to  hold  a  council  with  the 
Indians.  He  has  sent  a  speech  to  you,  and  wishes  the  chiefs  and  warriors 
of  the  Winnabagoes  to  go  to  Rock  Island  to  the  council  on  the  tenth  of 
next  month.  I  wish  you  to  be  ready  in  three  days,  when  I  will  go  with 
you. — I  am  well  pleased  that  you  have  taken  the  Blaek-hmok,  the  prophet, 
and  others  prisoners.  This  will  enable  me  to  say  much  for  you  to 
the  great  chief  of  the  warriors,  and  to  the  president,  your  great  father. 
My  children,  I  shall  now  deliver  the  two  men,  Black-hitok  anothe  prophet, 
to*  the  chief  of  the  warriors  here ;  he  will  take  care  of  them  till  we  start 
to  Rock  Island." 

Col.  Tm/Utr,  having  taken  the  prisoners  into  his  custody,  addressed  the 
chiefs  as  follows: — 

"The  great  chief  of  the  warriors  told  me  to  take  the  prisoners  when 
you  shall  bring  them,  and  send  them  to  Rock  Island  to  him.  I  will  take 
them  and  keep  them  safe,  but  I  will  use  them  well,  and  send  them  with 
you  and  Gen.  Street,  when  you  go  down  to  the  council,  which  will  be  in 
a  few  (lays.  Your  friend.  Gen.  Street,  advises  you  to  get  ready  and  go 
down  soon,  and  so  do  I.  I  tell,  you  again  I  will  take  the  prisoners ;  I 
will  keep  them  safe,  but  I  will  do  them  no  harm.  I  will  deliver  them  to 
the  great  chief  of  the  warriors,  and  he  will  do  with  them  and  use  them 
in  such  manner  as  shall  bo  ordered  by  your  great  father,  tfie  president." 

Chaetar,  the  other  Winnsbago,  next  spoke,  ond  said,  "  My  father,  I  am 
ynung,  and  do  not  know  how  to  make  speeches.  This  is  the  second  time 
I  ever  spoke  to  you  before  people. — I  am  no  chief;  I  am  no  orator;  but 
I  have  been  allowed  to  speak  to  you.  If  I  should  not  speak  as  well  as 
others,  t^till  you  must  listen  to  me. — Father,  when  you  made  the  speech 
to  the  chiefs  fVauffh  kon  Decorie  Carratnani,  the  One-eyed  Deeorie  and 
others  'tother  day,  I  was  there.  I  heard  you.  I  thought  what  you  said 
to  them,  you  also  said  to  me.  You  said,  if  these  two  [pointing  to  Black- 
hawk  and"  the  prophet]  were  taken  by  us  and  brought  to  you,  there  would 
never  more  a  biack  cloud  hang  over  your  Winnebagoes. — ^Your  woi-ds 
entered  into  my  ear,  into  my  brainit,  and  into  my  heart  I  left  here  that 
same  night,  and  you  know  you  have  not  seen  me  sincQ  until  now.  —I 


133 


PROPIIKT. 


[Boob  f. 


have  lieon  a  frreat  way ;  1  Imd  niiirli  troulile ;  hut  when  I  n-iiioniltfired 
what  yuii  raiil,  I  knnw  what  yuii  wiiil  wub  right.  Thin  mode  iiic  rontiiiun 
and  (In  w  hnt  you  told  ini!  to  do, — Near  the  Dalle,  on  the  OuiM'oiiHin,  1* 
took  Black-hmek.  No  one  ilid  it  htit  itie.  I  say  thm  in  the  earn  of  all 
preoeut,  and  they  know  it — and  I  now  ap|)eal  to  tlio  Great  Spirit,  our 
grandfather,  and  the  earth,  our  grnndtnother,  for  the  truth  of  what  1 
nay. — Father,  I  am  no  chief,  hut  what  I  have  done  is  for  the  iM-ncfit  of 
mv  nation,  and  I  ho|)e  to  see  the  gon<l  that  haa  l)een  proiniBod  to  tia. — 
That  one,  Wa-ho-kit-thitk,  [the  prophttA  w  my  relation — if  ho  ia  to  be 
hurt,  1  do  not  wish  to  m-n  it. — rather,  Holilien*  aoinetitnea  stick  the  cnda 
of  their  guns  into  the  hncka  of  Indian  primners  when  they  ore  going 
about  in  the  hands  of  the  guard.    I  hope  thia  will  not  bo  done  to  these 


>» 


men. 

On  the  7  September,  the  Indian  prisoners  and  their  guards  went  on 
boonl  the  steamboat  NViimebogo,  and  were  conveyed  down  the  river  to 
JefTersoii  Barracks,  ten  miles  below  St.  Louis.  There  were,  b^isides 
Black-hawk  and  the  prophet,  eleven  chiefs  or  head  men  of  the  Sacs  and 
Foxes,  together  with  about  fifty  less  distinguished  warriors.  These  were 
lande<l  just  olmve  the  lower  rophls,  on  their  pledge  of  remoining  peaceable. 
Two  days  before,  a  boot  had  conveyed  to  the  barracks  six  or  seven  war- 
riors, among  whom  was  JVaopope.  On  their  arrival  at  the  barracks,  all  of 
them  were  put  in  irons. 

Blark-hawk  is  not  so  old  a  man  as  was  generally  supposed.  Some 
who  knew  him  well  said  he  was  not  above  48,  although  the  toils  of  wars 
had  made  him  appear  like  one  of  70.  He  was  by  birth  a  Pottowottomie, 
hut  brought  up  by  the  Sacs.  His  height  is  about  six  feet.  As  to  his  phys- 
iognomy, it  is  uimecessory  for  us  to  add  concoming  it  hero,  as  that  may 
be  better  had  from  an  inspection  of  the  engraving  at  the  head  of  this 
chapter.  Our  likeness  is  said,  by  man^  who  have  seen  him,  to  be  excel- 
lent. 

Like  other  Indian  names,  his  is  spelt  in  as  many  ways  as  times  used  by 
diflerent  writers.  At  a  treaty  which  he  made  with  the  United  States  in 
1SS9,  at  Prairie  du  Chien,*it  is  written  Hay-ray-iahoan-ahurp.  In  a 
description  of  him  about  tho  time  he  was  taken,  we  find  him  spelt  Mua- 
cata-mMhrka-iaek ;  and  several  others  might  he  added. 

Tho  pnphtt,  or  fVabokxeahiek,  (white-cloud,)  is  about  40  years  old,  and 
nearly  six  feet  high,  stout  and  atlUctic.  He  was  by  one  side  a  Winnebago, 
and  the  other,  a  Sue  or  Saukie,  and  is  thus  described  Me  "has  a  larp:(t 
broad  face,  short  blunt  nose,  large  fidl  eyes,  broad  mouth,  thick  lips,  with 
a  full  suit  of  hair.  He  wore  a  white  cloth  head-drc.>s  which  rose  several 
inches  above  the  top  of  his  head.  The  whole  man  exhibiting  a  deliberate 
savogeness ;  not  that  he  would  seem  to  delight  in  honorable  war,  or  fight ; 
but  marking  him  as  the  priest  of  assassination  or  secret  murder.  He  had 
in  one  h«md  a  white  flag,  while  the  other  hung  carelessly  by  his  side. 
They  were  both  clothed  in  veiy  white  dressed  deerskins,  fringed  at  the 
seams  with  short  cuttings  of  the  same."  This  description,  though  written 
long  before  any  painting  was  made  of  him,  will  be  found,  we  think,  to  cor- 
respond very  well  witii  tho  engraving  of  hiiri  on  the  following  page. 

It  is  said  by  many,  thot  Wabokie^hiek  was  the  prime  move.-  of  this  war, 
and  had  powwowed  up  a  belief  among  his  people,  that  he  was  able  to 
conjure  such  kind  of  events  as  he  desired ;  and  that  he  had  made  Black- 
hawk  believe  tho  whites  were  but  few,  and  could  not  fight,  and  therefore 
might  easily  be  driven  from  the  disputed  lands.  It  seems,  however,  rather 
incrcdil)le  Uiat  Blojck-hawk  should  have  believed  that  the  Americans  were 
few  and  could  notfif^hl,  when  it  is  known  that  he  was  opposed  to  them  in 
the  last  war,  and  must,  therefore,  have  been  convinced  of  the  fiilsity  of 
mob  a  report  long  before  iliis  war.         „.._- 


(Book  f. 

icnilwred 

rontinun 

icoiiHin,  r 

I  of  all 

pii-it,  our 

r  what  1 

ciictit  of 

to  us. — 

18  to  be 

the  «ndH 

nre  foing 

to  these 

went  on 
3  river  to 
,  besides 
Sacs  and 
liese  were 
)eaceable. 
oven  wor- 
icks,  all  of 

d.  Some 
Is  of  wars 
)wattornie, 
D  his  phys- 
B  that  may 
lad  of  this 
I  be  excel- 

les  used  by 
1  States  in 
rp.  In  a 
spelt  Mus- 

rs  old,  and 
Vinnebugo, 
las  u  Iar^(! 
k  lips,  with 
Dso  several 
I  deliberate 
»r,  or  fight ; 
r.  He  had 
y  liis  side, 
igcd  at  the 
ugh  written 
link,  to  cor- 

page. 

}f  this  war, 
vas  able  to 
ade  Black- 
id  therefore 
ever,  rather 
;ricans  were 

to  them  in 
le  falsity  of 


nn.i 


raonBT. 


i» 


In  September,  a  treaty  was  made  by  the  United  States  with  the  Win- 
nebagoes,  and  another  with  the  Sacs  and  Foxes.  The  former  ceded  all 
their  lands  south  of  the  Ouisconsin,  and  cast  of  the  Mississippi,  amounting 
to  4,600,000  acres  of  vnluablu  Innda.  The  treaty  with  the  Sacs  and 
Foxes  wua  on  the  21  of  that  month,  and  (2,000,000  acres  were  acquired  at 
that  time,  "of  a  quality  not  inferior  to  any  l>ctw<M;n  the  simio  parallola  of 
latitude."    It  abounds  in  iea«l  <>iv,  mil  tlur  Indians  say  in  others. 

For  these  tracts  the  United  States  agrred  to  make  the  following  con- 
fiidtTutions : — "to  pay  nn  annuity  of  20.000  dollars  for 'iOvoare;  tosup(tort 
a  blucksinitl)  and  gunsmith  in  aililition  to  lliusit  then  t:mplovcd ',  to  jiay  thu 
debts  of  the  tribes;  to  supply  pr  isions;  and,  as  a  r.'ward  fi)rthi!  lidclity 
of  Keokuk  and  the  friendly  baml,  to  allow  a  res«;r\atioM  to  be  niatlo  for 
thorn  of  400  miles  square*  on  the  loway  Lliver,  to  ini'ludo  Keokuli^^i  prin- 
cipal village." 

By  the  same  treaty,  Black-hawl\  his  two  sons,  the  pro;)Ae.',  Nonpope, 
and  five  olhere,  principal  warriors  of  the  hostile  bands,  wi-iv  to  nitiuiii  in 
the  hands  of  the  wliites,  as  hostages,  during  tho  pleasure  of  the  president 
of  the  United  Stat«!s.  The  other  prisoners  were  given  up  to  the  friiuully 
Indians. 

A  gentleman  who  visite<l  the  captive  Indiiu-.s  at  Jeffd-soii  I'urnicks, 
Missouri,  speaks  thus  concerning  them : — "  We  were  innneriiately  struck 
with  admiration  at  the  gigantic  and  syunnetrical  figures  of  most  of  :!ie 
warriors,  who  seemed,  as  they  reclint'il  in  niitive  easo  and  gracofiiliirss, 
with  their  half-naked  bodies  exposed  to  view,  rather  like  statues  from  some 
master-bond,  than  like  beings  of  a  race  whom  wc  had  heard  cliarat-tcri/.cd 
as  degenerate  and  debased.  Wc  extended  our  hands,  which  they  rose  to 
grasp,  and  to  our  question, '  How  d'ye  do  ?"  they  re8|)ondcd  in  the  same 

*  So  says  our  authority,  (Nil'i's  Re>;ister,|  but  we  very  much  doubt  lliis  eDormout 
space.  40  miles  squaro  gives  1600  square  miles,  which  perhaps  mij^ht  have  been  tb* 
Initb.    But  when  1G0,000  square  miles  are  considered,  all  probability  is  ouireged. 


m 


BLACK-HAWK. 


[Boos  V. 


words,  accompanying  them  with  a  heany  shake."  "  They  were  clad  in 
leggins  and  niorcasins  of  huckskin,  and  wore  blankets,  which  were 
Uirown  around  them  in  the  manner  of  the  Roman  toga,  so  as  to  leave 
their  right  arms  bare."  "  Tbt>  younnat  among  them  were  painted  on 
their  necks,  with  a  bright  vermiliou  color,  and  bad  their  faces  transversely 
streaked  with  alternate  red  and  Iwiack  nripes.  From  their  bodies,  and 
from  their  faces  and  eyebroWi,  they  pluck  out  the  hair  with  the  most 
assiduous  care.  They  also  l^aVe,  or  pull  it  «ut  from  their  heads,  with 
the  exception  of  a  tnft  of  about  tilTM  nogeni' #idth,  extending  from  be- 
tween the  forehead  and  crown  to  tlM  bade  of  uie  head:  this  they  some- 
times plait  into  a  qiiaue  on  the  erowu,  and  cut  the  edoes  of  it  down  to 
an  inch  in  lengthj  and, plaster  k  wiUi  the  vermilion  wbiett  keeps  it  erect, 
and  gives  it  tlw  apfiearanee  of  a  eoek's  contt)." 

The  same  author  0^9,  the  ol4«M  boh  of  JKacJt-AntML  Muinetoislmk, 
called  Jack,  but  fttriranl  of**  that  peculiar  expreasion  which  onanates  from 
a  cultivated  iptiilect,^  couki  have  been  look^  upon  by  i^im  ^as  the  living 
personification  df  his  htou  ideaiVt  nmi^  S^autv."  lie  <»lbi  Black-hatek 
Mack-aUma-ti^tuHie,  apd  «>iites  bis  beirot  at  about  5  ^t  8  inches,  and 
that  he  should  jut^pB  Iw^v  be  50.  ThoM  #fao  have  known  him  for 
vears,  say  hta  c^ifm^^ktti  is  very  amiable ;  that  be  is  endowed  with  great 
kindness  of  hMll^  H^  the  strictest  integrity  j  thai^  Uke  Jtf&AtAtnoAwa,  he 
was  not  a  cbifff  iKT  bktb,  but  acquired  the  tid^  by  braveihr  and  wisdom. 

MtseuskudkiWVifi  'j^ndtrchudf  is  the  second  son  ot'JtSlfuk-hmok,  and 
accompanied  niija  iii  hi*  captivity.    He  is  said  not  to  be  vliry  handsome. 

Opeekeuhieck,  QeWSitiokiltMeK^  the  prophet,  of  whom  we  have  already 
given  some  particulars,  carries  with  him  a  huge  pipe,  a  yard  in  length, 
with  the  stem  ornamented  with  the  neck  feathers  of  a  duck,  and  beads 
and  ribboLs  of  various  colors.  To  its  centre  is  attached  a  fan  of  feathers. 
He  wears  his  hair  long  all  over  his  head. 

JVfaopope,  .Vhopope,  &c.  or  Broth,  of  whom  we  have  also  several  times 
qioken,  was  brother  to  the  prophet,  and  "  some  years  bis  junior ;"  and  our 
infbrmant  adds,  **  he  resembles  him  in  height  and  figure,  though  he  is  not 
80  robust,  and  bis  face  is  more  sharp :  in  wickedness  of  expression  they 
are  par  nobUefratrumJ'  "  When  Mr.  Catlin,  the  artist,  was  about  taking 
the  portrait  of  J^Taapope,  he  seized  the  ball  and  chain  that  were  listened 
to  his  leg,  and  raising  them  on  bigh,  exclaimed,  with  a  look  of  scorn, 
'Maketne  to  and  show  me  to  the  great  father.*  On  Mr.  CaiUn*a  refusing  to 
pdnt  him  as  he  wished,  he  kept  varying  his  countenance  with  grimaces, 
to  prevent  him  from  catching  a  likeness. 

**  Poweethieck,  or  Stratoberry,  is  the  only  Fox  amon^  them,  the  rest 
being  all  Sacs.  He  is  the  son  of  tlib  chief  Epanoaa :  his  parents  dying 
while  he  was  an  infant,  he  was  adopted  by  ^aapope.  He  is  19  years 
of  age." 

**Pomahoe,  or  Fait-swimmiT^-JUth,  is  a  short,  thick  set,  good-natured  old 
brave,  who  bears  his  misfortunes  with  a  philosophy  worthy  of  the  an- 
cients." 

The  following  act  of  congress  we  extract,  as  it  throws  light  upon  sub- 
aeqiient  details : — **  For  the  expenses  of  12  prisoners  of  war  of  the  Sac 
and  Fox  tribes,  now  in  confinement,  and  to  be  held  as  hostages,  under 
die  seventh  article  of  the  treaty  of  21  Sept.  1832,  embracing  the  cost  of 
provisions  and  clothing,  compensation  to  an  interpreter,  and  cost  of 
removing  them  to  a  pmce  of  safety,  where  they  may  be  kept  without 
being  closely  confined,  the  sum  of  2500." 

On  die  22  April,  (1833,)  the  captive  Indians  arrived  at  Washington,  and 
the  next  day  Blaek-hmek  had  a  long  interview  with  President  Jackaon. 
Tbe  first  words  with  which  it  is  said  he  accosted  the  president,  were,  **  I 
AM  A  MAN,  AND  YOU  ARE  ANOTHER." 


Chap.  VHI.] 


BLACK-HAWK. 


135 


it  erect, 


The  president,  after  a  few  brief  observationB,  directed  the  articles  of 
dre88  provided  for  them  tu  be  exhibited  to  them,  and  told  Black-hawk 
that  the  whole  would  be  delivered  to  him  to  be  diatributed  aa,  in  hi« 
judgment,  he  should  think  best.  He  then  uM  them  they  must  depart 
immediately  for  Fort  Monroe,  and  renoain  there  contented,  until  he  gave 
them  permission  to  return  tu  their  coimtry.  That  time,  he  said,  de- 
Jiended  upon  the  con  uct  of  their  people ;  that  they  would  not  b«  set  at 
liberty,  until  all  the  .Jticlea  of  the  treaty  had  been  complied  with,  and 
good  feelings  were  evince4<by  their  countrymen.  The  prophet  then  said : — 

"We  expected  to  return  immediatel;||'  to  our  people.  The  war  in 
which  we  have  been  involved,  was  occasioned  by  our  attempting  to  raise 
provisions  on  our  own  lands,  or  where  we  thought  we  had  a  richt  so  to 
do.  We  have  loat  many  of  our  people,  as  well  as  the  whites.  Our  tribes 
and  families  are  now  exiMwed  to  the  attacks  of  our  enemies,  the  Sioux 
and  the  Menominies.  We  hope,  therefore,  to  be  permitted  to  return  home 
to  take  care  of  them." 

Black-hawk  spoke  some  time  to  the  president,  giving  a  clear  and  com- 
prehensive history  of  the  rise  of  the  war,  and  towards  the  dose  said : — 

"  We  did  not  expect  to  conquer  the  whites,  no.  They  had  too  many 
houses — too  many  men.  I  tooK  up  the  hatchet,  for  my  part,  to  revenge 
injuries  which  my  people  could  no  longer  endure.  Had  I  borne  them 
longer  without  striking,  my  people  would  have  said,  Blaek-hmok  is  a 
woman.  He  is  too  old  to  be  a  cnief— he  is  no  Sac.  These  reflections 
caused  ine  to  ra>se  the  war-whoop — I  say  no  more  of  it ;  it  is  known  to 
you.  JSeolilJE  once  was  here ;  you  took  him  by  the  hand,  and  when  be 
wished  to  return  to  his  home,  you  were  willing.  Blaek-haiwk  expects^ 
that,  like  Keokuk,  we  shall  be  permitted  to  return  too." 

The  president  added,  that  be  was  well  acquainted  with  the  circum- 
stances which  led  to  the  disasters  to  which  they  had  alluded.  It  was 
unnecessary  to  look  back  upon  them.  He  intended  now  to  secure  the 
observance  of  (leace.  They  need  not  feel  any  uneasinras,  he  said,  about 
their  own  women  and  children.  They  should  not  suffer  from  tKie  Sioux 
and  Menominies.  He  would  compel  the  red  men  to  be  at  peace  with  one 
another.  That  when  he  was  salisDed  that  all  things  would  remain  quiet, 
then  they  would  be  permitted  to  return.  He  then  took  them  by  the  band, 
and  dismissed  them. 

It  is  said,  that,  while  in  Washington,  the  Indians  expressed  more  B,ur- 
prise  and  pleasure  at  the  portraits  of  the  Indian  chieft  in  the  war  depart- 
ment than  any  thing  else  that  was  shown  them. 

On  Friday,  96  April,  the  captives  were  conducted  from  Washington 
towards  Fort  Monroe,  which  is  ufion  a  small  island  at  Old  Point  Comfort, 
on  the  west  side  of  the  Chesapeiike  Bay,  in  Virginia. 

Before  closing  the  present  chapter,  a  few  other  interesting  matters  sliall 
be  laid  before  our  readen.  We  have  just  givon  the  description  of  the  In- 
diana while  at  Jefferson  Barracks,  by  one  who  visited  tnem  there  not 
long  after  their  confinement.  We  now  intend  to  give  what  the  author  of 
Knickerbocker  says  of  them  soon  after.  Mr.  Irvine's  account  is  t  antained 
in  a  letter,  dated  Washington,  18  Dec.  183S.~"From  St.  Louis  I  went  to 
Fort  Jefl'erson,  about  9  miles  distant,  to  see  Biaeh-haukf  the  Indian  war- 
rior, and  his  fellow-prisoners — a  forlorn  crew — emaciated  and  dejected — 
the  redoubtable  chieftain  himself,  a  meagre  old  man  upwards  of  70.  He 
has,  however,  a  fine  bead,  a  Roman  style  of  face,  and  a  prepossessing 
countenance." 

Since  we  are  upon  descriptions,  the  following  will  not  be  thought  out 
of  place,  perhaps,  although  we  had  reserved  it  for  our  next  eha|)ter.  It  is 
llrom  the  pen  of  the  editor  of  the  U.  States'  Literary  Gazette,  Philadelphia. 
<* We  fouad  time,  yesterday,  to  visit  the  BUuk-hauk,  and  his  accompany- 


I3r> 


FILACK-IIAWK. 


[Book  V. 


in^'  Ijidinii  cliiofs,  niul  llic  Pi-o|>lief,  at  Con^jiess  Hnll  Hotel.  We  went 
iiiti)  tlifir  r}iiiml*rr,  and  roiiiitl  iri(M<t  of  (liciii  Hitting  or  lying  on  their  beHi*. 
iilui  k-haxvk  \v«H  sitiiofj  in  «  clinlr,  nnd  np|mrenlly  dcpres-secl  in  spirits. 
Ho  JH  avnit  (>.>,  of  iniddiin;;  ^izc,  with  n  iietul  )lmt  would  excite  the  envy 
oCn  plireiiologisi — one  of  liie  finest  thut  heaven  ever  let  full  on  the  shoulderH 
of  i)ti  Indian.  The  Prophet  has  a  coarser  figure,  with  less  of  intellect,  lint 
witii  tlie  inarkH  of  deciflion  and  finnneB;^  His  face  was  painted  with  red 
and  white.  The  son  of  Black-hawk  is  n  noble  specimen  of  physical 
Itcaoty — n  model  for  those  who  would  einlrady  the  idea  of  strength.  Ho 
wa8  iminted,  and  his  hair  cut  and  dressed  in  n  strange  fantasy.  The 
oilier  chiefs  had  nothing  in  particular  in  their  appearance  to  distinguish 
theiri  from  other  natives  of  the  forest.  The  whole  of  the  deputation 
lijiitrd  the  water  works  yesterday,  [June  11  or  13,]  and  subsequently 
wore  tnken  to  the  Cherry-bill  Prison,  and  t^hown  the  manner  in  which 
white  men  punish.  The  exhibition  of  arms  and  ships  at  the  navy-yard, 
l(ul  the  Ilaiok  to  remark  that  he  suspected  ihc  gnat  father  was  gcttivf^ 
rcwfij/or  war." 

It  was  reniarkfd  by  pome  in  Philadelphia  that  BfflcX:-Aat«A:'s '*  pyramidal 
forehead"  very  much  resembled  that  of  Sir  fValtcr  Scott.  Others  olwerved 
that  his  countenance  strongly  reminded  them  of  their  late  worthy  liene- 
factor,  Stephen  Girard.  In  Norfolk  it  wan  noticed  that  the  old  warrior 
very  much  resembled  the  late  President  JV/oti«)«. 

The  Ibliowinp  s|)eech  of  BltuklMwk,  on  being  taken  prisoner,  would 
have  been  introduced  in  its  proper  |))uce,  if  it  hud  lieen  in  our  possession 
when  that  yrart  of  our  manuscript  was  written.  Jf  there  be  any  who  en- 
tertain si'pptical  notions  in  regard  to  its  genuineness,  they  may  feel  as 
well  Kitisfled  to  meet  with  it  in  this  place.  For  ottrselves,  we  confess 
iheie  is  room  for  doubts  about  it.  Ncverthekss  we  thought  proper  that 
it  should  appear,  as  it  is  in  true  Indian  style,  and  we  know  nothing  to 
the  coutrniy  but  that  it  is  genuine. 

"  You  have  taken  me  prisoner  toith  all  my  warriors.  I  oi»  mxwh  grieved, 
for  I  expected,  if  I  did  not  defeat  yov^  to  hold  out  much  longer,  and  give  you 
tnore  trouble  before  I  turrenaered,  I  tried  hard  to  bring  you  into  ambush, 
but  ijour  last  general  understands  Indian  fighting.  The  first  one  was  not  jo 
wise.  Wlien  1  saw  that  I  could  no(.  beat  you  by  hdianfighiing,  I  determined 
to  riwft  on  you,  and  fight  you  face  to  face,  f  fought  hard.  But  your  guns 
were  well  aimed.  The  bullets  fiew  bke  birds  in  the  air,  and  whizzed  by  our 
ears  like  the  urind  through  the  trees  in  the  winter.  My  warriors  fell  a^und 
me ;  it  began  to  look  dismal.  I  saw  my  evil  day  at  hand.  The  sun  rose 
dim  on  us  in  the  morning,  and  at  night  t/  sunk  in  a  dark  cloud,  and  looked 
like  a  ball  of  fire.  That  UHts  the  last  sun  that  shone  on  Black-hawk.  His 
heart  it  dead,  and  no  loru^er  beats  quick  in  his  bosom. — He  is  now  a  prisoner 
to  the  white  nun ;  they  will  do  with  him  as  they  icish.  But  he  can  stand  tor- 
lure,  and  is  not  afrmd  of  death.  He  is  no  coward.  Black-hawk  is  an 
Indian. 

**  He  has  done  nothing  for  which  an  Indian  ought  to  be  ashamed.  He  has 
fought  for  his  countrymen,  the  squaws  and  papooses,  against  tohite  men, 
who  came,  year  ajler  year,  to  cheat  them  ana  take  away  their  lands.  You 
knotD  the  cause  (f  our  makinff  war.  It  is  known  to  all  white  men.  They 
ought  to  be  ashamed  of  it.  The  white  men  despise  the  Indians,  and  drive 
<A«m  from  their  homes.  But  the  Indians  art  not  dtceitfkd.  The  white  men 
speak  bad  (fthe  Indian,  and  look  at  him  spittfully.  But  the  Indian  does 
not  tell  lies ;  Indians  do  not  steal. 

"  w9h  Indian  who  is  as  bad  as  the  white  men,  could  not  live  in  our  nation }  Ke ' 
would  be  put  tt  death,  nnd  eat  up  by  the  wohes.  The  white  men  art  bad 
school  masters  i  they  -carry  false  looks,  and  deal  in  false  actions ;  they  amil* 


it 


[Book  V. 

We  went 
heir  l)€de. 
in  spirits. 

tlie  envy 
sliouldcnt 
ellect,  but 

with  red 
r  physical 
igth.  Ho 
I8y.  The 
listinguish 
iepntntinn 


in  whicli 
lavy-yord, 
as  getting 

pyramidal 
B  observed 
rthy  l)ene- 
d  warrior 

ler,  would 
poBsession 
y  who  en- 
lay  feel  as 
t/e  confess 
roper  that 
nothing  to 


A  grieved, 

d  give  you 

o  ambush, 

waa  not  so 

determined 

your  guns 

aed  by  our 

'ell  ajround 

aun  rose 

md  looked 

iwk.    His 

a  prisoner 

stanii  ior- 

iwk  is  an 

I.  He  has 
lohite  men, 
tida.  You 
Kti.  They 
and  drive 
white  men 
ndian  does 

nation}  he 

n  an  htad 

iheyimiit 


Chap.  VIII.] 


BLACK-HAWK. 


137 


if 


in  the  face  of  the  poor  hdian  to  cheat  him ;  they  shake  them  by  the  hand  to 
gmn  their  eonJLunce,  to  make  them  drunk,  lo  deceive  them,  and  ruin  our 
wives.  We  told  them  to  let  ua  (done,  and  keep  away  from  us ;  but  t/uv  fol- 
lowed on,  emd  beset  our  paths,  and  they  coiled  thtmsetves  among  us,  Me  the 
snake.  They  poisoned  us  by  their  touch.  We  were  not  safe.  We  lived  m 
danger.  We  were  becoming  like  them,  hypocriies  and  liars,  aduUerers,  laiq/ 
drones,  all  talkers,  and  no  workers. 

**  We  looked  up  to  the  Oreat  Spirit.  We  ivent  to  our  great  father.  We  uitri 
eneouraged.  His  ^at  council  gave  us  fair  words  and  big  promises ;  bid 
we  rot  no  satisfaetwn.  T'hings  were  growing  worse.  There  were  no  di& 
in  the  Jbrest.  The  opossum  and  beaver  were  fed;  the  springs  uiere  drying 
up,  and  our  squaws  and  pappooses  without  victuals  to  keep  mtm  from  sMrv- 
ing;  u>e  caiUed  a  great  council,  and  built  a  large  fire.  The  nirit  of  our 
faihers  arose  and  spoke  to  us  to  avengtaur  wrongs  or  die.  We  all  spoke 
before  the  council Jbre.  H  was  warm  and  pleasant.  We  set  up  the  toor- 
vmoojp,  and  dug  up  the  tomahat^;  owr  knives  were  ready,  and  the  heart  of 
Black-hawk  sweUed  high  in  his  bosom,  when  he  led  his  warriors  to  batUe. 
He  is  sati^d.  He  wtU  go  to  the  world  <f  spirits  eorJented.  He  has  done 
his  dtOy.    ISsiiMer  wOl  meet  him  there,  and  commend  him. 

"  Black-bawk  it  a  true  Indian,  and  disdain  to  cry  like  a  woman.  Heftds 
fir  hit  wifi,  his  ehUdren  andfitends.  But  he  does  not  cart  for  himsaf. —  ^ 
He  cares  for  his  nation  and  &e  huHans.  Thty  tvitl  suffer.  He  lanunts 
their  fate.  The  white  men  do  not  scalp  the  head ;  but  mey  do  worse— thty 
poison  the  heart;  it  is  not  pure  with  them. — His  eomirymim  will  not  be 
sealved,  but  they  tmU,  tn  a  few  years,  become  like  the  white  men,  so  that  you 
eakU  trust  them,  emd  Owre  must  he,  as  in  the  white  settlements,  nearly  at 
manyiffficers  as  men,  to  teAe  care  of  them  and  keep  Mem  tn  order. 

"  Farewell,  my  nisHon .'  Bliick-nawk  tried  to  save  you,  and  avenge  your 
wrongs.  He  dranktheVoodof-mmeofthevridtes.  Ik  has  hten  ttdSn  pris- 
oner, and  his  plans  are  Hoppe-t.  He  can  do  no  mmre.  H»  is  near  his  enA 
Sis  sun  is  setting,  and  he  will  rise  no  more.    Farewell  <o  Bkack*h«wk/^  iu 

It  it  somewhat  ainsular  thut  the  old  chief  ahould  ever  have  been  taken 
alive,  and  he  prolrahiy  never  would  have  been  by  the  whites.  When  it 
was  reported  enrrentiy  that  he  bad  sacrificed  himself  in  the  stand  that  hb 
made  upon  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi,  iu  the  end  of  July,  as  has  been 
related,  Spenser's  ftmous  lines  were  the  first  to  dcacover  themselves  to 
our  mind,  upon  the  great  event : — 


at 


"  Unto  the  mighty  stream  him  lo  betake, 
lybere  he  an  end  of  battle  and  of  life  did  make." 

Fairt  QuKn. 


But  vn  were  soon  ghd  to  learn  that  the  report,  like  the  lines  of  Spenser^ 
was  only  poetry. 

Mention  has  been  made,  but  few  pages  since,  of  the  delivery  of  a  mur« 
derer,  by  Keokuk,  to  the  whites ;  we  will  take  nccasion  to  enl«r|^  hfere 
upon  that  matter.  It  seems  that  there  were  five  of  the  Sac  Indians  thai 
murdered  Martin,  and  that  the  civil  authorities  eaUed  upon  Keokuk  to 
ddiver  up  the  miuderoni  to  justice.  One  had  been  delivered,  as  we  have 
seen,  and  the  time  had  nearly  expired  in  whicli  the  oth«^r  four  were  to  bo 
pro<luced  also.  When  he  was  reminded  of  this  by  the  whites,  ho  said 
they  were  out  of  his  reach,  but  that  he  would  call  a  council  of  his  )i<'Hd 
men,  and  take  meaiiums  to  give  them  satiafitctinn.  When  hi»  councii 
were  assembled,  Keokuk  informed  them  of  what  had  been  demanded* 
and  obnerve«l,  that  if  aatisfkction  were  not  given,  their  great  father,  th<f) 
president,  would  send  out  an  army  into  their  country,  and  great  trouble^ 


JS8 


BLACK-HAWK. 


CBmb  V. 


would  enwe.  Whereupon  four  young  wanrion  offend  thenwelveti  ae  an 
atooeiuent  for  thmr  country's  safety,  and  thought  no  other  but  to  suflbr 
death,  as  the  real  offendeia  would  have  done.  KeohJt  doubted  not  but 
that  tbia  would  be  satisfactory  to  the  whites,  wtd  tliey  were  accordingly 
4aliTe(ed  ^  as  the  murderers,  and  cast  into  prison.  When  their  uial 
flame  on,  Ktokuk  appeared  as  a  witness  for  tae  pivaecution,  and  with 
honest  simplici^  staMd,  that  these  young  men  were  not  the  real  muider- 
•n^  but  that  lb«y  had  oflfered  to  die  in  their  stead,  as  Ihe^  could  not  be 
IbiBid.  This  hap{)ened  the  present  year,  [18^]  sod  strikmgly  illustrates 
ana  important  point  in  their  present  condition,  and  another  in  their 
oustonfts.  It  can  be  acarcely  neceasary  to  add  that  the  prisoners  were  set 
at  libef^,  and  the  oflbnden  wera  ordered  again  to  be  sought  aAer. 


CHAPTER  DC 

Ifnm  Ike  fme  iff  Ike  sdtmig  oul  ^  Bi.ack-hawk  tmd  Ait  Aw*  cewipaiiioiis 
from  IMrt$$  Momrotf  5  iime,  1833,  lo  ikeir  anvnd  on  the  Upper  Mi$$i$- 

the  evenlt  tfftkt  untr. 

It  is  not  difficult  to  perceive,  without  a  fimnal  commentary,  that  in  the 
late  Indian  war,  much  blood  was  sited  which  might  have  been  avoided. 
Twice  had  the  despairing  Indians  displayed  the  miite  flag,  to  give  notice 
of  their  willingness  to  surrender ;  but,  like  the  wretched  Hulibms,  the  rifle 
was  the  only  answer  they  recdved.  When  Maj.  StUlman  was  on  his 
march  to  Svcamore  Creek,  a  few  Indiana  were  sent  fiwm  N'empoptU  camp 
with  flriendly  intei^ons,  and  under  a  white  flag ;  but  such  was  the  carriage 
of  the  whites,  no  interview  could  be  had,  and  they  were  obliged  to  fly  to 
save  their  lives,  which  all,  it  seems,  were  not  fortunate  enough  to  do. 
This,  it  will  be  said,  is  Indian  talk — it  is  even  so.  What  say  the  whites? 
Tliey  say  the  Indians  whom  tiiay  fir^t  discovered  were  only  a  decoy. 
This  Is  rtiere  assertion,  and  prover  nothing  on  their  own  side,  neither  does 
it  disprove  the  Indian  account,  i  A  not  plain  that  BkuM-hmBk  caused  a 
white  flee  to  be  exhibited  befoio  ue  was  attacked  bv  the  steam-boat  War- 
rior? lie  had  resolved  to  fight  no  more,  if  he  could  get  terms  of  peace; 
but  hii  flag  w)is  at  once  fired  upon ;  then  says  the  oM  chief;  **  I  find  too ;" 
and  the  whites  expecti d  nothing  else,  and  too  many  of  them,  it  would 
seem,  desired  nothing  else.    But  we  reflect  no  more  upqn  this  matter. 

The  letMiar  has;  in  the  last  chapter,  been  conducted  throu^  the  prin- 


cipal, and  all  the  important  events  of  the  war,  and  accompanied  the  cliiefi« 
or  the  Indians  engagied  in  it  to  Fortress  Monroe,  in  Virginia.  We  are  now 
to  observe  what  poised  in  their  travels  from  hence  throurii  oeveral  of  our 
great  eitim,  and  thence  to  their  wilderness  homes  in  the  dknant  west. 

Havinc  been  conducted  to  Fort  Monruo,  the  captives  found  themselves 
in  a  kind  of  elegant  confinement ;  and  instead  of  balls  and  chains  to  their 
anklea,  were  kindly  iceated,  and  saw  nobody  but  friends.  This  state  of 
things,  however,  must  have  become,  in  a  short  time,  exceedingly  irksome ; 
but  an  early  order  for  thdr  liberation  prevented  such  resulu    For,  on  the 

*  An  UHMymoiui  anllMr,  of  whom  we  hav«  made  coatklerable  um  in  ihii  ehapier. 
givse  MS  Qtutrmmm,  ttn.  u  fcllowi      , 

Mm  «ut'l-miiik-<t-«K-MM, BItkUitk.  I  Funtlio.  Frt/IMU  *r>t*«r, F(tk  tin. 

N«-«he-««cucli,  ib<«  «M Uv4  Tltonrfer.    Po-w-Mi>cli,  PnmlM'iaHrltiim^Btrtml 

W»-ka-ke-xbiek,U«  Arv*<(f-<->C(MrAiy.  |  HafOfe,tk$  wamtr, atrtitg 


9 


CiiAr.IX.] 


LEAVES  PORTRBBB  MONROE. 


4  June,  1838,  ordfln  came  for  their  being  liberated ;  and  the  next  daf, 
Maj.  Jokm  Oarland  aet  off  with  tbem  in  a  ateam-boat  for  Baltnnore,  aj 
Norrdlc,  CkMport,  Portsmouth,  &c. 

During  their  abort  May  at  Monroe,  the  Indiana  became  much  attachad 
lo  iia  cofomander,  Col.  £tMfu,  and  on  the  aAemoon  of  the  aame  dav  that 
the  order  of  release  arrived,  BlaeMauk  went  and  took  hia  leave  or  hioBt 
and  at  parting  made  the  following  speech : — 

"  BrotkeTf  I  hmn  come  an  my  oum  part,  and  m  heha^fi^mg  compawwin, 
lo  bid  youfareudL  Our  gnat  father  ha»  at  kngtk  keen  vltand  to  ptrmii 
u$  to  nlMm  to  our  hunting  grounda.  W*  have  bwied  Ae  towuihattk,  and 
the  lound  of  the  r^le  wQl  kermtter  atdv  bring  deaA  to  the  deer. and  Ou  buWor 
lo.  Brother,  you  haiee  treated  the  red  men  9erg  kindfy.  Your  tqmwe  mm 
made  them  preaente,  attd  you  have  given  them  plenty  to  eat  aind  drmk.  7%* 
memory  t^yourfriendAip  will  remain  tiU  the  Great  Spirittttjfe  it  ia  time/or 
Black-hawk  to  ting  hie  detOh-aong. — Brother,  your  houtta  are  aa  numer- 
oua  at  the  leavea  upon  the  treea,  ana  your  young  vMrriora,Uke  the  aa$ida  vgpem 
the  ^unre  of  the  big  lake,  whieh  roUa  btfore  ua.  The  red  man  haa  hd  few 
hornet,  and  few  warriora,  but  the  red  man  haa  a  heaoft  which  Ihroba  aa  warm' 
bfatAe  heart  of  hit  while  brother.  The  Oreat  Sfirithaa  given  va  ourhunt- 
tng  groiNufa,  and  the  akin  ^the  deer  which  we  kdl  there  u  hia  favorite,  for 
ita  color  ia  white,  and  tiua  it  the  emMem  qf  peace,  ma  huntinit'dreaa  and 
theaefeathera  qfthe  eaf^  are  while.  Awui  tiieia,  my  &r«lAcr;  Ihme  given 
one  l%ke  thia  to  the  While-otter.  Jleeept  t^it  at  a  memorial  qf  Bi.ack-hawk. 
fFhen  he  ttfar  atoeof,  thit  will  aerve  io  remind  you  qfhiin.  May  the  GtmI 
spirit  bUaa  you  ana  your  children— farewM." 

Col  Eualia,  in  his  reply,  said,  the  fortune  of  war  had  placed  him  in  hia 
hands,  and  aa  it  was  not  the  practice  of  the  whites  to  attack  an  unarmed 
foe,  he  w«B  safe ;  but  that  if  he  had  met  him  in  the  field  of  battle,  his  duty 
would  have  required  him  to  have  tf>ken  his  life.  lie  rejoiced,  he  said,  at 
his  prospect  of  speedily  returning  to  hia  friends,  and  hoped  he  would 
never  a^u  trouble  hia  white  neighbors.  To  which  Bfocc-Aoiat  added, 
"  Brothbr,  the  Great  Spirit  puniaha  thoae  who  dtceioe  ua,  and  my  faith  ia 
now  pledged." 

Aa  to  Uie  literal  correctness  of  what  the  old  chief  said  on  this  occasion, 
it  may  be  proper  to  remark,  that,  as  it  was  taken  down  from  recol- 
lection,  after  it  was  delivered,  there  mav  poasibly  be  some  unimfiortant 
variation  firom  his  actual  worda.  We  know  not,  however,  that  there  ia 
any. 

At  the  close  of  the  interview,  the  colonel's  lady  presented  the  chief 
with  an  elegant  bag,  with  which  h«  expreaaed  himaelf  much  plaaaed,  and 
aaid  he  would  carry  it  to  bia  aquaw. 

On  leaving  Fort  Monroe,  the  Indiana  were  uken  to  Portsmouth  and 
Gosport,  to  sae  the  navy-yard,  the  dry-doek,  and  men-of-war.  At  Ooa- 
pori,  they  went  on  board  the  74  Delaware,  whsre  they  couM  not  but  ex- 
press  much  aatonishnMUt,  at  the  vasmesa  of  the  "  big  canoe,"  aa  thay  called 
It,  and  its  extraorduiafy  uncouth  furniture.  Bwdb-Aimaic  seemed  the 
moat  to  admire  the  ahip,  and  wiahed  to  see  the  cMe^who  commanded  it, 
and  eapeciallv  thu  man  that  built  it  •,  for  he  wished,  he  aaid,  "fo  take  him  by 
the  hand."  When  they  left  the  ahip,  they  passed  around  under  her  bow, 
which  terminatea  in  a  colossal  atatue  of  an  Indian  warrior.  Thia  the 
Indians  beheld  with  considerable  emotions  of  surprise,  and  evident  de- 
monatiations  of  high  vratificatkMi. 

At  Norfolk,  the  rush  to  aee  the  Indiana  was  very  gteat,  and  many  could 
not  be  gratified  even  with  a  sight  of  tbem.  This  great  curiosity  in  the 
tary  vicini^  wberu  they  bad  been  for  near  10  weeks,  will  not  be  thou^t 


hd 


BLACK-HAWKi-BALTOiORE. 


[Book  T. 


■trui|;e,  when  it  w  conaiilnred,  that  no  one  expected  their  immediate  re- 
raoval,  ami  tlierefore  few  had  been  to  see  tliem ;  thinlting  they  could  do 
ao  when  some  more  convenient  time  offered. 

Having  taken  Mainga  at  the  hotel  in  Norfolk,  the  Indiana  were  aware 
0f  tlie  great  curioatty  of  the  people,  and  therefore  they  exhibited  theni»- 
aelves  upon  the  balcony,  from  whence  TFoMciwMcJE,  the  Prophet,  made 
the  following  addreaa : — 

"The  Great  Spirit  sent  ua  here,  and  by  the  same  fiat  we  are  now  hap- 
pily about  to  return  to  our  own  Miiiaiippi,  and  our  own  people.  It  u- 
Ibrila  UB  much  liappinesa  to  rejoin  our  nienda  and  kindred,  we  wouM 
abake  handa  with  all  oar  white  frienda  anembled,  and  offer  our  beat 
wiabee  for  theh*  proaperity.  Should  any  of  them  go  to  our  country  on 
tba  Miaaiaaippi,  we  wohM  take  pleaaure  in  reauitinff  the  many  kindueaaea 
we  have  received  flrom  their  people  here.  We  wiH  go  home  with  peace- 
able diapoeitiona  towaida  our  white  brethren,  and  endeavor  to  make  our 
condupt  hereafler  more  aatiafiMtoiy  to  them.  We  bid  you  all  farewell,  aa 
it  ia  the  last  time  we  may  aee  each  other." 

BUuk-hawk  ^n  aaid  a  few  wordai  expremng  the  aame  sentimenti; 
and  one  o'clock  having  wrived,  they  departed.    Thia  waa  5  June. 

When  the  ateam-lioat  was  near  nhimore,  it  waa  discovered  that  there 
bad  been  a  roMwry  committed  '>n  board ;  and  when  this  became  known  to 
Btaek-luuekf  he  showed  considerabie  cuncem,  fearing  some  of  bis  party 
ahouM  be  suppeeted ;  and  when  the  boat  hiy  to  at  considerable  distance 
flmm  the  wharf,  to  noake  search  for  the  '  oey,  he  sak),  **he  thfnred  that 
kSmttlftmd  eompmjf  shouU  be  Mtmrdud,  '  he  would  kt  Ike  tohttu  knew 
that  the  Saf$  did  not  tttal.'* 

Prtisident  Jackson  had  arrived  in  Baltimore,  and  after  Black-hauk^t 
arrival  he  bad  an  interview  with  him.  The  Indiam  were  conveyed  in  the 
ateani-boat  Columbus,  and  arrived  about  11  o'clock  in  the  forenoon  of  the 
next  day,  after  leaving  Norfolk,  nanody,  6  June.  Among  the  crowds  who 
vinted  them  were  many  ladiea,  to  whom,  ^^nerally,  the  Indians  said, 
**Prttty  aquawf,  fretiy  aqiums? 

The  Indians  and  the  prewdent  attended  the  theatre  the  same  night, 
and  it  was  remarked,  that  the  attention  of  the  house  was  pretty  nearly 
equally  divided  between  them.  On  the  next  day  occurred  the  interview 
between  them,  of  which  meuiion  baa  just  been  made;  at  which  time, 
among  other  things,  the  president  said  to  the  lAA  chief: — 

,<*  When  I  saw  you  in  Waahington,  I  told  you,  that  you  had  h'-'^aved 
very  Imdiy,  in  raising  the  tonoabnwk  against  tm  white  people."  He  added, 
that  his  conduct  last  year  had  caused  nim  to  send  out  his  warriors  against 
him,  and  that  he  and  thoee  with  him  had  been  surrendered  to  him  to  be 
kept  during  his  pleaMire,  or  until  ha  should  tliiiik  there  vi^ouid  be  no  dan- 
ger  from  letting  him  ^.  ''I  told  you,"  he  eootiniKd«  ** I  wobld  inquire 
whether  your  people  wiahed  you  should  return,  and'  whnthcry  if  you  did 
return,  there  would  be  any  danger  to  the  frontier.  Cien.  CIiir%  and  Oen. 
w9(fttn«Mi,  whom  you  know,  have  inftimied  me  that  S^Jelisa^f\om  princi* 
ml  chief,  and  the  rest  of  your  people,  are  nnxioiM  you  abould  return,  anA 
Keokvk  has  asked  me  to  send  you  back.  Yout*  chiefs  have  pledged  them'^ 
selves  for  your  good  conduct'' — **  You  wUl  see  the  stre'*gth  of  the  whita 
people.  You  will  see  that  our  young  men  nrn  aa  nur^ierous  aa  the  leave* 
in  tbewooda  What  can  you  do  against  us?"— <*  When  you  go  back^ 
Haten  to  the  coCiiieels  of  Keokuk  and  the  other  friendly  chiefs." 

To  this  the  ^^phet  said  a  fow  words,  aaMlows; — 

■'Ftther,  my  ears  are  open  to  your  words;  I  am  glad  to  hear  them;  I 
•m  glad  to  go  bark  to  my  peo|riek  I  want  to  aee  my  family.  I  dkl-  not 
behave  well  last  summer.  I  ought  not  to  have  taken  up  the  tomahawk. 
Btit  my  peopie  have  suftbred  a  great  deal.    Wben  I  gat  back,  1  will  re- 


Gmaf.  IX.] 


PHILADELPHIA. 


141 


memlier  voar  words.  I  will  not  go  to  war  again.  1  will  live  in  peaee. 
I  will  hold  ynu  by  the  hr^nd." 

Black-hawk  intended  to  have  made  a  long  apeech  at  this  time,  hut  the 
president  was  unable  to  hear  him  out,  on  account  of  the  great  ratiaueN  he 
hnd  tmdergonc ;  and  the  old  chief  was,  therefore,  very  Miort.  He  oakl, 
"  Mif  heart  ia  big,  for  I  have  miieh  to  $av  to  tmf  gnat  faiher^  and  cloaed, 
after  many  expressions  of  aifection  and  respect  for  him.  The  warmth 
of  the  weather  and  the  great  crowd  that  surrounded  the  hotel  in  which 
the  Indians  were  lodge<l,  caused  them  to  retire  to  Foit  M'Henry,  about  3 
miles  below  the  city.  The  landlord  said  the  crowd  was  so  great  about 
his  house,  that  they  had  carried  away  his  banisters,  windows,  and  he 
was  fearflil,  if  they  remained  longer,  that  bis  whole  house  would  be  car- 
ried away  also. 

They  visited  the  Washington  monument,  among  other  places^  while  at 
Baltimore,  and  were  at  first  afraid  to  ascend  in  it,  upon  its  circular  irteps: 
saying  it  was  the  jifanttou  of  the  white  people.  At  length  N'aopvpe  said 
he  would  venture  up.  BUuk-hawk  observed,  that  then  tliey  would  all 
go ;  for  if  it  fell  down,  he  said  they  should  not  be  safer  on  the  ground  at 
its  basQ  than  if  they  were  in  it 

They  visited  the  circus  also,  while  here,  and  were  much  better  pleased 
with  the  performances  there,  than  at  the  theatre.    The  elegant  bonmi 

[>leased  them  far  more  than  the  stars  and  garters  of  the  mock  lords  and 
adies  of  the  theatre,  and  it  was  very  natural  they  should.  To  see  a  lady 
ride  upon  one  foot,  while  the  horse  was  running  at  his  utmost  speed,  wa* 
matter  of  fact  to  them,  and  excited  the  greatest  admiration.  But  to  see  a 
fellow  popping  out  fVom  beb'nd  a  curtain,  strutting  about  the  stage,  ut- 
tering to  himself  some  unintelligible  nonsense,  could  not  interest  any  one 
similarly  situated.  They  said  they  believed  those  who  rode  in  the  circus 
could  hunt  buffalo  even  better  than  the  Sacs. 

Considerable  inconvenience  was  experienced,  from  the  meeting  of  two 
«uch  conspicuous  characters  as  the  PREsiDEitr  of  the  United  States,  and 
Bladt-hmok,  at  the  same  time,  in  populous  places ;  and  it  was  announced 
in  a  Philadelphia  paper,  of  9  June,  that  Maj.  thxriand  had  arrived  there, 
but  had  left  the  Indians  in  Baltimore,  and  ttiat  they  would  not  proceed  to 
N.  York  until  the  day  afler  the  president.  Accordingly  they  did  not  ar- 
rive in  Philadelphia  until  10  June,  when  they  were  conducte*!  to  lodgings 
in  Congress  Hall.  The  next  day  there  was  a  great  military  display,  ac- 
companied by  an  immense  procession,  and  the  whole  passed  up  Third 
Street,  opposite  Congress  Hall,  by  which  means  the  Indians  had  a  fine 
opponunity  to  see  and  contemplate  their  numbers.  Pointing  to  the  sol- 
diers, BUuk-hmok  asked  if  they  were  the  same  that  were  in  his  country 
last  summer.  On  this  occasion  the  old  chief  spoke  to  those  about  him  as 
follows: — 

"  /  onee  Ounif^  I  eouid  conquer  the  whitet,  my  heart  grew  liUtr,  and  my 
hattds  ttrotig.  I  dug  up  the  tomahawk,  and  led  on  my  warrkn  to  Ji^hl.  I 
fought  hard.  I  wa»  no  coward.  Much  blood  utaa  thed.  BtU  the  white  men 
were  mighty.  They  were  many  as  Oie  ko..  a  of  the  fared-  I  and  my  people 
failed.  I  am  aorry  the  tomahawk  was  raised.  I  nave  been  a  pruoner,  I 
aee  the  strength  of  the  wldte  men.  They  are  many,  very  numy.  TTu  Indiana 
are  but  few.  Thetj  are  not  cowards.  Thty  are  brave,  mit  they  tre  few. 
While  tnt  Great  ^rit  above  [and  he  pointed  up]  keepa  my  heart  as  it  now  is, 
IwUl  be  the  white  man's  friend.  I  vm  remain  tn  peace.  I  uriU  go  to  my 
people  and  speak  good  of  the  white  man.  I  will  teU  them  they  are  as  leaves 
of  the  forests.  Very  many— very  strong;  and  that  I  wiU  fght  no  Mora 
againat  them." 

At  the  same  time  the  Prophet  said  a  few  words,  among  which :— 


141 


BLACK-HAWK.— NEW  YORK. 


[Boob  T* 


**I  would  cheMrAilty  tak«  jrou  tM  by  the  hand,  but  you  are  too  nuroer- 
oua.  I  feel  heartily  gind  to  aee  you.  We  pledge  ounelvea  for  our  nar 
lioii,  to  remain  in  peaoa  hereafter." 

The  next  day,  being  Wedneaday,  13  June,  among  other  plaeea,  the 
■tfangen  of  llw  woat  visited  the  Oyotville  glaaa  worka,  attended  by  the 
imtor  of  the  city,  Majw  €karland,  and  aome  othera.  The  operation  of 
making  glaaa  waa  ao  different  from  any  thing  of  which  they  had  formed 
an  idea,  that  in  apite  of  their  diaimereaMdnen  they  could  not  help  Iteing  a 
Btda  inquiaitive,  neither  could  they  help  expreaaing  themBeWea  amuaed  at 
the  imu  pmppootu  (aa  tbey  called  the  amall  boya)  manage  the 


Having  viaited  the  U.  StMea'  mint,  and  been  ahown  the  depoaita  in  the 
bank,  and  being  informed  that  it  waa  the  property  of  the  people,  they 
auppoaed  every  one  had  a  rigiit  to  it,  when  ttiey  pleaerd ;  and  Black-hawt 
obaerved,  it  vku  wtty  ttnmgt  tht  vMa  ueuU  takt  ao  mndt  trauibU  to  mm- 
der  auKOf  talo  hit  t&mttihf  to  gd  numejihi  Jv»%  andht/  digging  t»  tint  ground, 
■Aen  thufhad  »tuk  atore  dt  baw. 

It  ia  and  tlmt  while  here  Bkukrhmtk  waa  prenented  with  a  hat,  which 
waa  the  first  he  had  had,  and  of  which  he  aeemed  quite  proud.  WbeB> 
he  waa  ridins  afterwarda,  he  made  •  l^***  display  of  it,  aa  he  coiistantiv 
took  ic  off  to  kow  to  the  multitude.  The  Indian  costume  is  novel  enoughi 
among  vm,  but  when  it  beeomea  wiised  up  with  our  own,  it  aenerolly  par- 
takea  a  little  of  the  ridicniow.  Thus  a  kind  of  petit  coat,  half  covered  by 
an  officer'a  umferm  coat,  and  theee  bound  on  with  a  belt,  or  girdle,  a  fine 
kat  no  how  fitting  ttie  bead,  and  a  huse  pair  of  spectacles  on  the  noae^ 
might  well  excite  mirth  among  the  vwgar.  Thus  at  one  tiaie  appeared 
our  chief.  s| 

Having  viiilad  all  placea  of  amuMement  and  cmribiiity,  the  Indians  doi' 

Ked  for  N.  York,  where  tbey  arrived  u^  a  ateara'-boat  of  the  People's 
e,  about  5^  o'clock,  14  June,>on  Frklay.  The  arrival  of  Litfagttte,  m 
18SI5»  could  not  halve  attmcted  a  greater  crowdy  than  was  bow  aaaembled 
al,aiid  iO'diaivicinify.of  Gastle  Garden,  Aa  if  happened,, Mc  Dwrtmiy, 
^•aeronaut,,  had  jiiet  got  ready  to  aaeend  in  bis  balloon  from  the  garden. 
The  ateaa>>i»oat,  thevefore,  rounded  to,  tbat  the  paaaengnrs  might  witneaa 
the  aaoenaiun.  When' it  waa  known  on  shore  that  the  Indiana  were  on. 
boaad,  the  cheeria^aBd  elappinip  became  tramtndoua^  and  it  was  not  a 
little  augpnenled  fhmi  tbone  on  noard  the  numeroua  craft  in  the  river. 
TboM  iO'  the  beat  ansvlrered'aa  well  a»  their  numbers  would  admit.  The 
Indfauia,  at  firs^  were  aome  terrified,  supposing  thev  had  at  last  come  to 
aa  enemy,  and'  tbat  the  noiae  about  tbem  waa^  the  war-whoop  of  the 
whites,  but  were,  soon  undeceived. 

SooB  after  th»  balkwn  bad  ol«aaed  the  walfo  of  the  tiastle,  and  Mr.  Du- 
rmd  had  unfurled  bia  flag,  EUuk-hauk  was  asked  what  he  thought  of  it. 
To  which  he  anawered: — 

"  Tkfd  man  w  a  gnat  akavk.  FdonH  tHittk  htnieMfgettiiek,  He  mwt 
he  a  Sae."*  Anotier  said,  *^  If  he  it  a  Soe  Xe'U  get  none  of  hit  bMhen  to 
/Mow  m  M*  traU,  NbWt  of*em  t9iU  ever  see  Oik  atnokik  ^MVw^fi^itm.  He 
tpiU  have  to  Koe  ahm^-^^mthmU  any  aqtunei** 

When  tbe  talloon  bad  attained  a  vaat'hersttt,  tt^d  aflhiolait  out  of  the  old 
ehreTs  sitttA,  (wbleb  bad  become  con^ertmiy  iWp)AiMd,),N0  e)(claimed» 
'*1ttinkhteango  iii  ttie  heaven*;  to  fKe  GteOt  ^^iHt.**  Pom^i^ioe  then 
said,  "flAinf  Ae  can  Me  the  eouintry  V' i^  itfWj&A.**  The  Prophet,  or 
Wabokieikide,  hcvins  been  asked  what  he'  thot^gnt  of  tbib  hafloon,  eaid,  **  t 
eanH  fam  ony  irfeo,  M  Mvk  he  can  ga  up  16  ihe  dMb'^^vUH.  ShmM' 
ttmk  he  eovUteeUie  Great  S^nt  tMo. 

»■■         !■«■■■  I     I  .1.1.1  I Ml—  I  ■- -».i  !■  ..       .,,  I—.  '  ■■       ■■.■L'|'».<X" 

**  TO»MPlc»win»y  ir«pocryphdl :  our  iiiUnAy<U  anoQinqiift 


CHir.  IX.J 


NEW  YORK. 


143 


Ji^ 


f»f^'  Tr. 


On  tboir  landing,  such  was  the  density  of  the  crowd,  that  for  a  time  it 
Memod  imposBible  to  effect  a  passage  for  them.  AAer  some  time,  however, 
by  the  aid  of  the  |iolice  officers,  they  were  taken  up  in  earhages,  and 
carried  to  their  lodvings  at  the  Exchange  Hotel  in  Broad  Street.  The 
spacious  square  and  street  adjacent  were  instantly  filled  by  the  people, 
whoseeagerneas  to  see  the  strangers  was  so  great,  that  it  seemed  almost 
impossible  to  prevent  a  forcible  entrance  into  the  house.  V^bereupouthe 
directors  of  the  Indians  let  Btaek-katok  show  himself  several  times  at  a 
window ;  and  immediately  after  the  multitude  quietly  dispersed,  without 
carrying  away  banisters  or  windows,  as  had  been  comphuned  of  in  Balti- 
more.   Thus  ended  Friday. 

On  Saturday  evening,  they  were  conducted  to  the  Bowery  Theatre,  and 
on  Monday,  the  impers  of  the  citv  announced  that  they  would  visit  Castle 
Garden  that  evenins,  the  Park  Theatre  on  Tuesday,  Niblo'H  on  Wednes- 
day, Richmond  Uilf  Theatre  on  Thursday,  Wauxhall  Garden  on  Friday, 
and  on  Saturday,  leave  for  Albany.  Thus  were  the  doings  of  every  even- 
ins  of  their  stay  allotted,  which,  we  believe,  came  to  pass  accordingly. 
Of  the  manner  in  which  the  day  time  was  spent,  we  shall  in  the  next 
place  proceed  to  give  some  account 

On  Monday,  17  June,  the  Hon.  John  A.  Graham  met  the  Indians  at 
their  quarters,  and  made  a  speech  to  them,  which  is  as  well  adapted  to 
the  Indian  manner  as  any  thing  we  have  seen.    He  be«m  : — 

"  Brothere,  open  your  ears.  You  are  brave  men.  You  have  fought 
like  tigers,  but  in  a  bad  cause.  We  have  conquered  you.  We  wer^ 
sorry,  last  year,  that  you  raised  the  tomahawk  against  us ;  but  we  believe 
you  did  not  know  us  then  as  you  do  now.  We  think,  that  in  time  to 
come,  you  will  be  wise,  and  that  we  shall  be  friends  forever.  You  see 
that  we  are  a  great  people — numerous  as  the  flowers  of  the  field,  as  the 
shells  on  the  sea-shore,  or  the  fish  in  the  sea.  We  put  one  hand  on  the 
eastern,  and,  at  the  same  time,  tlie  other  on  the  western  ocean.  We  all 
act  together.  If  sometimes  our  great  men  talk  loud  and  long  at  our  coun- 
cil fires,  but  shed  one  drop  of  vmite  men',  blood,  our  young  warriors,  as 
thick  as  the  stars  of  the  night,  will  leap  on  board  our  great  boats,  which 
fly  on  the  waves,  and  over  the  lakes — swift  as  the  eagle  in  the  air — then 
penetrate  the  woo<Is,  make  the  big  guns  thunder,  and  the  whole  heavens 
red  with  the  flames  of  the  dwellings  of  their  enemies.  Brothers,  the  pres- 
ident has  made  ^ou  a  great  talk.  He  has  but  one  mouth.  That  one  has 
sounded  the  sentiments  of  all  the  people.  Listen  to  what  he  has  said  to 
yju.  Write  it  on  your  memories.  It  is  good — very  good- — Black- 
hawk,  take  these  jewels,  a  pair  of  topaz  ear-nngs,  beautifully  set  in  gold, 
for  your  wife  or  daughter,  as  a  token  of  friendship,  keeping  always  in 
mind,  that  women  and  children  are  the  favorites  of  the  Great  Spirit. 
These  jewels  are  ft^m  an  old-  man,  whose  head  is  whitene<l  with  the 
snows  of  70  winters,  an  old  man  who  has  thrown  down  his  bow,  put  oft 
his  sword,  and  now  stands  leaning  on  his  i^taff,  waiting  the  commands  of 
the  Great  Spirit.  Look  around  you,  see  all  this  mighty  people,  then  go 
to  your  homes,  open  your  arms  to  receive  your  fauuiies.  Tell  them  iu 
bury  the  hatchet,  to  make  bright  the  chain  of  friendship,  to  love  the  white 
men,  and  to  live  in  peace  witn  them,  as  long  as  the  rivers  run  into  the 
aea,  and  the  sun  rises  and  sets.  If  you  do  so,  you  will  be  happy.  You 
will  then  ensure  the  prosperitv  of  unborn  generations  of  yo»jr  tribes — who 
will  go  hand  and  hand  with  the  sons  of  the  white  men,  and  all  shall  be 
blssKd  b^  the  Great  Spirit.  Peace  and  happiness,  by  the  blessing  of  the 
Gr«at  Spirit,  attend  you.    Farewell.' 

When'  tins  was  ended.  Black-hawk  said,  **  Brothtr,  we  like  yovw  talk. 
We  wUl  hefrienda.  We  lUce  the  whie  people.  They  are  very  kmd  to  iu. 
We  tkaU  wdfwgtt  iL     Four  cotauri  ia  good.    We  thaU  alt'r^  to  it.     Four 


144 


nLACK-HAWK.—NFW  YORK.— ARSENAL. 


fBooK  V. 


eahiahU  preaent  shall  go  to  my  tquate.    U  pUatta  me  very  mueh,     Wt  akatl 
aluxna  btfrimda.^ 

Too  foliowiiiK  anecdote  is  Raid  to  have  occurred  while  the  Indiom 
were  in  N.  York.  One  dny,  af\er  dinner,  a  gentleman  got  admittance  to 
their  room,  whose  object  wiim  to  corriinnnicate  to  them  some  religious  in- 
struction. He  liegan  with  Blaek-hawK't  son  ;  but  when  the  young  fvllow 
understood  by  the  interpreter  what  his  object  was,  he  said,  "  7  /azee,"  und, 
«!overing  his  face  with  his  blanket,  stretched  himself  out  upon  a  Kofa  and 
went  to  sleep. 

The  Cherokee  Phoenix  was  shown  to  Black-hmek  in  N.  York,  hy  n 
gentleman,  who  gave  the  chief  to  understand,  that  it  was  the  first  and 
only  newB|)aper  printed  in  Indian.  After  explaining  the  great  use  of  pa- 
pers to  him,  the  sachem  was  well  pleased,  said  he  knew  the  Cherokeo 
tribo  well,  but  did  not  know  they  had  such  a  thing  among  them  as  a 
newspaper.  Ho  requested  the  gentleman  to  make  the  name  of  Black- 
hawk  on  it,  which  he  did,  and  gave  it  to  him  ;  when  the  old  chief  care- 
fully folded  it  up  and  laid  it  away,  saying  he  would  show  it  to  his  people 
when  he  got  home. 

On  Thursday,  20  June,  the  Indians  were  shown  the  fiimous  arsenol  in 
White  Street.  The  great  cannon,  mortars  ond  shells,  on  the  firfit  floor, 
filled  them  with  astonishment  and  awe,  in  spite  of  their  philosophical  in- 
diflTerence.  On  visiting  the  second  floor,  their  countenances  wrre  seen  to 
enliven.  The  sight  of  10,000  stand  of  small  arms,  all  as  bright  as  pol- 
ishing could  make  them,  with  all  the  bayonets  fixed,  was  evidently  moro 
agreeable  to  them  tlinn  the  great  unwieldy  cannon  below.  Their  admira- 
tion was  greatly  heightened  on  being  shown  the  operation  of  Mr,  Hiddon'a 
new  patent  artillery  lock.  It  had  been  fitted  for  the  occasion,  on  the 
beautiful  brass  3  pounder,  which  Gov.  Tompkins  gave  the  state  in  1814. 
This  gun  being  placed  in  the  yard,  and  charged  with  a  blank  cartridge, 
Gen.  ArcxdariuSt  of  the  arsenal,  drew  the  strmg  attached  to  the  lock,  and 
the  discharge  was  instantaneous.  Her<^  again  they  conid  not  conccol 
their  astonishment,  which  was  much  raised  by  the  mysterious  o)ieratioi) 
of  the  lock.  The  cannon  being  again  charged.  Black-hawk  was  invited 
to  pull  the  string  and  discharge  it;  but  he  declined  from  timidity,  nnd  all 
the  rest  followed  his  example.  At  length  the  Projpbet  steppeet  forwnrd, 
with  a  great  air  of  resolution,  and  disrharged  it.  The  report  startled  him 
a  little ;  but  the  moment  after,  finding  himself  unharmed,  he  Inii^hed 
heartily.  Then  all  the  rest  ventured  to  discharge  it.  When  Mr.  Hidden 
showed  them  the  fulminating  wafer,  upon  which  his  lock  acts,  "tho 
vacant  seriousness  and  gravity,"  says  one  present,  "  with  which  they  re- 
turned it,  as  a  matter  quite  too  profoimd  for  their  comprehension,  wcs 
irresistibly  comic." 

Several  of  the  captives  had  been  attacked  with  an  inflohimotion  in  their 
eyes,  accompanied  with  some  fever,  supposed  to  have  been  brought  on 
by  the  fatigues  they  had  experienced  during  their  journey.  But  while 
they  remained  in  New  York  they  had  nearly  recovered. 

When  it  was  announced  in  the  papers,  that  the  Indians  would  not  pro- 
ceed any  farther  north,  great  disappointment  was  felt  hero ;  but  we  heiird 
no  one  complain.  All  seemed  sensible  that  to  show  them  about  from 
place  to  place  was  inflicting  a  punishment  upon  them  which  could  in  no 
wise  benefit  us.  There  might  be  one  exception,  for  we  wero  informed 
that  a  gentleman  had  made  large  arrangements  hero  for  writing  Elack- 
hawVs  life.  But  whether  it  were  the  old  chiefs  good  or  bad  foiHine  that 
prevented  him  from  falling  into  the  ambush  of  that  biographer,  we  do 
not  undertake  to  say  ;  but  there  may  be  those  cold-hearted  beings,  who 
are  glad  that  Irath  Black-hawk  and  the  public  have  escaped. 

On  Saturday,  22  June,  they  left  N.  York  for  Albany,  where  they  arrived 


time 


Chap.  IX.] 


ALBANY.-JOURNRY  WEST. 


14S 


Iho  next  day  nt  pvening.  lliTf,  as  wn  should  cx|icct,  tho  crowd  wm  fw 
more  Kivasc  than  had  \m;n  witncMcd  any  where  in  tho  journey,  and  b 
was  near  tlin'e  hours  brforo  a  landing  for  them  could  be  cfTbcicd ;  and 
oven  then  only  hy  disguising  them.  Blaek-hnt^  was  not  recognised  un- 
til he  hud  gut  aliuoMt  to  the  tavcni,  where  he  and  his  party  were  to  lodge. 
One  ohservps,  that  Albany,  at  this  time,  waa  more  like  an  Indian  camp, 
than  the  residence  of  civilized  beings.  Some  urged  that  if  Blaek-KmSi 
had  been  |iermitt(!d  to  have  shown  himself  to  the  multitude,  and  ad- 
dretned  them,  they  would  at  once  have  ceased  their  boisteroua  clam- 
ors. It  ia  said  he  was  about  to  do  so,  but  his  son  would  not  consent 
to  it. 

Whether  the  conduct  of  tho  populace  was  such,  after  they  -vere  in 
their  quarters,  as  to  cause  alarm  for  their  safety,  is  not  mentioned  ;  but 
certain  it  is,  they  set  off  ftom  Albany  in  ti.a  night,  )<4  June,  and  proceeded 
west  upon  the  railroad. 

When  they  had  got  upon  the  grand  canal,  and  seen  how  they  wers 
transported  by  means  of  the  lockn,  pome  of  the  party  said  it  must  be  Me 
work  of  a  Manitou,  for  it  waa  the  Jirat  river  they  ever  $aw  go  over  hiU$  and 
across  other  rivers. 

The  interview  of  our  travellers,  tho  Sacs  and  Foxes,  with  their  coun- 
trymen, tho  Scnecas,  cannot  lull  to  be  interesting  to  all  our  readers. 
Having  arrived  at  Buffalo  on  Friday,  !i^  June,  they  remained  there  until 
Sunday  morning.  Tho  next  morning  after  their  arrival,  they  rode  over  to 
Black  Rock,  where  they  viewed  the  imion  of  the  grand  canal  with  the 
lake  at  that  phice.  From  this  place  they  hod  a  full  view  of  tho  Canada 
shore,  and  Black-hau^  immediately  pointed  out  Fort  Erie,  and  seemed 
well  acquainted  with  the  adjacent  country  ;  he  having  been  thero  in  the 
time  of  the  last  war  with  England,  in  the  British  service ;  and  at  the 
time  "tcAen  the  Americans  walked  into  Fort  Erie"  as  ho  expressed  the  cap- 
ture of  it.  After  the  battle  of  Lake  Erie,  he  raid  he  was  obliged  to  return 
with  his  band  to  his  own  country.  In  the  afternoon  of  tho  same  day,  the 
party  visited  the  Senecas,  who  had  collected  at  the  council  house,  on 
their  reservation,  to  receive  them.  They  were  addressed  by  the  chiefj 
Capt.  Pollard,  or  Karlvndttwana,  of  whom  wo  have  already  spoken,  an 
old  and  very  respectable  :iian.  After  expressing  the  pleasure  which  it 
gave  him  and  his  people  to  meet  the  chiefs  of  the  Sacs  and  Foxes,  and 
after  alluding  to  the  present  state  of  the  aborigines,  he  counselled  his  vis- 
itors to  return  home  w>'h  a  jtenccablc  mind ;  to  cultivate  the  earth,  juad 
no  more  to  fight  against  ^  powerful  a  people  as  the  whites.  Black-hauk 
replied  as  ibllows : — 

"  Our  aged  brother  of  the  Senecas,  teho  has  spoken  to  us,  has  spoken  the 
words  of  a  good  and  wise  mem.  We  are  strangers  to  each  other,  tnough  we 
have  the  same  color,  and  the  sameGrtal  Smrit  made  us  all,  and  gave  us  this 
country  together.  Brothers,  we  have  seen  how  great  a  people  the  whites  are. 
T%ejf  are  very  rich,  and  very  strong.  It  is  folly  for  us  to  fight  with  them. 
We  shall  go  nomie  with  much  knowledge.  For  myself,  I  shall  advise  my  peo- 
ple to  be  quid,  and  live  like  good  men.  Hu  advice,  which  you  gave  tu, 
orotter,  if  very  good,  and  we  MI  you  now  we  mean  to  tialk  th  straight  path 
in  future,  and  Ut  coiUent  ourselves  ujith  what  we  have,  and  u;(th  cultivating 
our  lands.*' 

The  Prophet  added  a  few  sentences,  but  nothing  worthy  of  notice,  ex- 
cept he  saia  he  wished  all  the  tribes  of  Indians  could  be  collected  upon 
one  spot,  west  of  the  Mississippi. 

From  Bufialo  the  Indians  were  conveyed  by  water  to  Detroit,  where 
they  arrived  July.  Here  a  curiosity  waa  evinced  by  the  inhabitants  to 
13 


ii<; 


HL.V(;K-liA\VK.— HIS  Jul.UMlY   WT.AV. 


(UooK  V, 


!M(!  tin-Ill  ;  nut  i-xucily  mucIi  hh  IiiuI  Im-lii  hIiowii  in  tliu  Atlantic  citii-is  hut 
Willi  tliut  cold  iiHliili-riMiri',  ih«ir  iivnr  vicinity  tn  llie  lat«  ttcenci  of  IiIimkI 
wiiii  calruiated  to  call  forth.  A  wriwr  liun  ninarkfd,  that  they  were  soon 
Hvrii  walking  the  Htreeta  "  iinknuwiiig  and  unknown,"  and  nowii|m|)cn< 
li-uiii  that  rugiun  itay  tlioy  wcit-  hiirni  in  itFigy.  JUack-hawk  had  ollvii 
Itoeii  there  in  tiinfa  poai,  uitil  wlii-n  liu  visited  the  tbriner  reaidviifu  of 
Gov.  Cast,  he  nid,  "  Thii  it  the  old  council  ground.  I  have  heard  much 
Hood  coutuel  here ;  but  my  trail  led  to  the  oppoiite  $hore,  and  my  ears  were 
cloHd:' 

From  Green  Bav  they  wcru  to  pass  through  the  country  of  the  Meno- 
niinicti  and  VViunelNigoea*  to  Chicago.  Ah  these  triliva  are  hitter  eneinieH 
to  tli»  Hnca  and  Foxea,  trooiw  were  detached  from  that  place  to  attend 
them. 

Havinff  led  Chicago,  as  they  paiwcd  up  Fox  River  and  down  the  Oiiis- 
coiurin,  Btaek-hawk  would  point  out  the  spots,  where,  once,  ho  said,  hud 
stood  the  fine  villages  of  the  Sacs.  Ilia  depression  at  the  sight  wim  evi- 
ident,  and  bo  seemed  much  to  regret  their  emigration  beyond  the  Mis- 
sissippi. 

It  was  about  the  first  of  August,  1833,  that  the  captives  arrived  at  Fort 
Armstrong,  on  the  Upper  Mississippi,  where  we  are  presently  "'  take  our 
leave  of  them.  The  Prophet  had  lieen  set  at  liberty  a  little  befon;  nt 
Prairie  du  Chien ;  he  having  drdured  his  conviction  of  the  ]io>ver  of 
the  Americans,  and  that  now  Ik;  would  return  and  live  in  peace.  "I|iri 
return,"  says  our  informant,  "  is  atlended  with  us  many  unpleasmit  iihso- 
ciations  as  that  of  any  of  the  pnrt^-.  The  village  over  which  he  once  pre- 
sided has  been  broken  up ;  his  wigwum  has  been  burnt  to  the  ground  ;  his 
family  without  ajprotector,  and  he  must  find  a  home  in  the  viirugeof  some 
neiffhboring  chieftain." 

The  Indians  were  at  first  gloomy  and  taciturn,  on  entering  their  own 
forests,  but  in  a  short  time  they  began  to  be  more  communicative,  and  iit 
length  would  lauuli  and  talk  about  the  jokes  and  odd  manoeuvres  they 
had  seen  among  the  whites. 

Being  now  at  Rock  Island,  where  it  was  concluded  to  dismiss  the  ptty, 
they  were  considernbly  disappointed  in  not  meeting  with  some  of  their 
friends,  from  whom  they  might  gain  intelligenco  of  tlieir  families.  Mean- 
while they  examined  their  bundles  and  packages,  containing  the  presents 
they  had  received  during  their  journey.  These  were  by  no  means  incon- 
siderable, and  were  said,  by  those  who  saw  them,  to  be,  in  value,  of  at 
least  1,000  dollars ;  which,  when  their  friends  arrived,  were  liberally  dis- 
tributed among  them.  They  had  not  been  long  in  suspense  when  this 
happened.  A  band  of  Foxes  arrived  the  next  day  after  them,  who  gave 
the  desired  intelli^nce.  To  an  observer  of  nature,  their  meeting  inui^t 
have  been  exceedingly  interesting.  Notwithstanding  their  lon^  scparu- 
tlon,  their  first  interviews  were  nearly  the  same  as  though  it  had  been  hut 
of  a  day's  continuance.  But  they  very  soon  discovered  to  the  spectatoi-s, 
that  they  had  met  with  those  who  wei-e  capable  of  enjoying  again  their 
society  ;  and  the  freedom  of  early  life  began  gradually  to  show  itself. 

**  Fort  Armstrong.  Rock  Island,  Illinois,  was  selected  as  the  most  appro- 
priate place  for  the  liberation  of  Black-hawk  and  his  party.    It  being  the 
most  central  point  fh>m  the  surrounding  villaps,  a  greater  number  of  In- 
dians couM  be  there  assembled  at  a  short  notice,  than  at  any  other  point 
^^^^^■^■^^^ 

*  This  tribe'  is  divided  into  five  families:  the  Decorle,  Black-leg,  &c.  One-eyed- 
Dteorie,  before  mentioned,  ig  one  oflholr  most  conspicuous  chiefs.  He  appeared  aboiil 
50  years  old  in  18S6.  Mr.  W.  J.  Snetling  saw  him  at  the  Portage  in  that  year,  accom- 
panied by  a  wife  of  lA. 

The  name  Winneb<igo  is  supposed  to  be  that  of  a  kind  of  duck,  found  on  the  lake  of 
the  same  name,  in  great  abunaance. 


Chip.  IX] 


THE  LIBERATION 


147 


J# 


on  the  MiMiMippi.  With  iimmm  of  the  party  their  rHum  wm  th»  return 
of  hnppy  «lay!<,  nml  of  ihow  iiiann«r«  and  ruatoiiw  which  lhf>y  had  looked 
Torward  to  with  miirh  anxiety,  diirinjr  their  long  and  arduc^a  journey. 
But  with  BUtrk-hawk  it  wns  tht*  revival  of  thoM  arenet  aMociated  ritb 
his  former  greatiieaM  and  power — when  no  white  inan  rraaaed  hw  trail,  or 
«)nrronched  n|)on  hia  hunting  ground*.  He  ia  now  hailed  not  aa  a  chief- 
tain, nor  an  a  warrior,  but  i|a  a  8ac,  divealnl  of  hia  honora,  an  humble 
suppliant  for  the  symuathiiv  anil  hoapitaliiiea  of  hia  tribe, 

"  It  was  undnrstooil,  on  their  arrival,  that  KtotMk,  the  princinal  rhief 
of  the  trib«,  waa  ahaent  with  most  of  hia  band,  upon  a  buffalo  nunt,  and 
it  waa  doubtflil  whether  he  had  jret  returned.  A  courier,  however,  waa 
despatched  to  hia  village,  with  inatnictionB,  if  returned,  to  request  his 
immediate  attendance,  with  as  many  of  his  tribe  as  could  conveniently 
acconi|)nny  him.  Thn  messenger  returned  the  aame  night,  saying  that 
Keoeuek  was  encamped  about  !90  miles  below,  with  a  large  niimmr  of  hia 
trilie,  and  would  arrive  during  the  day.  About  noon,  the  dull  monotoinr 
of  the  Indian  drum,  accompanied  with  occasional  shouts,  was  heard, 
which  announced  his  approach.  He  led  the  van,  with  two  large  eanoea, 
lashed  side  by  side,  witii  a  large  canopy  extended  over  him  and  his  three 
wives,  where  he  sat  in  all  his  dignity,  with  the  American  flag  waving 
over  the  bow.  About  90  canoes  Ibllowed  in  hia  train,  each  containing 
fh>in  4  to  8  of  his  companions,  who  made  the  '  welkin  ring '  with  their 
wild  nnd  savage  songs.  They  proceeded  up  the  river  at  a  moderate  rate, 
and  encamped  on  the  opposite  side  Ptom  BUtek-hawk'a  camp.  After  re- 
maining about  two  houra  to  arrange  their  toilets,  they  again  commenced 
their  songs,  making  their  way  directly  acixMS  the  river.  Keoettek  was  the 
first  to  land,  decorated,  as  well  as  the  rest  >  the  party,  with  nil  their 
medals,  and  in  all  the  paraphernalia  which  (I.Minguisnes  the  braves  from 
the  common  Indians.  After  the  party  had  landed,  he  turned  to  them  and 
said,  '  The  Oreat  Sjpirit  ha$  stnt  vw  wvQur  hack.  LU  «•  thake  hnndt  in 
fnendahip.^  He  then  proceeded  towards  EOaiA-kmtk,  who  was  seated 
with  his  party,  in  front  of  their  tent,  leaning  upon  hia  cane,  apparently 
lost  in  deep  reflection.  He  extended  his  hand,  which  the  old  man 
seemed  to  snake  with  some  cordiality.    Having  saluted  the  rest  of  the 

tiarty  he  took  his  seat  in  their  immediate  vicinity.  Hia  companions  fol- 
owed  the  example,  and  scattered  themselves  upon  the  ground.  Not  a 
murmur  was  heard  among  the  crowd.  No  one  presumed  to  break  the 
silence,  until  the  chieftain  had  spoken.  Fifteen  minute*  elapsed  before  a 
word  was  uttorod  by  any  one,  when  Ktaeuek  aaked  BUuk'Mxnk  how  long 
be  had  been  upon  the  road  ?  *  Thd  kt  had  ieen  vcptxting  kim,  and  um$ 
coming  up  in  the  exnedaUon  of  meeting  him.*  Pipes  were  soon  introduced, 
and  passed  among  uoth  parties,  as  an  interehangiB  of  good  feeling.  After 
smoking  and  talking,  alternately,  for  about  an  hour,  a  general  move  was 
made  for  their  departure.  Kebcuek  arose,  shook  hands  with  ail  the  party, 
saying, '  to-morrow  he  ahovJd  nhtnC  "  They  now  crossed  the  river  in  si- 
lence, and  the  night  was  spent  in  songs  and  dances.  On  the  next  day,  by 
appointment,  was  to  be  opened  the  grand  council. 

"  A  commodious  room  in  the  garrison  was  prepared  for  the  reception 
of  Irath  parties.  About  10  o'clock,  Keoeuek  was  announced  by  the  inco- 
herent and  guttural  strains  of  more  than  100  savages.  When  they  arrived 
at  the  garrison,  they  followed  silently  in,  preened  by  their  chief,  who  « 
was  shown  to  the  room,  where  he  was  to  he  elevated  upon  the  ruins  of 
an  indiscreet  old  man,  vrith  whom  he  had  been  struggling  many  years  for 
supremacy.  He  took  his  seat  with  Peurskeparho,  (the  stabbing  chief,) 
chief  of  the  Sacs  upon  one  side,  and  fTapeUor,  (the  little  prince,)  chief  of 
the  Foxes  upon  the  other.    He  tokl  his  young  braves  to  8i^  immediately 


148 


BLACK-HAWK. 


[Book  V. 


behind  Lim,  and  all  mnintaiued  the  most  proiound  silence  during  the  in- 
terview.   Keoeuck,  ihny  suid,  woiiid  s|M.'uk  for  all  of  them. 

"Black-hawk  and  his  party  soon  made  their  np|iearance.  As  they  en- 
tered tlic  room,  tbo  chiefs  arose  aud  shook  hands  with  them.  They 
IMSsed  round,  and  took  tiieir  seats  immediateljr  opposite.  Black-hawk 
and  his  son  appeared  quite  dejected.  They  manifested  some  reluctance 
to  the  proposed  council,  i\"'  <)ay  previous,  and  that  n)oming,  as  it  would 
have  too  much  importance  <.ttached  to  it,  the  son  felt  keenly  his  situation. 
It  was  as  humiliatmg  to  him  as  it  was  to  his  father.  Maj.  Garland  was 
the  first  to  break  the  silence  in  council.  He  lold  them  that  he  was  grate- 
ful to  find  so  much  good  feeling  existing  in  the  tribe  towards  Black-hawk 
and  his  party.  He  (elt  confidenv  from  what  he  had  witnessed  since  his 
arrival,  that  they  would  hereafter  live  in  peace.  He  had  but  little  to  say, 
as  the  president  s  speech  to  Black-liawk  and  party  at  Baltimore,  said  all, 
which  should  be  read  to  them.  It  Was  interpreted  to  them  by  an  able  in- 
terpreter, to  which  the  whole  cunipauy  respon<led,  at  the  termination  of 
each  sentence. 

Kxoeuck  then  arose,  <'hook  hands  with  the  most  important  personages 
present,  and  commence.-. : — 

"I  have  listened  to  t! v  talk  of  our  great  father.  It  is  true  we  pledged 
our  honors,  with  those  of  our  young  bravet',  for  their  liberation.  We 
thought  much  of  i*,  our  cotuicils  were  long,  their  wives  and  children 
were  in  our  thoughts.  When  we  talked  of  them,  our  hearts  were  full. 
Their  wives  on')  children  came  to  us,  which  made  us  feel  like  women  ; 
but  we  were  men.  The  words  which  we  sent  to  our  great  lather  was 
one  word,  the  word  of  ail.  Tae  heart  of  our  great  father  was  sood  ;  he 
spoke  like  rlio  father  of  children.  The  Great  Spirit  made  his  heart  big 
in  council.  We  receive  our  brothers  in  friendship,  our  hearts  are  good 
towards  them.  They  once  listened  to  bad  counsel,  now  their  ears  are 
closed,  I  give  my  bund  to  thorn,  when  they  shake  it,  they  shake  the  bauds 
of  all.    I  will  shake  !:>i).i(is  vviu.  them,  and  then  I  am  done." 

Mhj.  Garlantl  then  n  Id  ttit.n,  thai  he  wished  it  distinctly  understood  by- 
all  present,  that  the  preb]')eut  consid  red  and  should  in  furure  acknowl- 
edge Keoeuck,  as  the  princi|^l  chie:  of  the  nation,  that  he  vyisbed  and  ex- 
pected Kackrhttudt  to  liateiif  und  corj'orm  to  his  counsels,  and  that  if  any 
dibcordaot  fiseliog  now  exiisted,  it  mant  It'  buried  here — that  the  two 
bands  that  bad  heretofore  existod  in  the  tribe  must  be  broken  up. 
From  the  misapplication  of  some  word  on  the  part  of  the  interpreter* 
Black-hauik  understood  him,  that  hn  imiM  confhrra  to  the  counsels  oi'  Keo- 
euck. The  old  man  became  completely  infuriated.  The  spirit  and  vigor 
of  his  youth,  broke  forth  Uke  a  volcano — he  rose  to  speak,  but  was  so 
much  excited,  he  could  scarcely  articulate.    He  said : — 

"  I  an^  a  man — an  old  man — I  will  not  conform  to  the  counsels  of  any 
one — I  will  act  for  myself— no  one  shall  govern  me — I  am  old— my  hair 
is  gray — I  once  gave  counsels  to  my  young  men — am  I  to  conform  to 
others  ?  I  shall  soon  go  to  the  Great  Spirit,  where  I  shall  rest.  What  I 
saki  to  our  great  father  in  Washington,  I  say  again — I  will  always  listen 
to  him.    I  am  done." 

The  feeling  which  he  evinced,  caused  a  momentary  excitement  among 
all  present.  It  was  bis  last  expiring  struggle.  The  nature  of  the  remark 
was  explained  to  him — that  the  president  requested  him  to  listen  to  KeO' 
cuek.  He  ntade  no  reply  ;  he  sat  completely  absorbed  in  his  own  feel- 
ings, when  Keoctuk,  in  a  suppressed  tone,  said  to  him,  "  fVhy  do  you  speak 
to  btfore  tht  white  men  f  I  wUl  apeak  for  ynu ;  you  trembled ;  you  did  not 
mean  it."    He  consented,  when  Keoeuck  arose  and  said  : — 

"  Our  brother,  who  bog  again  come  to  us,  has  spoken,  but  he  spoke  ia 


% 


i>!¥ 


Chap.  IX.] 


BLACK-HAWK. 


149 


wrath — hia  tongue  was  forked — he  spoke  not  like  a  man,  a  Sac.  He 
knew  his  words  were  bad  ;  he  trembled  like  the  oak,  whoso  roots  have 
been  washed  by  many  rains.  He  is  old ;  what  he  said,  let  us  forgi^t.  He 
says  he  did  not  mean  it ;  he  wisiips  it  forgotten.  I  have  spoken  tor  him. 
What  I  have  said  is  iiis  own  words — not  mine.  Let  us  say  be  siioke  in 
council  to-day — that  his  words  were  good.    I  have  spoken." 

Col.  Davenport,  wlio  commands  at  Rock  Island,  then  told  Blaik-kmek 
that  he  was  gratified  to  meet  him — that  once  he  was  his  enemy,  but  now 
he  met  him  as  a  friend — that  he  was  here  by  the  commands  of  his  great 
father,  and  should  always  be  glad  to  see  him ;  if  he  wished  for  advice  at 
any  time,  he  should  be  always  ready  to  give  it  to  him  ;  he  had  had,  dur- 
ing his  absence,  frequent  talks  with  his  tribe,  who  were  anxious  for  hia 
return,  and  could  assure  him,  that  his  nation  entertained  for  him  and  his 
parUr  the  most  friendly  feeling. 

Alaj.  Garlani  told  him,  thiit  he  was  now  at  liberty  to  go  where  he 
pleased  ;  that  he,  and  all  the  Americans,  were  pleased  with  his  and  his 
party's  imiform  good  conduct  while  among  them;  that  they  were  con- 
vinced that  their  liearts  were  good,  but  they  had  listened  to  bad  rounsels. 
They  had  seen  the  power  of  the  white  men,  and  had  taken  their  great 
father  by  the  hand,  who  had  restored  them  to  their  families,  upon  his,  and 
his  trilK!  s,  faithful  assurances  of  peace  and  friendship. 

Bktck-katokj  after  reflecting  upon  what  he  had  said,  requested  thot,  if 
his  remarks  were  put  uiion  paper,  a  line  might  be  drawn  over  it — he  did 
not  mean  it 

JfapeUar,  chief  of  the  Foxes,  said,  he  had  nothing  to  say.  "  I  am  not," 
snid  he,  "  in  the  habit  of  talking — I  think — I  have  been  thmking  all  day — 
Keocuck  has  s|>oken — I  am  glad  to  see  my  brothers — I  will  shake  hands  with 
them.  I  am  done."  A  genrral  shaking  of  bauds  was  cornmunced  by 
the  chief,  which  was  an  indication  that  the  council  was  adjourned  .sine  die. 

The  in^petuosity  of  Black-kawk^s  ppeecli  was  undoubtedly  influenced 
by  the  piescnce  of  his  son,  who  evidently  governed  his  speecii  and  ac- 
tions (luring  their  tour  through  the  United  States.  He  appeared  anxious 
that  his  father  should  maiiitnm  his  former  gtand,  in  spite  of  all  opposition, 
and  no  doubt  gave  instructions  to  that  cflecr.  The  old  man's  pride  w::s 
deeply  wounded,  yet  he  would  have  submitted  to  any  degradation, 
rathiu-  than  to  iiave  been  committed  in  the  presence  of  so  large  a  number 
of  the  most  conspicuous  men  of  the  nation.  Ho  felt  convinced  that  ho 
had  erred,  and  endeavored  to  atone  for  it  during  the  day,  by  saying,  "/l« 
did  not  know  what  he  said." 

That  ftveniug  Maj.  Garland  invited  the  |)rincipnl  ehieft,  togotlier  with 
Black-hawk,  to  his  quarters,  as  it  would  afford  a^^ood  opportunity  to  ascer- 
tain, explicitly,  the  feeling  which  existed  among  them  towards  their  fallen 
foe.  About  seven  o'clock  they  arrived.  They  took  their  soats  in  silence, 
pa.s.sed  the  pipe,  for  all  to  take  n  whiff,  and  in  return  quaffed  a  glass  of 
champagne,  which  seemed  to  have  a  prcidiar  relish.  Parsheparho  shook 
hands  with  all  present,  and  commenced : —  ' 

"  Wc  met  this  morr"ig ;  I  am  glad  to  meet  again.  That  wine  is  very 
good  ;  I  never  drank  any  before  ;  I  have  thought  much  of  our  meeting 
to-day :  it  was  one  that  told  us  wo  were  brothers, — that  wo  ^vcre  Sacs. 
We. had  just  returned  from  a  buflalo  hiutt,  we  thought  it  was  time  for  our 
brothers  to  be  here,  as  our  fathers  at  St.  Louis  told  us  tliis  was  the  moon. 
We  started  before  the  rising  sim  to  meet  you,  we  liavo  met,  and  taken 
our  brothers  by  the  hand  in  friendship.  Tiiey  always  mistnisted  our 
counsels,  and  went  from  the  trail  of  the  red  tnen,  where  lliero  was  no 
hunting  grounds,  nor  friends  returned,  and  found  the  dogs  howling 
around  their  wigwams,  and  wivns  looking  for  their  husl>ands  and  chil- 
dren. They  said  wc  counselled  like  women,  but  *bey  have  found  our 
13  • 


180 


BLACK-HAWK. 


[Book  V. 


couiiaelB  were  good.  They  have  been  through  the  country  of  our  great 
fatlier.  They  nave  been  to  the  wigwams  of  the  wliite  men,  they  received 
them  in  kindness,  and  made  glad  their  hearts.  We  thanked  them  ;  say  to 
them  that  Keoevek  and  Parthnarho  thank  them.  Our  brother  has  prom- 
ised to  listen  to  the  counsels  ol  Keoeuck.  What  he  said  in  council  to-day, 
was  like  the  Mississippi  fog — the  sun  has  shone,  and  the  day  is  clear — let 
us  forget  it,  he  did  nut  mean  it.  His  heart  is  good,  but  his  ears  have  been 
open  to  Iwd  counsels.  He  has  taken  our  great  father  by  the  hand,  whose 
words  are  irood.  He  listened  to  them,  and  has  closed  his  ears  to  the 
▼oice  wliicn  came  across  the  great  waters.  He  now  knows  that  he  ought 
to  listen  to  Keoeuck.  He  counselled  with  us,  and  our  young  braves,  who 
listened  to  his  talk.  We  told  our  great  father,  that  all  would  be  peace. 
He  opened  his  dark  prison  and  let  him  see  the  rising  sun  once  more,  gave 
him  to  his  wives  and  children,  who  were  without  a  lodge.  Our  great 
&tber  made  straight  his  path  to  his  home.  I  once  took  the  sreat  chief  of 
the  Osnges  prisoner.  I  heard  the  cries  of  his  women  and  children ;  I 
took  him  out  by  the  rising  sun,  and  put  him  upon  the  tidil  to  his  village, 
there,  said  I,  is  the  trail  to  your  village,  go,  and  tell  your  village,  that  I, 
Paraheparho,  the  chief  of  the  Sacs,  sent  you.  We  thank  our  great  fa- 
ther, say  to  him  that  I  wish  to  see  him,  I  reach  out  my  right  hand,  he  is  a 
great  w*ay  off,  but  I  now  shake  him  by  the  hand,  our  hearts  are  good 
towards  him,  I  will  see  him  before  I  lay  down  in  peace :  may  the  Great 
Spirit  he  in  his  councils,  what  our  brother  said  to-day,  let  us  forget ;  I 
am  done." 

Keoeuck,  after  goin^  through  the  usual  ceremonies,  said,  "We  feel 
proud  that  you  have  mvited  us  here  this  evening  to  drink  a  glass  with 
you ;  the  wine  which  we  have  drank,  we  never  tasted  before  ;  it  is  the 
wine  which  the  white  men  miike,  who  know  how  to  make  any  thing ;  I 
will  take  another  glass,  as  I  have  much  to  say  ;  we  feel  proud  that  we 
can  drink  such  wine ;  to-day  we  shook  hands  with  our  brothers,  who 
you  brought  to  us,  we  were  glad  to  see  tliem,  we  have  often  thought  of 
our  brothers ;  many  of  our  nation  said  they  would  never  return ;  their 
,  wives  and  children  often  came  to  our  wigwams,  which  made  ua  feel  sad  ; 
what  Panhvuarho  has  Knid  is  true,  I  talked  to  our  young  men,  who  had 
the  hearts  or  men,  I  tol<l  them  that  the  Great  Spirit  was  in  our  councils, 
they  promised  to  live  in  peace  ;  those  who  lii^tened  to  bad  counsels,  and 
fbllowfld  our  brothers,  have  said  their  ears  are  closed,  they  will  live  in 
peace ;  I  sent  their  words  to  our  great  ftither,  whose  eoi-s  were  open, 
whose  heart  was  made  sad  h^  the  conduct  of  our  brothers,  he  has  sent  to 
their  wigwams ;  we  thank  him,  say  to  him  that  Keoeuck  thanks  him  ;  onr 
brothers  have  seen  the  great  villages  of  the  white  men  ;  they  travelled  a 
long  road,  and  found  the  Americans  like  the  grass ;  I  will  tell  bur  young 
men  to  listen  to  what  they  shall  tell  titern.  Many  years  ago  I  went 
tlirougii  the  villages  ot  our  great  father,  he  had  many,  that  were  like  the 
great  prairies ;  but  he  has  gone,  another  is  onr  father,  he  is  a  great  war 
chief,  I  want  to  see  him,  I  shall  be  proud  to  take  him  by  the  hand,  I  have 
beard  much  of  him,  his  head  is  gray,  I  must  see  him  ;  ^ell  him  that  as 
■con  as  the  anew  is  off  of  the  prairie,  I  shall  come.  What  I  have  said, 
I  wish  afiokcn  to  him,  before  it's  put  upon  paper,  so  that  he  shall  hear  it 
as  I  have  said  it;  tell  him  that  Keoeuck  spoke  it;  what  our  brother  said 
in  council  to-day,  let  iia  forget,  he  told  me  to  speak ;  I  spoke  his  words,  I 
have  spoken." 

BUuk-hMok  then  said  in  a  very  calm  and  dejected  manner,  "  ffeel  that 
Earn  an  old  man,  onee  I  could  speak,  but  now  I  have  but  littte  to  saif ;  to-day 
we  met  many  iff  our  hntthen,  we  were  glad  to  see  them ;  I  have  listened  to 
wAcrf  my  irUhers  kaoe  said,  tkeir  hearts  are  good ;  they  have  been  liki  Seus, 


Ciur.  X.I 


BLACK-KETTLE. 


151 


tiuee  I  U^fl  {.^em ;  ikeji  havt  laken  care  of  my  tn/jt  and  ekUdrtn,  wAo  had  no 
wi/fwam ;  I  thanktd  them  for  it,  lite  Ortat  Spirit  knoiot  that  I  thank  them  ; 
before  the  sun  gets  behind  the  hitla  to-morrow  I  ahaU  tee  thetn,  I  toanl  to  tee 
them;  lo'icn  I  left  them,  I  expected  $30h  to  return,  I  told  our  great  father^ 
when  in  fVaahingtoii,  that  /  waul  J  litttn  to  hi$  eoimetlt,  I  aay  to  to  vou,  I 
will  listen  to  the  couaseU  of  Keocuck,  /  shall  soon  be  far  away,  I  shaU  have 
no  village,  no  band,  I  shaU  live  alone.  Whtd  I  said  in  council  to-day  I  with 
forgoHen,  If  it  has  been  put  upon  paper,  I  urith  a  nwrk  to  be  drtwn  over 
tf.  /  did  not  mean  it.  JVow  we  are  atone,  let  ua  say  we  will  forget  it.  Say 
to  our  great  father  and  Gov,  CtUM,  that  I  wHt  listen  to  Mem.  Many  years 
ago  I  met  Gov.  Cass  in  councils,  far  across  the  tirairiet,  to  the  rising  tun. 
Hia  counselt  w;re  good.  My  ears  were  closed ;  I  listened  to  the  great  father 
arross  the  great  wuters.  Mif  fdher  listened  to  him  whose  bcmd  was  large. 
My  band  W3s  once  large.  JVow  I  have  no  band.  1  anl  my  ton,  and  <dl  the 
party,  thank  our  great  father  for  whnt  hr  has  done.  He  is  old,  I  am  old  ; 
ws  shall  soon  go  to  ths  Great  Spirit,  where  we  shall  rest.  He  sent  us  through 
his  great  villages.  H^e  sua  many  of  Vte  white  men,  who  treated  us  wrik 
kindness.  fVe  thank  them ;  say  to  them  we  thank  them — fVe  thank  you  and 
Mr.  S|)rague  for  coming  with  us  ;  your  road  was  long,  and  crooked.  We 
never  saw  so  many  white  men  hi'ftrf..  When  you  was  with  u»,  we  fell  at 
though  W2  hai  some  friends  O'lif  ■!  ■,>•  them.  We  felt  tafe ;  you  knew  them  all. 
When  yoH  come  upon  the  Mississippi  again,  you  shall  come  to  my  wigwam. 
I  have  none  note.  On  your  rua  I  home,  you  pass  where  my  village  once  was. 
ATo  one  lives  there  now ;  all  are  gone,  I  give  you  my  hand ;  we  may  never 
meet  again,  I  shall  lon^  remzmber  you.  The  Great  Spirit  will  be  wM  you, 
and  your  wives  and  children.  Before  the  sun  rises  J  shall  go  to  my  family. 
My  son  loill  be  here  to  see  you,  before  we  go.  I  will  shake  hands  with  my 
brothers  here,  then  I  am  done.'' " 

The  party  sopamteH  with  a  mo8t  peiTect  understanding  among  them- 
selves, and  in  fallowahip  and  good  feeling.  Tlie  war-whoop  wliich  re- 
sounded through  the  valley  of  the  Mississippi  has  ceased — and  the  name 
of  Black-hawk,  which  roused  the  frontiers  man  to  arms,  has  lost  its  ter- 
rors, and  peace  ensures  to  the  settler  happiness  and  prosperity. 


CHAPTER  X. 


Some  further  aeeount  ofchitfa  noHced  in  a  previoui  thapter,  with  the  livu 
ofteveral  oihers  not  before  considered. 

It  was  intended  that  this  chapter  should  not  bnve  been  quite  so  far 
removed  from  those*  noticing  some  with  whom  we  now  propow  to  pro- 
ceed ;  but  certain  information,  not  widiiii  our  reach  when  those  were 
written,  occasioned  it,  and  must  serve  fur  onr  apology.  We  will,  in  the 
first  place,  carry  out  our  history  of  Black-kettle. 

This  chief,  called  by  the  French  La,  Chaudiere  Abtr«,f  had  great  cause 
for  his  hostility  to  them ;  they  and  imrtics  of  their  Christian  Indians, 
having,  in  1091,  and  the  hegnming  of  1(K)3,  very  barlmrousiy  atiacked 
several  |>arties  of  the  Iroquois,  killed  many,  and  led  ctiptive  others. 
But  this  was  a  day  in  which  this  people  were  able  to  contend  succeas- 

**  Suo  anle.  p.  18,  b.  v. 

t  Wo  shouul  hnve  noticed,  in  gpeakingr  of  Oranpda,  ihnl  Onind'Oneitle  wns  prob- 
ably his  real  name  in  Freucb,  but,  unlike  thai  of  CliaudUre  Moire,  lone*  much  by 
btinf  rendered  in  Englisb. 


153 


BLACK-KETTLE. 


[BooE  V. 


fully  against  even  European  enemies.  They  had,  in  1001,  laid  a  plan  to 
prevent  the  French  from  oxtendinff  their  aettlemenui  weittward,  fur  sur- 
prisitig  those  alreiuly  formed,  and  lor  intercepting  the  western  Indians  as 
they  brouf^ht  down  their  peltries  to  them. 

Two  armies,  of  350  men  each,  were  to  march  out  on  this  busineas 
about  November ;  the  first  were  to  attack  the  fort  at  the  Falls  of  St 
Louis,  and  the  other  to  proceed  by  way  of  Lake  Champlain  against  the 
settlements.  Before  they  set  out,  two  Indian  women,  who  nud  lieen 
captives  maong  them,  tniide  their  escft^,  and  gave  notice  of  their  object. 
ThiH,  in  a  great  measure,  defeated  the  enterurise.  Gov.  De  Callieres 
raised  troo))e,  and  srreiiffthened  every  place  ne  was  able.  The  first 
party  was  discovered  as  they  approacb  ^^.  St.  Louis,  who,  after  skirmish- 
ing some  time  with  the  (wrties  detactied  against  them,  retired  wit  ut 
gaming  any  material  advantage.  The  second  did  little  more,  and  rei)  -d, 
after  destroying  some  houses,  und  cairying  with  them  some  priecuers. 

About  the  end  of  November,  34  Mohawks  surprised  some  of  the  French 
Indinns  of  St.  Louis,  who  were  caralessly  liuntmg  about  Mount  Cham- 
bl^,  killing  4  mid  capturing  8  others.  Some  escajied,  and  informed  their 
friends  of  what  had  happouud,  und  u  comfNuiy  immediately  went  in 

! pursuit.  They  overtook  them  near  Lake  Champlain,  and  u  hard  fight 
ullowed.  Tliu  Cutliolic  Indians  rushed  u|K>n  them  with  great  fury, 
tomahawk  in  hand,  iind  although  the  Mohawks  had  taken  irast  behind 
rocSui,  they  were  routed,  ti  being  killed,  c::d  5  taken.  They  also  liberated 
all  tiieit  frieiids  taken  at  Mount  Chnmbly. 

Ill  tit  !  l>e;,'iniriig  ot' February,  }Gdi,  De  Calliens  ordered  M.  De  OrvU- 
litrea  to  niurdi,  with  300  men,  into  the  peninsula,  which  termiiiates  at  the 
coiifliience  of  the  Uttowuy  und  St.  Lawrence  Rivers,  to  surprise  a  company 
of  Iroquois  lie  had  l>een  informed  was  there.  It  was  their  liunting 
ground  during  the  winter,  and  the  pretext  for  attacking  them  was,  that 
they  were  now  there  to  surprise  the  settlements,  and  intercept  such  as 
paiwed  up  and  down  said  rivers.  While  on  his  niarcii,  De  OrvUliers  met 
with  an  accident  which  obliged  iiini  to  return  to  Montr»>nl,  and  the  com- 
mand devolved  upon  Cnpt.  De  Ueaucourt.  This  ofiicer  marched  to  Isle 
Toniliata,  not  far  from  Cuturocoiiy  or  Kalarokkui,  whore  he  surprised  50 
Senecas  in  tlicir  cabins,  killed  24,  and  took  6  of  them  prisoners. 

Enoiigli  had  jmssed  before  this  to  arouse  the  spirit  of  vengeance  in  the 
great  chief  of  Onondaga,  Black-kttlle ;  but  this  lost  act  could  not  he  fiass- 
ed  without,  at  least,  an  attempt  at  reruliation.  Almnt  100  Senecas  were 
near  the  Suiilt  du  la  Chaudiere,  on  Ottoway  River,  at  this  time,  and 
lilwk-kettk  soon  after  joined  thorn  with  u  bund  of  his  Onondagos ;  and 
they  immediutcly  put  themselves  into  au  attitude  for  intercepting  their 
enemies. 

Gov.  De  Ccdlwrf3  had  Rupposcd  that  by  the  affair  at  Tonihata,  the 
Iroquois  were  sufficiently  humbled  for  the  present,  and  thut  they  were 
not  to  he  regarded  us  capable  of  any  considerable  undertaking ;  but  he 
soon  discovered  theerrurof  his  judgment;  for  60  friendly  Indians,  having 
arrived  at  Montreal  to  trade,  reported  that  the  way  was  clear,  but  re- 
quested a  guard  when  they  returaed.  This  was  granted  them.  S.  Michel 
volunteered  upon  this  service,  and  put  under  tlic  command  of  Lieut 
De  la  Gemeraye,  30  men.  Ho  hari  for  his  two  ensigns,  M.  Le  fVeaniere, 
oldest  son  of  the  Sietir  Hertel,  and  his  bix>ther.  Having  arrived  at  a  place 
called  ilic  Long  Fulls,  on  Ottowuy  River,  some  inarched  upon  the  side 
of  the  river,  while  others  endeavored  to  effect  the  passage  of  the  falls  in 
the  liouts.  They  had  no  sooner  entered  upon  this  business,  when  the 
warriors  of  Blaik-kdUc,  from  an  ambush,  nred  upon  them,  put  the  60 
Indians  to  flight,  killing  and  wounding  many  of  the  French.  They 
theu  rushed  apou  theia  with  such  ibry  uiat  little  time  was  allowed  for 


Chap.  X.] 


BLACK-KETTLE. 


1(0 


and 


resistance,  and  they  fled  to  their  boats  fbr  aafirty ;  but  in  th^hr  hmry  *\,vj 
orerturned  them,  and  many  were  made  prisoners.  Among  these  were 
•9.  Mthd  and  the  two  Hertdi.  La  Oemeraife  and  a  few  soldiers  only 
escaped.*  Blaek-luttWa  force  on  tliis  occasion  was  computed  at  140 
men. 

Some  time  now  passed  without  hearing  firom  Bladk-Jkettfe,  but  on  15 
July,  1692,  ho  fell  upon  the  Island  of  Montreal,  as  has  already  been  re- 
corded. Parties  of  soldiers  collected  and  went  in  pursuit,  overtook  the 
rear  of  the  Indians,  killed  10  men,  and  retook  many  priaoners. 

Some  days  after  this,  as  the  Sieur  De  Ltuignan  was.  peering  near  the 
Isles  of  Richelieu,  Blaek-kttUe  fell  upon  his  party,  killed  him,  and  put 
his  men  to  flight.  We  hear  nothing  more  of  great  nooment  of  this  fiunous 
cbief^  until  the  year  1697,  in  which  he  was  treacherously  murdered.  He 
appears  at  this  period  to  have  concluded  upon  making  per'*'>  with  the 
French,  and  messengers  had  been  despatched  to  QueMC  upon  that  de- 
sign. In  the  mean  time  he  was  hunting  in  the  neighborhood  of  Cataro- 
couy,  where  the  French  had  a  garrison,  which  was  then  eommanded  hy 
Capt.  Genwraye,  before  mentioned,  to  whom  he  gave  notice  that  negotia- 
tions were  on  foot  Notwithstanding,  34  Alsonquids,  in  the  French 
interest,  were  suffered  to  go  atsd  surprise  BlaekrketlU  and  his  40  h'nten, 
who  were  not  far  from  Catarocouy,  at  a  place  named  Qittnt^.  They 
were  fallen  upon  at  a  time  when  they  thought  not  of  an  enemy,  and 
about  half  of  them  were  slain,  among  whom  woa  BUuk-kettU ;  his  wife 
and  many  others  were  taken  prisoners.f 

We  next  proceed  to  give  some  further  account  ofMetrio,  to  whose  names, 
besides  those  already  given,  by  which  he  has  been  known,  we  have  to 
add  that  of  Kotutiarom.  His  character,  as  drawn  by  Charlevoix,  is  as 
follows :  "  A  man  of  a  great  mind,  the  bravest  of  the  brave,  and  possess- 
ing altogether  the  best  qualities  of  any  known  to  the  French  in  Canada." 
Ol  what  we  are  about  to  relate  concerning  him,  we  have  already  given  a 
sketch,  which  being  defective  in  some  of  the  main  particulars,  it  wan 
thought  best  to  add  another  version  of  it  in  this  place. 

It  was  with  no  small  difliculty  that  the  French  had  engaged  him  'n 
their  cause.  While  on  a  visit  to  the  governor,  in  1688,  he  nad  imssed 
his  word  that  he  would  make  war  on  his  detested  enemies,  the  Iroquois, 
and  soon  after  departed  for  Michilimakinak,  with  a  chosen  band  of  his 
Huroiis,  resolved  to  distinguish  himself  by  some  signal  exploit  In  his 
way  he  passed  by  Catarucouy.  At  this  place,  he  learned,  to  his  surinise, 
that  a  negotiation  was  alreaify  on  foot  between  the  French  and  Iroquois, 
and  was  at  the  same  time  informed  by  the  officer  in  command  there, 
that  he  would  infinitely  disoblige  M.  De  DenonvUU,  if  he  should  commit 
the  least  hostility  upon  any  of  the  Iroquois,  who  was  immediately  to 
receive  their  embassadors  at  Montreal,  together  with  hostages  from  all 
the  cantons. 

Ksmdiaronk  concealed  his  surprise,  and  although  now  convinced  that 
the  French  would  sacrifice  him  and  his  allies,  yet  he  made  no  complaint, 
and  left  the  place  as  though  to  return  to  bis  own  country.  But  he  had 
no  sooner  conceived  the  design  of  intercepting  the  Iroquois  ambassadors 
and  hostages,  than  he  set  oui  upon  it  Having  placed  his  men  in  am- 
bush at  Famine  Creek,  he  had  waited  but  few  days  when  tiiey  arrived. 
As  they  were  descending  the  creek  in  their  canoes,  Adaricfa  warriors 
fired  i.pon  them,  killed  several,  and  took  the  rest  prisoners. 

The  celebrated  Dtkaraaora^  or,  as  the  French  called  him,  Ttgamaorens^ 
of  Ooondago,  was  at  the  head  of  this  embassy,  and  was  among  the  priii- 


■.•j,.,„!,Sij..- 


*  Cotden  sayt,  (i.  134,)  that  but  foar  escaped  in  all. 
t  Tbiu  far  i*  according  to  the  text  of  Chmrlmix.  ' 


194 


ADARIO.~-DEKANISORA. 


[Book  V. 


onen.  He  demanded  of  Mario,  how  it  happened  that  lie  could  be  igno- 
niiii  that  lie  was  an  aiiibussador  to  their  common  father,  and  of  hia  en- 
deavor to  bring  about  a  lanting  peace.  The  subtle  chief  completely 
sulidued  his  irritabl/  and  indignant  passions,  by  expressing  far  greater 
surprise  than  Dtkaplfora  himself;  protesting  that  the  French  were  the 
whole  cause  of  whd:  had  happened,  for  that  tlipy  had  sent  him  to  surprise 
his  purty,  and  had  assured  him  that  be  could  do  it  with  ease,  as  tlieir 
nunibt  rtt  were  amall ;  and  to  drive  suspicions  th>ni  the  mind  of  De- 
kanistra  and  his  people,  set  them  all  at  liberty,  but  one,  who  was  to 
supply  the  place  uf  one  of  the  Hurons  that  was  killed.  AdarioU  speech 
to  them  on  this  occasion  has  been  before  quoted.* 

Some  report  that,  after  capturing  Dtkanitora,  Mario  returned  to 
Kadarakkui,  or  Cataix>cou>',  and  that,  being  asked  by  the  French  from 
whence  he  came,  said,  ^From  preventing  peace."\  They  did  not  at  first 
comprehend  his  meaniig,  but  soon  alter,  one  of  his  prisonera,  that  es- 
caped, gave  them  the  hibiory  of  the  aflair. 

But  for  what  followed,  the  character  of  Mario  would  stand  well 
among  warriors.  He  sacrificed  his  oidy  prisoner,  which  completed  il.ls 
net  of  the  tragedy  ;  and  it  seemed  necessary  to  carry  out  his  deep-laid 
sttatagem. 

That  the  Iroquois  should  have  no  chance  to  believe  the  French  in- 
nocent of  the  blood  at  the  River  Famine,  which  they  had  ii8c«l  great 
endeavors  to  effect,  by  sending  emissaries  nniong  tlitni,  Mario  went 
with  his  prisoner  immediately  to  lUichilimakinak,  and  dtlivered  him  to 
M.  De  la  DuraiUaye,  the  coniniaiider  of  that  post,  who  as  ytt  bad  had  no 
knowledge  of  any  negotiation  lietween  the  Iroquois  and  his  superiors. 
WhcreuiMin  he  Ibrthwitli  caused  the  poor  prisoiiei  to  be  put  to  death. 
The  news  of  this  afifair,  the  cunning  chief  caused  to  be  made  known 
among  the  cantons,  by  an  old  captive  he  had  held  a  \ou^  time  in  bon- 
dage at  his  village,  whom  he  now  set  at  liberty  for  this  purpose. 

The  catastrophes  that  l)elell  the  French  not  long  afirr,  viid  the  suffer- 
ing they  endured,  arc  almost  without  a  parallel.  We  have  before  noted 
the  great  irruptions  of  the  Iroquois  upon  the  Island  of  Montreal,  and  there- 
fore will  not  enlarge  again  upon  them.^ 

Adario  finally  died  at  peace  with  the  French,  and  almost  in  the  act  of 
concluding  it.  He  had  accompanied  the  beads  u{  several  tribes  to  Mon- 
treal, in  1701,  to  hold  a  treaty,  and,  on  the  \  Au^st,  (that  being  the  first 
day  of  public  coimcils,)  Adario  found  himseiif  seized  by  sickness.  Every 
thin^  was  done  to  relieve  him,  ("as  the  governor  general,"  says  Char- 
levoix, "  rested  his  principal  hope  of  success  i:i  the  treaty,  upon  him,") 
but  without  avail ;  being  carried  to  I'Hotel  Dieu,  he  died  at  two  o'clock 
on  the  following  night.    At  his  funeral^  the  greatest  diuplay  was  made, 

'  n 

*  Book  V.  page  ft. 

t  "  //  ripondit  qu'il  vtnoit  de  ttur  la  paix ;  et  qu'il  ajo&ta,  noiu  verront  commenf 
Onontkio  *e  tirera  de  cetU  affaire." 

t  Few  would  wish  to  read,  in  English,  the  cruelties  at  the  sacking  of  Montreal :  the 
account  of  (hem,  we  agree  with  Dr.  Holmes,  "is  too  horrid  to  translate."— " /& 
trouvererU  tout  U  mond  etidonni,  et  Us  commeneererU  par  matsacrer  tout  les  honimes  ; 
ettmite  Us  tnirent  lefeu  aux  maisons.  Par-lli  tents  ceux,  qui  y  ^toient  restes,  tomherevt 
entre  mains  de  ces  sauvages,  et  essiiyerent  tout  ce  que  la  JUreur  pent  inspirer  A  des  bar- 
bares.  lis  la  pousserent  mtme  h  des  excis,  dont  on  ne  les  aroU  pas  eneore  cm  capahles. 
Us  ouKrirent  le  sein  des  femmes  enceintes,  pour  en  arracher  le  fruit,  qu'etles  portoient, 
Us  mirent  des  enfans  tout  vivans  a  la  broche,  et  contraigiiirent  les  meres  de  les  loumer 
pour  lesfaire  rotir.  Us  inventerent  quatUiti  d'autres  supplices  inouis,  et  200  personnes 
de  tout  Age  et  de  tout  sexe  petirenl  ainsi  en  mains  d'une  neure  dam  les  plus  affreux  t'lir^ 
mens.  Cela  fait,  I'ennemi  s'aprocha  Jvsqu'h  une  liuf  de  la  ville,  faisant  par  taut  let) 
mimes  ravages,  et  exerfant  les  mfmes  cruautes,  et  quand  Us  fiirenl  las  de  ces  litrreurs  ; 
ilt  AretU  200  prisormiers,  qu'Us  emmentrent  dans  leur  milages,  oil  Us  les  briilerenW 

)  "  Lfl  lendemain  ou  fit  sea  funerailles,  qui  eureot  queique  chose  de  tna^lfiquc  et 


Cbap.  X.] 


ADARIO.— DEKANI80RA. 


and  nothing  \na  omitted  which  conid  inspire  the  Indiaiu  present  with 
a  conviction  of  the  great  respect  in  which  he  was  held.  On  his  tomb- 
stone wss  engraved  these  words, 

"CY  OIT  LE  RAT,  CHEF  HURON." 

Which  in  English  Is,  "  Hen  Kathe  Raty  CkirforUu  Hurm».^  The  «n- 
comiums  passed  by  the  French  upon  hiiu  that  -was  once  their  most 
dreaded  enemy,  are  only  equalled  by  those  of  their  countrymen,  Fm- 
tmeUt  and  haharpt^  upon  their  favorite  characters. 

His  body  was  a  short  time  exposed  before  it  was  interred,  dressed  in 
the  uniform  of  an  officer,  with  his  arms  by  his  side,  because  he  ranked  as 
a  captain,  at  the  time  of  his  death,  in  the  French  service. 

The  intercourse  of  DthaoMdira  with  the  French  and  English  was  long, 
and  from  the  fact  he  was  able,  for  much  of  the  time  during  their  wars, 
to  be  on  good  terms  with  both  nations,  we  are  to  suppose  that  he  pos- 
sessed some  skill  in  the  arts  of  duplicity.  He  is  first  mentioned  by  Char- 
levoix in  1683,  at  which  time  he,  with  four  other  ambassadors,  visited 
Montreal  upon  a  peace  expedition.  He  was  suspected  of  insincerity  by 
the  French,  and  no  reliance  appears  to  have  been  put  upon  his  preten- 
sions. Twelve  years  after,  VoUUn  saw  him,  and  thus  speaks  of  him : 
"  Deraneaora  had  tor  many  years  the  greatest  reputation  among  the  Five 
Nations  for  speaking,  and  was  generally  employed  as  their  speaker,  in 
their  negotiations  vmh  both  French  and  English:  he  was  grown  old 
when  I  saw  him,  and  heard  him  speak ;  he  had  a  great  fluency  in  speak- 
ing, and  a  graceful  elocution,  that  would  have  pleased  in  any  part  of  the 
world.  His  person  wan  tall  and  well  made,  and  his  features,  to  my 
thinking,  resembled  much  the  hustoe  of  Cicero."* 

If  he  were  an  old  sachem  in  1694,  he  must  have  been  very  old  in 
1726,  for  in  this  year  he  was  at  Albany  with  six  other  ambassadors, 
where,  on  the  14  Sept.  they  executed  an  agreement  with  the  Enslish ; 
the  conditions  of  which  were  that  they  should  surrender  all  their  hunt- 
ing grounds  into  the  hands  of  Coomkhoo,  as  they  called  the  King  of 
England,  **  to  be  protected  and  defended  by  his  said  majesty,  his  heirs 
and  successors,  to  and  for  the  use  of  us,  our  heirs,  and  the  said  three 
Nations."  These  had  before  been  enumerated,  as  follows :  "  Kanakar- 
^hUm  and  ShanitUsaronwe,  Sinneke  sachems ;  Ottaoghkoree,  Dekaniaoree 
and  ^enjeticratt,  Catouoe  sachems ;  Raclyakadorodon  e  id  Scuiageent^htie, 
Onondago  sachems."! 

Charlevoix  was  unable  to  ascertain  the  time  of  Dtkaniaord'a  rlcnt'n, 
although  he  learned  that  it  hapfiened  at  the  Falls  of  St,  Louis.  Under 
date  1693,  he  speaks  in  high  terms  of  him,  Oureouhari  and  Garakonthic, 
Troqriors  Christians,  whom  Dekaniaora  had  employed  secretly  to  bring 
about  a  peace  with  that  nation;  but  knew  not,  as  to  his  Christianity,  Im 
said,  at  that  time ;  but  was  certain  that  he  had  professed  it.  He  (ii-otmbiy 
died  about  1730. 

We  will  go  a  little  back  in  this  place,  to  notice  a  chief  of  the  Adirondaks, 
of  whom  the  most  extraordinary  stories  are  told ;  even  those  of  Jack- 

de  liagulier.  M.  de  St.  Ourt,  premier  capitaine,  marchoit  d'abord  a  la  tC'tc  de  1:0 
soldats  aous  les  armes.  Seize  guerriers  Hurons,  v£tus  de  longucs  robes  de  cnstor,  Ic 
visage  peint  en'noir,  et  te  fusil  sous  )e  bras,  suivoient,  marchnnt  quatre  &  quatre.  Lc 
elerfe  venoit  apr^s,  et  six  chefs  de  guerre  porioient  le  cercueil,  qui  ^loil  couvert  d'un 
poCK  seme  de  fleurs,  sur  lequel  ill  y  avoit  un  chupeau  avec  un  plumet,  un  haussc-iol 
ct  une  (''pee.  Les  freres  et  les  enfans  du  defunt  ^loienl  dcrricre,  accompagn^s  de  tous 
les  chefs  des  nations,  et  M.  de  Vaudreuil,  gouverneur  de  la  ville,  qui  mcnoit  madame 
de  Champisyy,  fermoit  la  marche." 

•  Hist.  Five  Nations,  i.  156. 

t  Gov.  Hiomas  Fownal,  Administration  of  the  British  Colonies,  i.  238,  239. 


PBISKARET. 


[Book  V. 


Uu-giant-kilUr  are  but  littk  more  incredible.  And  even  though  Father 
Ckarktmr  wu  familiar  with  thetn,  yet  he  deemed  tliem  an  fiction,  it 
will  lie  imagined,  from  his  not  relating  them  in  hi*  minute  hiatory.  The 
name  nfPetakartt  waa,  for  sundry  years  previous  to  1646,  terrible  to  the 
enemies  of  the  Adirondaks.  Thia  nation,  when  Caimda  was  settled  by 
the  French,  in  1603,  resided  about  300  miles  to  the  westward  of  Three 
Rivera.  How  hmf  tbny  had  been  at  war  with  the  Iroquois  at  this  time, 
is  not  mentioned,  but  jt  was  continued  until  tlie  death  of  Peitkartt  in 
1646,  though  with  intenruption  and  various  succeaa;  but  wkh  this  chief 
perished  all  op|M)sition,  ami  th^i  Adirondaks  figured  no  flnora  as  «  nation. 

Aa  we  have  p<^t  the  render  upon  hia  guard,  about  receiving  the  huge 
Htories  about  PekJmrtt,  with  too  much  confidence,  it  will  be  expected  at 
uiir  hands,  perhapa,  that  we  give  a  sample  oif  them,  aa  it  may  be  raid, 
"  possibly  they  are  true."  We  might  have  done  tliia  without  thus  pre- 
mising, OS  others  have  done,  upon  the  authority  of  CoMen,  (an  author  of 
small  value,  comparatively  speaking.)    His  relation  process : — 

^  An  Indian  named  Pithant  was  at  this  time*  one  of  the  captains  of 
greatest  iame  among  the  Adirondacks ;  this  bold  man,  with  four  other 
ua|)taiits,  set  out  for  Troia  Rivieres  in  one  canoe,  each  of  them  being 
>>rovided  with  thret)  muskets,  which  they  loaded  with  two  bullets  apiece, 
joined  with  a  small  chain  ten  inches  long.  They  met  with  five  canoes 
in  Sorei  River,  each  having  10  men  of  the  Five  Ntiiona  on  board.  Pit- 
karet  and  his  captains,  as  soon  as  those  of  tlie  Five  Nations  drew  near, 
pretended  to  give  themselves  up  for  lost,  and  sung  tkeir  death  song,  then 
suddenly  fired  upon  the  canoes,  which  they  repeated  with  the  anns  that 
lay  ready  loadeia,  and  tore  those  birch  vesoels  betwixt  wind  and  water.f 
The  met!  of  the  Five  Nations  were  so  surprised,  that  they  tumbled  out 
oftheircanoeci,  and  gave  Pitkant  and  his  companions  the  oppoitunity 
of  knocking  as  many  of  them  on  the  head  as  they  pleased,  and  saving 
the  others,  to  feed  their  revenge,  which  they  did  by  burning  then'  "live 
with  the  most  cruel  tormenta.  This,  however,  was  so  far  from  glutting 
PiskareVs  revenge,  that  it  seemed  rather  to  give  a  keener  edge  to  it ; 
for  he  soon  after  undertook  another  enterprise,  in  which  none  of  his 
countrymen  durst  accompany  him.  He  was  well  acquainted  with  the 
country  of  the  Five  Nations,  and  set  out  aliout  the  time  the  snow  began  to 
melt,  with  the  preiaution  of  putting  the  hinder  part  of  his  sriow-slioes 
forward,  that  if  any  should  happen  upon  hia  footsteps,  they  might  think 
he  was  gone  die  contk'ary  way;  and  for  further  security,  went  along  the 
ridges  and  high  grojiids,  where  the  snow  was  melted,  that  his  truck 
might  lie  often  lost.  When  he  came  near  one  of  the  villages  of  the  Five 
Nations,  ho  hid  himself  till  night,  and  then  entered  a  cabin,  while  eveiy 
liody  was  ftx^i  asleep,  murdered  the  whole  ftinily,  and  carried  their  scalps 
into  hi--,  lurking  place.  The  next  Any  the  people  of  the  village  searclied 
for  f.he  murderer  in  vain.  The  following  night  he  murdered  all  he 
fou'.id  in  another  cabin.  The  inhabitants  next  day  searched  likewise 
ill  vain  for  the  murderer:  but  the  third  night  a  watch  was  kept  in  every 
house.  Piakaret,  in  the  night,  bundled  up  the  scalps  he  had  taken  the 
two  former  nights,  to  carry,  as  the  proof  of  his  victory,  and  then  stole  pri- 
vately from  house  to  house,  till  at  last  he  found  an  Indian  noddiii;.',  who 
was  upon  the  watch  in  one  of  the  houses;  he  knocked  this  man  on  the 
head ;  but  as  this  alarmud  the  re&t,  be  was  forced  immediately  to  fly. 


*  He  mentions  no  partirular  time,  but  that  of  the  settlement  of  Canada,  in  l(i03  ; 
but  some  time  durinj^  the  war  of  which  we  have  spoken  must  bo  understood.  _ 

f  The  author  of  Mian  Tales  has  copied  this  closely,  but  gives  no  credit.  Tale*, 
ii.  36,  &c. 


OkA».  X.] 


He 


PKISKAAET. 


187 


WB%  howerer,  und«r  no  great  eoDceni  firoin  the  punuit,  bebg  mon 
•wift  of  fbol  than  uy  Indian  then  livlnf.  He  let  hie  punuen  eonw 
near  blm  fironi  time  to  time,  and  dien  would  dart  flom  tnem.  Thic  he 
did  with  deaifn  to  tire  them  oat,  wkh  the  hopea  of  orenaltiBf  him. 
Aiit-  ^'      -      •  -•  ^   - 


oat, 
to  grow  dark,  be  hid  nimaelf,  and  hie  punuen 
being  apprahemive  of  any  danger  firom  a 


buan  to  grow 
Imy  not  bein, 
MladeMtt  and 


i  atopped 
aingle  m 


aoon  Ml  aaieqt;  and  the  hold  Piakmni  abeerviog  thia,  ImoelMd  them 
on  the  head,  and  eanied  away  thehr  aealpa  with  tin  raab    Such  ma 


away 


man, 
n  aU 


aa  thoM,"  ebnihiuei  CUdm,  ''are  told  amoiw  the  Indiana,  aa  estraordi- 
nan  imlaneea  of  the  eoumge  and  eonduet  of  their  eaptaina." 

Beftie  tUi,  aa  we  apprehend,  though  related  afterwarda  by  thia  author, 
were  tlw  ^reat  eipediooiM  of  the  Iroquoia  againat  the  Adirandalu.  The 
French  took  part  with  the  latter  ftom  the  becinning,  and  when  GAoat- 
plam  Tiailed  tne  country,  he  joined  a  party  of  them,  and  went  againat 
the  InMiuoia,  and,  with  the  aid  of  hia  firearmi,  orereame  them  in  a 
battle  near  Lalie  Coriar,  which  waa  henoefiNth  ealkid  Lake  Champfaifai. 
Two  hundfod  Iroquoia  were  in  thia  fight,  and  the  French  kept  mem- 
aelvea  concealed,  until  it  beaan,  tiien  ruabed  forward,  and  immediately 
put  the  Iroquoia  to  flight  This  waa  the  firM  time  they  had  aeen  tM 
efleota  of  guna.    Thia  aflSur  waa  in  1611. 

Finally,  the  Iroouoia,  having  grown  eooaeioua  of  their  strength,  felt 
confident  that,  if  tnev  could  prevent  the  French  from  aaialing  tliem. 
they  oouM  withatand  them.  Therefore,  they  pretended  to  be  well  n- 
fecled  towarda  their  religion,  and  requeated  that  mianonariea  should  be 
aent  among  them.  ThM  waa  done  without  delay.  Their  real  object 
was  soon  apparent;  ibr  they  treated  the  lesuit  missionaries  on^y  aa 
hostages,  and  this  waa  the  means  of  making  them  stand  neutral  while 
they  carried  on  their  war  with  the  Adirondaks  and  Quatoghiea  or  Hurona, 
whom  tbev  soon  after  defeated  "in  a  dreadfol  battle  foi^t  withm  two 
leaaues  of  Quebeck." 

-  This  expedition  turned  out  so  much  to  their  advantage,  ''the  Five 
Nations  cave  out,  that  they  intended  next  winter*  to  visit  tfie  governor 
of  Caoaoa;  theae  visits  are  alwaya  made  with  much  show.  Under  thia 
pretence  thepr  gathered  together  1000  or  1900  men.  Their  outscouta 
met  with  PtAara  near  Pncolet  River,  and  still  pretending  a  friendly 
visit  to  the  governor  of  Canada,  as  their  only  design,  he  tola  them,  that 
the  Adirondoieks  were  divided  into  two  bodies,  one  of  which  bunted  on 
the  north  side  of  8t  Lawrence  River  at  Wabmake,  three  leasues  above 
Trois  Rivieres,  and  the  other  at  Nicolet.  As  soon  as  they  had  gained 
this  information,  they  killed  him,  and  returned  with  his  head  to  the 
army.  The  Five  Nations  divided  likewise  into  two  bodies;  tbeysur- 
prised  the  Adirondacks,  in  both  places,  and  in  both  cut  them  inpieces." 

This  account  is  more  circumstantial  than  that  given  by  Cnarjetwir, 
but,  as  we  have  seen,  would  have  been  without  any  value,  iMJt  for  his 
chronology.  He  stales  •ttkat,' by 'tbei^prevk>u*.fopouot,.ibe  Mohawlu 
had  reason  to  expe^'.Qii^'^'l  ^tb  Aeigtibqnng:n4tiDiA|w6uld  join  to 
op|NMe  them,  and  that  Unj  4etlf«ifr)Mirtie8*te*obNrWwlMt  was  pass* 
ing  among  them;.>t4at>  one  of  .these,  ecoutft  met  Btvtkvtl  alone,  but 
dared  not  attack  hlm;>Veift^*;^muaded.'KB  KouU,^lf  at 'least  half  of 
them,  as  he  had  often' •aoireoefoK.  Tb^'lVereiBre  kcMsied  bim  as  a 
friend,  while  lome  came  up  behind  him,  and  stablied  him  to  the  heart. 

But  for  the  French,  the  Iroquoisf  had  now  been  complete  masten  of 

*  No  one  can  tell  when  ntxt  winttr  wm,  that  ii,  what  year  it  was  in,  by  any  con- 
nection  in  CoUm't  test ;  he  i*  m  exceedingly  loote  with  regan*  to  dales ;  but  according 
to  Charltnoix  it  was  in  1646. 

t  We  should  long  ago  have  laid  the  I'oUowing  note  on  t'jis  name  in  the  way  of  the 
reader  >-"  Le  nom  d'lroquois  est  puremnt  Fran9ois,  el  a  ct6  tonuk  du  terme  Hirt, 


I» 


PEISKARET. 


(Boot  V 


«U  Um  D<Ntb«n)  and  wmmto  rafioo^ ;  and  wom  b«v«  obwrraii, 
Uwy  kaowQ  the  wmIhmw  of  UKMe  white  iHsigbboi%  ai  Um  time 
qifmefnfi  tbe  AlgoniuiiiM,  neer  Quebec,  they  might 
tiM  ooHMqr  of  theai  «ka, 


they 


oa  Hrro,  ooi  liiRMe,  J'M  rfil ;  et  par  lltniel  cm  MunM  Mmmi  law  *r^^  > 

c^auM Im Ul&M fUtoieal mimMi per iMr  DM;  tuiiKmit,^  «lM«i,l 

ttimmm  lonqii'ea  le  praaoMC  •■  tre&Mal,  e|  iwrtM  d«  jajre,  i|BaMi  ••  k  |w«MeM  nlw 
court.  Lwir  mmb  ympM  Mt  Agcmmtuioimi,  {—•  p.  X,  b.  v.)  qjoi  vmI  diie 
FaiMnrnUCatmrnu i  Mraeqei'MiM  UiiuMU btaucoup pliit Miidta, tm  la  p%af* 
dM  uilTM  Sauvam."    CMrMtfiac,  i.  tTO-l,  wft  mmw  IMS. 

This  note  contaw  aicaedlagty  vataaUa  men,  aa  will  te  aaaa  k*  aaaaaf 
wilMlwMia  Aaiifcl,  MiKttmmr,  to.    aaaalaeaoia*p.40,l>.Hl.anUa. 


iiNia 


,..,.,^  '«      !•      ,1 


•  *?••••■.  •: 


»,«,_•  V  •  fc—^     '    s  _,j*  •        i»a#'»         «       I 


j-1 


'^  t 

1  •ium 


(Bow  % 


e 


VMl    Sl« 


.1  . 

fi 

■'■t 

ft 

,     J 


■Vi 

■.? 

& 

■t 


.It 


.IJ 


■■1?'  * 


ST  TO  LOVERS  OF  BOOKS.  .01 


PERKINS'S 

ANTIQUARIAN    BOOKSTORE, 

66  GOBNBILL,   rOEMBKLT  MaBKBT  BtBBBT, 


Mwt    Wttm 


BOSTON, 

md  mi^  mm  p/lki  Hml  in  the  tMMt  BUtm.  . 
I,  «m(,  Im  tki  wmmriiKg  paim  »/  iu  emimUmr,  hu 
DipotUorf  tf  ilNfJMl  ttmi  Mtiim  Btkm*  md  1 
aiafo  olffteti  «rt  tH^  m  /Mm» 


LtUrwtmt.    Iu 


To  colled, aadkaepeoMUiiUyfcrariOidlkiMit  of  valaable  Nntmi  Bttmi-kmd 
Books,  ud  U>  aflord  Umib  mmOi  Mmt  Iki  tommvm  rtUU  frkf. 


III. 
IV. 


To  iMko  it  eipocially  a  d«pa«itory  of  Bieimihrntd  CloHicai  ud  Seiwol  Books,  wfcw 
suidoou  aM  oUwra  nay  eiehaagr  suck  works  as  dwjr  kavo  ao  Atftkar  use  fcr, 
for  BOW  oMs.  or  others  second-head,  sack  as  ikey  aay  want 

Tkal  Ikereby  Books  used  in  CoIIoms,  Acadcwies,  aad  Cohusmm  Sekoois,  wa*j  al- 
ways bo  kad,  (and  often  a*  fCMMas  new.)  for  abont  half  tko  origiMi  cost 

To  keep  aa  assortment  of  the  most  suitable  works  for  geallcaMa's  Kbrafies,  also 
for  all  public  libraries,  upon  the  same  reasouable  tarau. 


y.  Aad,  in  particular,  to  colleiet  works  of  every  description  relnliag  lo  tka  history 
the  United  Stales  of  America,  feaeral  aad  particular  y   stick,  fiiresaas|iia,  as 


of  Am«riM> 
v.Svo.  Lnim, 


i)iiM|mjanBiecn|iliri 
"(JellMtioa  oTAflMiicaa 


BtlKMp>rb?  DuipJilm, 


■•To- 
ll. 

4(0. 


riTsaiSa 


iTna—ntMit 


aiwyy 


JImong  the  Local  HiUmriu  mra  thoae  ^ 

Salem— Portland— Portsmouth— Wororsler  Co.— Watertown  Qnincy— Coacerd— 
and  of  various  other  towns  in  N.  England  ^Philadelphia*— Wyoasing—Loag-IslaBd 
— Tryon  Co.~4bc.  &c. 


Among  Iha  Vmfoges  and  TrmveU  <if  tho$e  whon  wvrkt  are 

Ihsftalhu, 
.•iMhin, 


hulls. 


xe-Wainsr, 


Irsekenridf*, 

tsrpjr, 

twisfal. 

iSri 

ismioa. 


Th*  fottmomg  Stmdmrd  Workt  vtay  he  ftrtieularited  .— 
N.  Americaa,  Edinburgh  and  Quarteriy  Reviews    Eaewitniediaa— Webster,  John- 


ana  and  Walker,  Worcester  and  Bailey's  Dictionaries— Qnarto,  Octavo,  School,  Peari 
aad  Diamond  and  Polyglot  Biblos-^Aiaepbus,  Rollin,  Hume,  Giblion  and  Clarendon's 
Histories-Johnson,  Byron,  Smollett,  Sterne,  Goldsmith.  Cowper,  Younff  and  Milton's 
Works— Scolt's  BiMo— Calmet's  Dictionary  of  the  Bible— Crudea's  Concordancfr— 
Aiken,  Haslitt  and  Soulhey's  British  Poets— Lawrence's  Lectures— Nichobon's 
Operative  Ifechanio— Neal's  History  of  the  Purilaaa-Jefleraon's  Work»>-Fferinison-s 
Rome  Gillies'  Greece— Godman's  Natural  History— 'fielding,  Pope,  Scott,  Moore, 
Bkakspearci  Phitarch,  Bonyan  and  Addison's  Works. 

Also  Wntinr  and  Letter  Paper — Albums— A  great  variety  of  Novala  Works  oa 
Malkemalies,  Medicine,  Law,  Theology,  Agriculture, &c.  Ace.  fCrMmtg  ^thtaboee  in 
fmmlititi. 

07  M  gtntr«i,any  booKi  m  hand  will  I  i  EXCHANGED  for  olhtri,—All  old  Trtutt, 
Pamaldets,  or  Bookt,  rdating  to  the  history  of  thii  country,  wili  be  received  in  payment 
iff  othtrs,  or  CASH  giotn  for  thtm,  if  noMMr. 

BORT^*  '>  •'«■•  18S4. 


»A^' 


<k 


„■»  M'f-'.-  ft!'"'  > 


Abbach 

Abbigct 

Islan 

Abdat, 

Abempi 

quid 

Aberem 

Saga 

Abigaii 

Acanoo 

derci 

Aeeomf 

Achiout 

Adam, 

plot  c 

AmHo, 

kui.— 

tbei! 

ehara 

prise 

death 

Adiman 

Dudk 

Agodoa 

theme 

Agona 

AgiBtlm 

Manma 

ragan 

Ahaion, 

Ahattav, 

atNa 

Ahmoau 

5S. 

Ahyome 

Aittton, 

scots, 

Akkomp 

Alderma 

He  d< 

—Kill 

AUxand 

seills 

Island 

Claimi 

iwfn.- 

Histoi 


INDEX 


ro  TK* 


NAMES   OF   THE   INDIANS. 


A. 

AUackiktBood.— Sec  Obtchitftrootl. 

AbbigadatMtt,  uii  rastrrn  rhiel',  tells  Swnii 
isliuul  (o  the  wliitus,  iii,  !)G. 

Abdai,  a  Narragiuisct,  ii,  98. 

Abtnpud,  treaciiurnu^ly  loixcd  at  Pemma- 
quid  and  put  u>  (luatfi,  iii,  1 19. 

AberemM,  amon^  iha  first  who  visited  the 
Sag^abolc  colony,  ii,  4. 

Abigail,  dau|;bter  of  Nauepasltemel,  ii,  41. 

Acatwofas,  sat  with  the  jury  upon  the  mur- 
derers of  SaMtamoH,  iii,  14. 

Aeeompanet  Jenues,  a  Nipmuk,  iii,  79. 

Achiout-Set  Half-tomn, 

Adam,  implicates  the  Dutch  in  the  alleged 
plot  of  Nimgret,  ii,  79. 

Aaario,  a  Huron,  his  exploit  at  Kadarak- 
kui.— Sottoretri.— Hismarriage.-^TalM 
the  Rat,  v,  ft.— CJalled  Kondiaroak.— HI* 
character.— Further  account  of  the  sur- 
prise of  the  ambassadors,  159-^.— His 
death,  154. — Monumental  inscription,  1A6. 

Aiiuando,  iii,  113.— Treats  with  Gov. 
Dudley  at  Casco,  116. 

Agodoaiemago,tL  Tarratine,  son  of  Ifos- 
ihemelt,  iii,  98. 

Agona,  a  chief  on  the  Bt.  Croix  Hirer,  ii,  S, 

Juemttondongma*,  called  Oood-pHer,  ▼,  86. 

Marmanpowet,  counsellor  amaii|;  the  Nar- 
ragansets,  iii,  41. 

AhcSon,  counsellor  to  Wamtpatttck,  ii,  45. 

Ahattatcanee,  ruler  of  the  prayings  Indians 
at  Nashobah,  ii,  117. 

Ahawayetiquaine,  wife  of  Wiimtpmrtttt,  ii, 
53. 

Ahyomeaeghi.    See  Brant,  John, 

Aitlton,  Joftfijpresent  chief  of  the  Poiob- 
scots,  iii,  197. 

AJkkompoin.  ii,  97.    See  Vneompom. 

Alderman,  nis  brother,  killed  by  PhiNf.— 
He  deserts  PkUip  and  ioiM  the  whites. 
— KillsPAt{w,iii,S5,96. 

Alexander,  or  tVamttitta.  son  of  Maiaasoit, 
sells  lands  at  Rehobotb.— Sells  Hog 
Island,  ii,  96.>— Time  of  his  death,  97.— 
Claims  Quabaog,  103.— Called  Jfooo- 
wm.— Why  named  AUxamder,  iii,  1.— 
History  of  his  wife  Wtiamoo,  9,  S,  4.^ 


Captured  by  HIiu/oir.^-The  manner  of 

hi*  death,  6.— CallriJ  HviHi'imtl,  li!.— His 

ill  treatment  not  tiie  only  rause  of  Philip' i 

war,  17. 
AlHmripa,  touaw  farhem  urnr  Yobogaay. 

— viiiiad  Dy  U'lu/itfi^foH.  v,  23. 
Amey,  wile  oi  Tutpaquim,  iii,  A3..— Called 

also  ^MM,  54. 
Awtet,*  Wainpanoa^.  serves  the  English 

in  PfiUJlp'*  War.— tlis  endeavor  to  sur- 

K'le   TwosoR  (ails.— His  volnr  iu  the 
wtncket  FigtM.— EKapes  its  oarnago 

by  a  siraiagem.— A  captain  unil«r  Church 

in  the  eastern  wars,  iii,  89. 
AtmmtMn,  a  Nipnitk,  praying  Indian,  ii. 

56. 
Aml*r*9H,  a  Chickasau,  in  St.  Clair's  ex- 

pwUiioQ,  i*,  57. 
Amirtto,  a  praying  Indian,  a  Nipmuk,  bar- 

baraosly  shot  by  the  Englisli,  iii,  79.— 

Unfortunately  in  a  suspicious  situation, 

80. 
Andrtw,  a  Tarratine  chief,  iii.  lOS.^A 

Christian,  106.— Attacks  Berwick,  109. 
ilMNOiMN,  a  Wampanoag  captain,  serves 

under  Maua$oit  against  the  Mohawks, 

ii.  15.— His  tales  of  loud,  iii,  15,  16.— 

Eacapet  when  Philip  was  killed,  36.- 

Particulars  in  his  history,  46. — Pursued 

hy  Capt.  Church,  48.— Is  captured  by 

hua,  49.— His  speech  to  Church,  50.— 

Executed  at  Plimouth^  51. 
AtmuMn'*  Rock,  dewription  of,  iii,  43, 
Anttifpo,  a  Narnunnsel,  ii,  108. 
AnmmpaA.    See  Kumpiuh. 
AptatMo.    See  Epanom. 
AptmimaU,  a  Wampanoag,  deeds  land 

with  PMttp  and  others,  iii,  14. 
Af^nmtmbSet,  a  Chikasau  chief,  iv,  57. 
Afietaqiaih,  a  Wampanoag,  iii,  14, 17. 
ArtMhoH,  sachem  of  the  Potoniack,  i,  96. 
ArmkawikKobetHt,   a   Tarratine   warrior, 

taken  and  put  to  death,  iii,  lllj  112. 
A»eatMa$totii,  a  Long  Island  chief,  ii,  73. 

—Makes  war  with  the  Narragansels.— 

Progress  of  that  war,  80,  81 . 
AAttKwunimth,  a  Wampanoar,  iii,  6S. 
AMhptloHj  a  Nipmuk  chief.— A  benevolent 

man,  iii,  81. 


INDEX  TO  THE  NAMES  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


Atolitmnel.a  Narragaiuet  chi',*,  ligui  the 

deed  of  Rhode  Island,  ii,  61. 
Atpiiut,  aacbcin  of  Nauiet,  protects  a  lost 
Eiij^lish  boy,  ii,  II.— Very  useful  to  the 
whites,  13. 
Atpinquid,  a  sachem  of  Maine,  ii,  91. 

Asqutuel  John,  a  Nipmuk,  iii,  79. 

AtnacambuU,  a  Tarratioe,  invests  Casco,  iii, 
IM.— At  thelakiDEof  St.  Johns,  130.— "A 
bloody  Devil."— One  of  the  most  puissant 
sarhcms.— Visits  France.— Interview 
with  the  king. — Accompanies  Rouville  to 
attack  N.  England,  131.— They  fall  upon 
and  sack  Haverhill,  in  Mass.— Is  wounded 
in  the  retreat.— Dies  in  Maine,  13S. 

Atsaeumet,  a  N.  England  Indian,  carried 
to  England  by  Capt.  Weymouth.— Sent 
by  Gorges  to  aid  Capt.  Challons  in  a 
voyage  to  N.  Englana.— Falls  into  the 
bauds  of  the  Spaniards,  ii,  3.— Gets  back 
to  Eng.  again,  7. 

Asaiminatqua,  a  cruui  sachem  among  the 
Tarraiines,  iii,  100.— Meets  Eng.  in  coun- 
cil..—Makes  speech  to  them,  101. 

Assowetough,  daughter  of  John  SuMtamon. 
—('ailed  by  the  English,  BeUy,  iii,  9.— 
Assaweia,  u4. 

Asitliiiiequin.—See  MastasoU. 

AttakuUakuUa,  a  distinguished  Creek  chief, 
iv,  37.— Saves  thrives  of  several  whites. 
— Speech  on  the  occasion,  28. — Treats 
will)  the  Carolinians,  29.— Befriends  them 
nAer  they  had  massacred  hostages,  30^- 
Defeats  the  plans  of  Ockonottota, — His 
interview  witn  Mr.  Bartram  the  younger, 
31.— Visited  England,  67,  n. 

Atlawanj—See  NaUaluOtaitianti, 

Alunkamomake.    See  Tatanumok. 

Aumsaaquen,  u  Narraganset,  ii,  98. 

Awattquin,  a  Nm  raganset  chief,  ii,  69, 70. 

Ateaihanoe,  a  Nariagansct  chief,  ii.  98. 

Aioathaw,  a  Narraganset,  examined  at  Bos- 
ton, ii,  77.^— Demands  of  Eng.  their  au- 
thority for  their  accusations  against  Nm- 
igret,  78.— Witness,  83.— Messenger,  93. 

Awashonks,  squaw  sachem  of  the  Bogko- 
nates,  iii..62.»-Her  letter  to  Gov.  Prince, 
63.— Sells  land  to  John  Almy^  64.^oin8 
Philip  in  the  war,  66.    .  ' 


B. 

Barnard,  a  Creek  chief  of  the  Uchies.— 

Noticed  in  the  fight  at  Autossee,  iv,  U. 
Barrow   Sam,  a  Wampanoag,  iii,   SI.— 

Taken  and  put  to  death,  £9. 
Btn — See  Petananuet. 
Betokam,  Simon,  Christian  Natik,  ii,  117. 
BtUy.^w  Atsowetoufrh. 
Bewat,  sells  lands,  with  others,  on  Cape 

Cod,  iii,  54. 
Bif[-cat,  a  Delaware,  v,  46. 
Btjg-elk.—See  Ongpatonga. 
Bv-Jire,  a  Seneca  chief,  v,  83. 
Btjf-kettie,  a  Seneca  chief,  v,  90. 
Bv'tree,  a  Seneca  chief,  v.  91.— Dies  at 

Philadelphia,  94. 
Black-bujfiilo,  a  Sioux  chief,  dies,  v,  114, 


Black-hamk,  chief  of  ihiB  Sacs  and  Foxes,  v, 
123.— AtMcks  some  boats  with  suppiiea 
for  Fort  Snelling,  134.— Imprisoned,  136. 
Heads  the  Sac  warriors.^-Great  abilities 
in  negotiations.— Defeats  the  whiles  under 
Slillman,  136.— Makes  a  stand,  bat  is 
driven  from  it,  137.— Fighu  them  at 
Wapashaws. — Is  defeated!— Makes  his 
escape,  128.— His  papers  found  after  his 
flight,  129.— Charges  the  whitei  with 
firing  upon  his  peace  flags.— Is  captured 
by  some  WinneDagoes,  130. — ^His  opeecb 
on  being  deliverea  to  the  whites,  136,  7. 
—Place  of  bis  capture,  131.— Description 
of  his  penon.—tfayrai/Uhoantharp,  132. 
^Held  with  others  as  a  hostage,  133.— 
Cooducied  to  Washington.— Speeches  lo 
President  Jackson,  134,  6.-^ent  lo  Foil 
Monroe,  135.^ View  of  the  conduct  of  the 
whites  in  the  war,  13(i  —Speech  lo  Col. 
Eustis. — Released  from  Monroe. — Visii!> 
a  74  at  Gosport,  139.— Meets  President 
Jackson  at  Baltimore,  140.— Arrives  at 
Philadelphia.- A  speech,  141.— Arrival 
atN.York,142.— At  Albanv. — Inicrvicw 
with  the  Senecas,  145.— Arrives  at  his 
place  of  liberation,  146..— Proceedings  nu 
meeting  his  countrymen,  147—151. 

Black-kettle,  an  Onondago  chief,  v,  Hi.— 
Defeats  the  French  under  De  Caliien-s, 
6.— Called  Chaudiere  Noire,  by  the 
French,  161. — Fired  by  the  runduct  of 
the  French.— Defeats  them  at  Oiioway 
River,  152.  Attacks  and  kills  Lussig- 
nan.— Is  treacherously  killed  by  some 
Algonquins,  153. 

Black-thunder,  a  Fox,  a  celebrated  speech 
of,  V,  113. 

Black-sachem,  iii,  63.— See  Watu$f>aquin. 

Btack-tvilliam. — See  Manatahquu. 

Blind-mil,  a  sathem  at  Newicbawannok, 
murdered  by  the  Mohawks,  iii,  ISO. 

Blinkney,  a  Seneca  chief,  v,  90. 

Blount,  John,  a  Seminole,  iv,  60. 

Blue-jacket,  or  Weyapierienwme,  defeated 
by  Wayne  at  Presque  Isle,  v,  68.— JCo- 
operates  with  Tecunueh,  103. 

Blue-sky,  a  Seneca  chief,  v,  83. 

Bomaxeen,  a  Tarraiine,  sachem  of  the  Nor- 
ridgewoks,  treats  with  Gov.  Phips.— A 
prisoner  at  Boston.^Saves  the  Hie  <if  a 
female  captive.— Attacks  Saco.— A 
speech,  iii,  111.— His  accoui^  of  the 
religion  taught  the  Indians  by  the  French. 
— ^At  the  treaty  of  Casco,  116.>— Gives 
information  of  the  designs  of  the  French, 
117.— Killed  near  Taconnel,  iii.  111. 

Bow-legs,  n  Seminole  war  chief,  wounded  in 
a  fight  with  Gen.  Newman,  iv,  61. 

Brant,  John,  or Ahyomcaeghs,  son  of  Jliay- 
endaneea,  visits  England  v,  68. — Member 
of  the  assembly  ofCanada,  70. 

Brant,  Joseph,  or  Theyendaneca,  a  Mohawk 
chief.^^ent  to  Moor's  Indian  school.- 
Goes  to  England. — ^Writes  a  letter  lo  llic 
Oneidas,  v,  60.— .On  the  British  side  in 
the  revolution,— Hi!)  interview  with  Gen. 
Herkimer,— Under  St.  Lcger  invests  Fort 
Stanwix,  61.— Kills  a  man  near  Cherry 


INDEX  TO  THE  NAMES  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


>aneT,  6S.— Hif  letter  to  Carr.— AflUr 
of  Wyoming;,  66->48.— Destroy  t  Cher^* 
vmlley,  69.— Defekied  by  Gen.  Poor,  lO. 
— DMtroyt  Miiiisiiik,ll.*-Hit  daughter'* 
husband  killed  by  the  Indians.— Visits 
Philadelphia,  7S.— His  marria^,  74.^ 
Kills  a  son,  7B.— Notice  of  his  visit  to 
England,  76.— Dies,  74. 

Brant,  Mmy,  eompajuon  to  Sir  William 
Johnson,  v,  60. 

Broad-faeed-wiUi^  Sogkonate,  iii,  63. 

Bumham.—8ee  PumHam. 

BuokottgtJuUu,  head  war  chief  of  the 
Deiawares.— Alanns  Gnadenhoetten. — 
Speech  to  the  Christian  Indians,  v.  43.— 
Rebukes  the  murderers  of  May.  Trueman, 
44.— Makes  a  speech  to  them,  46. 


0. 

Cananaetu,  or  Canomeui,  iii,  4,1.— jk 
brother  of  Miantuimomoh,  called  also  Co- 
tequoMceJ] 

Canaitatego,  an  Onondaxo,  repeats  a 
speech  ofShikellimus.- Mnkesaspeech  lo 
some  Deiawares,  11.— Anecdotes  of,  13. 

CanoncA<t.— ^ee  NammUnoo. 

CanomeuM,  chief  sachem  of  the  Narrann- 
seto.— His  war  with  the  PequoU,  ii,  «.- 
Events  of  his  life,  48,atc.— Justly  incensed 
at  the  Enc.  for  their  murder  of  MiinAm- 
tumoh,  ^— The  son  of  Tashtassuck,  48, 
Sends  a  bundle  of  arrows  to  Plimouth, 
SO.— Two  sons  slain  in  the  war  with 
Uncas.— Extracts  from  a  poem  upon  his 
memory,  51.— Superstitious,  52.— Aids 
Eag.  against  the  Pequots,  68. — Deeds 
Aquidnek  to  Roger  Williams  and  others, 
61, 82.— Shields  the  fiigitive  PequoU,  106. 
—Exculpates  himself,  107.— Date  of  his 
death,  48. 

Catmcuartah,  murdered  in  prison,  in  Caro- 
lina, iv,  39. 

Coihawaihet,  brother-in-law  to  Ninigret,  ii, 
68.— Governor  of  Wekapaug,  109. — 
Harmon  Garret,  110.— Ca«ftetoa«Ae<f,  iii, 
14. 

CatMoutimuunon,  implicated  in  a  plot  of 
Uncas,  ii,  99.— Fixes  the  bounds  of  We- 
kapaug, 109. — Fights  for  the  whites  in 
Philip's  war,  110.— At  the  capture  of 
Nanuntenoo,  iii,  44. 

Catapaxat,  a  Narraganset,  visits  Boston  as 
ambassador  of  bis  nation,  ii,  83.-^om- 
mands  a  party  under  Denitan,  iii.  44. 

Catataugh,  sachem  of  Virginia,  ana  brother 
(^Powhatan,  iv,  13. 

Colo,  a  NipmuK,  sells  Sudbury  to  the  Eng- 
lish, ii,  a9. 

CcuuMtant,  a  famous  Wampanoar,  ii,  37. 
-^tandish  goes  against  him,  38. — His 
wife  entertains  some  English,  30. 

Chatlar,  aWinnebaco,  one  who  captures 
Blaek-hawk,  v,  130.--^peeeh  of,  on  de- 
livering him  to  the  whites,  131. 

Chatteo,  discovers  the  plot  of  OpctaiiAano, 
which  stays  his  massacre,  iv,  iS. 

Chutaiuni,  a  Gbikasau,  iv,  56> 


CA«eiN«^gteoN,  deeds  lands  with  MetacoaMt, 
iii,  15. 

Chief-warrior,  or  Ltumeluhtwa,  a  Senees 
chief,  V,  90. 

Chikatabak,  sachem  of  Matsaehusetu,  ii, 
39, 34.— Aids  Canonicus  against  the  Pe- 
quoU, 43.— Speech,  44.— Dies,  46. 

OikaUadnU,  Josias,  son  of  the  'precedisf , 
ii,  46.— His  war  with  the  Mohawks.— 
Killed,  ib. 

Chikatomo,  destroys  boaU  on  the  Ohio,  v, 
48-51.— Killed,  61 

ChikoH,  a  Narraganset  capuin,  slain  in 
Philip's  war.  iii,  74. 

Chimot^h,  a  Narraganset  commissioner,  ii, 

Chumaby,  a  Creek  chief,  besieged  by  his 
countrymen,  and  relieved  by  Gen.  Jack- 
son, iv,  49. 

Chitquatalone,  a  Cherokee,  murdered  by 
the  whites,  while  in  prison,  iv,  29. 

ChUHe,  a  Cherokee,  iv,  39. 

Choeorua,  his  melancholjr  fate,  iii,  98. 

Choo,  John,  a  Nipmtik,  iii,  79. 

Chiueco,  cnief  of  the  Seminoles.^loes 
with  Col.  Montgomery  against  the  Cher- 
okees.— A  powwow,  iv,  32.- Withstands 
the  temptation  of  ardent  spiriu,  33. 

Chutabeechtf  a  Creek  chief,  iv,  26. 

Cleopatre,  sister  of  the  molner  of  Opekan- 
kano,  iv,  34. 

Clapttah,ai  Creek  chief,  goes  to  Eng.  with 
^r  A.  Cumming,  iv,  67. 

Cloud,  Capt.  a  Seneca  chief,  v,  90. 

Cogirtaquan.—^tt  Confanaquond. 

CMwrt,  Gen.  W.  great  chief  of  the  Chik- 
asaus,  iv,  66.-^9ee  Piomingo. 

Colburt  Jamti,  interpreter,  iv,  56. 

Cold,  Capt.  a  Seneca  chief,  v,  90. 

CoUamtak,  a  Creek  chief  goes  to  Eng.  with 
Sir  A.  Cumming,  iv,  67. 

Coitfanaquond  [same  called  Canonieut,  in 


Philip's  war,]ii,  61.— [Brother  of  JIAon- 
(i<mioino/i.]~-A  receipt  from,  ii,  59,  60,  n. 

ColUetehee,  a  Chikasau,  iv,  66. 

Coneeoiuun,  carried  to  Eng.  by  Harlow,  ii, 
6.— Canocum,  Conteonam,  &.— Tragedy 
at  his  residence,  31. 

Cotneatf.  Peter,  a  Nipmuk,  an  ambassador 
in  Philip's  war,  iii,  87,  88. 

Cook,  iVeguath,  a  Narraganset,  ii,  97. 

Cornman,  Narrasanset,  ambassador  from 
Knigrtt,  iii,  41. 

Com-flant,  a  Seneca  chief,  his  account  of 
fraud  practised  by  whites  on  the  Indians, 
i,  38.— Holds  money  in  trust  for  his  nation, 
V,  91.^Makes  famous  speech  to  Pres. 
Washington,  93.— A  half-breed. — Sends 
letter  to  Gov.  Pennsylvania,  94, 96. — One 
to  Coiurress,  96.— Receives  a  present 
ttom  Washington.— Gives  a  ludicrous 
toast  at  a  council,  97.— His  residence, 
96.— fTyan^toaia.- TreaU  at  Fort  Har- 
mer,  91. 

Cormtalk,  chief  leader  in  Cresap's  war,  v, 
26.— Fighu  the  whites  under  Lewis  at 
Kanhawa.— Makes  a  treaty  with  Lord 
Dunmore,  S7.— Cruelly  murdered,  38.>— 
A  great  orator,  30. 


V 


INDEX  TO  THE  NAMES  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


Coicetchcj  a_  Cherokee,  murdered  in  priton 

l>}-  (he  while*,  iv,  29. 
Cquatquacontt.JolM,  a  Nipmuk,  ili,  79. 
Crane.— See  Tarlie. 
Cunigacatgoae,  »  warrior  under  OckoHot- 

tola,  iv,  31. 
CiiUluwwtiH,     Cutehanuikin,     &c.— See 

Kutshamakin. 
CuUaquiii,  a  Narragantet,  attempts  the  life 

of  Cncns,  ii,  7S.-~Occasion  of  it,  IS. 


D. 

Daniel. — See  Nee$ouweegim,  ii,    110. — ^A 


Watnpanoag,  ill,  53. 
Capt,,  commi 
under  Church,  in  the  eattem  wart, 


Daniel,  Capt,,_commaad*  an  Indian  com 

Dtie 


III, 

David,  a  Nipmuk,  accuiie*  his  countrymen. 
—Sold  into  slavery,  iii,  19. 

Decard,  John,  a  Seneca  chief,  v,  2i. 

Decorie,  a  Winnebago,  capture*  Black- 
hawk. — Makes  a  loug  ipeecb  on  deliver- 
iug  iiini  lo  tlie  whites,  130—132. 

Deltamda,  carried  to  England  by  Wey- 
mouth, ii, 3.— Sails  for  N.  Enf .  with  I^rin. 
-^Accompanies  the  Sagadahock  colony, 
4. 

Dekani$ora,  a  sreat  Onondago  chief,  taken 

firisoner  by  Black-kettle,  v,  153.— Set  at 
iberty,  164.— Particular  account  of  him, 

168. 
Devil'a-rrimrod,  kills  himself,  i,  18. 
Dewando.—ScQ  Adiwando, 
Dominic-peter,  an  Iroquois,  v,  86. 
Oonacona,  a  ciiicf  earned  to  France.- Dies, 

ii,2. 
Dony,  a  Frenchman,  adopts   the   Indian 

manner  of  life.— Among  the  Androscog. 

—Trouble  with  Dt  la  Tour.- His  fort 

taken  byCAurcAiiii,  114.— fIghtstheEng. 

in  Saco  river,  116.— Sol'm  Vony,  116. 

■   .  .  .■    :  iViV.ii    rtr, 

■■■■  ;;tf> .  B. 

Eeonchalimteo,  a  Seminole  chief,  iv,  60, 
Egei-cmet',  a  Tarratlne,  at  the  attack  on 

Wells,   iii,   103.— Treacherously  seized 

and  killed,  112. — Mentioned  in  the  Mag- 

nalia  with  singular  contempt,  113. 
ElUnipsico,  sou  of,  Conufou.— Murdered 

in  a  barbarous  manner  by  whiles,  v,  29. 
Ellskwatawa,  brother  of  TecMmteh,  called 

the  Prophet,  v.  lOT. 
Emathhchee,  a  Seminole  chief,  iv,  60. 
Emiitesiiigo.—^ee  GuritUrnMO. 
E:italt-tlutikko.hopoiee,  aged  King  of  Au- 

tossee,  taken,  iv,  55, 
Ensenore,  a  Virginia  chief,  known  at  its 

first  settlement,  iv,  S.^His  death,  4. 
Epanow,  a  Wainpanoar,  taken  from  Ca- 

poge  by  Capt.   Harlow,  ii,  5.— <£ir  F. 

Gorges'  account  of,  6, 7.— Attack*  Capt. 

Denner.— Hazardous  escape  from  a  ship, 

8.— Apannow  supposed  to  be  the  same, 

29. 
Ephraim,  Peter,  ambassador  in   Philip's 

war,  iii,  QZ.—PhUip  orders  bit  men  t9  kill 


him,  85.— Marche*  to  relieve  Rebobolk< 

89. 
Euaboo,  a  Creek  chief,  iv,  S6. 
EuaevmbuU.    See  Auaeambmt. 
Etotmibuitmiggc,  a  Creek  chief,  eiecnted 

wUh  MBitoth,  iv,  47. 
EUnoolikoam,  one  of  the  Iroquois  chieft  who 

visited  Enr.  in  1710.  v,  7. 
Ettiiiye,  a  Chikatau  cnief,  iv,  66. 
£io<n^*o,  a  Narragantet,  ii,  98.  f 

P.  '' 

Farmer' s-brothtr,  a  iaicout  Seneca  chief, 
V,  85.— Joins  the  Americans  in  the  war 
of  1812.>>-Honorab1y  mentioned.— Hom- 
vmeiM,  87.— A  great  orator.— Speech  to 
legislature  of  N.  York,  88, 89.— Letter  to 
Col.  Eustis,  90. 

FeUte,  a  Wampanoag,  marries  daughter  of 
John  Satsamon,  iii,  8.»-Lands  confirmed 
to  him  by  the  English,  9. 

J^€/tjr,  Tmmat,  son  of  tne  preceding,  iii,  9. 

Fife,  Jim,  Creek  chief  of  Talladega,  joint 
Gen.  Jaclcton,  in  the  war  of  1812,  iv,  53. 

FbielUn,  a  Tarratine  chief,  iii,  91 . 

Foxon.  evidence  for  Uncas,  ii,  99, 100. 

Francu,  a  Seminole.— See  Hillithago.       ^ 

FroNcw,  sachem  of  Nauaet,  iii,  92. 

Francii,  chief  captain  of  the  Penobscoti, 
iii,  128. 

Fntmatmh,  a  Narragantct,  ii,  106, 


Oarrtt,  Hmmonj-^ee  Cathtueashet. 

Gdieim*nd.--6w  KtUdmtnd, 

Geojrey,  a  Tarratine,  lOS.— A  Christian 
Indian,  106. 

Oeorge,  Stfcmore.— See  Wimupurkilt. 

Georgt,  a  Wampanoag  of  SoEkonate.— 
His  friendship  to  Church,  iii,  66. 

George,  Jonathan,  a  Nipmuk,  ii,  117.         .\ 

OufeoM.— See  Queniegunent. 

GiUaUe,  a  Creek  chief,  iv.  26. 

Glikkiian,  counsellor  to  Pakanke. — Be- 
comes a  Moravian  Christian.— Called 
/«(uic,— Great  services  to  the  brethren,  v, 
13.>^peech  to  Ha{f-king,  14.— Seized 
and  tbf^alened  with  death.— Preserved 
by  f/a(^'i^.— Murdered,  15. 

Good-peter,  a  Seneca,  v,  86.— Taken  pris- 
oner, tn% 

Grand-tun,  chief  of  the  Natchez.— Ill 
treated  by  the  French.— Plots  their  d*;- 
struelion,  iv,  S6.— Massacres  700  people. 
— Fliet  his  country.— Is  pursued  tj\^ 
taken  prisoner,  37. 

Grand'  t?M«v/«.-— See  Granfiula. 

CrmfotMrno,  a  Virginia  chief.— Entertains 
the  first  voyagers  to  that  coast,  iv,  ft;— 
Hit  family,  6. 

Grangiita,  an  Oaqudago,  meets  and  makfip 
a  famous  speech  to  the  French  ^vernor, 
v,  2, 3, 4,— A  Nestor  of  hi^  nation,  0.-> 
Called  by  the  French  OramP  Chiftitf, 
151,  If. 


INDBX  TO  THE  ItAMEfl  OP  THE  INDIANS. 


Ortal-mortar,  a  imfiioai  MuMogre  chwf,  iv, 
38* 

Otmnitkil,  a  Nlpmuk  iaeiMm,  wfiCM  a  tel- 
ler about  exehaagiay  priioMn  io  Pbil^'i 
war,  iii,  87. 

OuriiUrtigo,  a  diitiofiliibed  Creek  chiefs 
Hit  fight  with  Geu.  Wayne'i  army,  and 
death,  iv,  70. 

Oyaittmutu—JS^  Conplmittr, 


por. 


Hahabuk,  a  Wampanoag,  eooaaeilor  to 
Wampabiek,  u,  40.— See  Ahatom. 

Hatf-Jtiiig,  a  Huron  chief,  v,  IS.— Hit 
speech  to  ilie  people  of  Lilehtenan,  14.^ 
Called  Pomotean  bv  the  Delawaiet,  30. 
— Vitited  by  WathiaMofl.— Their  inter- 
view.—Hit  ipeech  to  niia,  SI.— Accom- 
panie*  him  in  hit  mittioo  to  the  French, 
SI— AttempU  the  removal  of  the  Mora- 
vian Indiant.— Hit  tpceeh  to  them,  S9.— 
Diffen  with  Pfp*.'— Speech  to  hit  tribe, 
41. 

Hatf-toum,  a  Seneca  chief,  v,  90.— An  agent 
ofhit  nation.  91. 

Heau-jaeob,  ton  of  Camu*attgo,  v,  13. 

Harmon,  Garrtt.-Se»  Cathnotuhett, 

Homtiu,  Jack,  a  Wampanoag,  of  Sogko- 
nate,  Iii,  69. 

Hawktnt.—^e»  Katdtamagia. 

Hawkins,  Ben,  badly  wounded,  by  a  party 
of  Haliibeet,  iv,  vl. 

Hattkint,  Stun,  executed  by  hit  country- 
men, for  beinr  in  ifhUoMt  interett,  iv, 
47. 

Htndriek,  a  gallant  Mohawk  '.-bief.— 47om- 
mandt  a  company  in  the  battle  of  Lake 
Oeorge,  and  it  killed,  v,  S9.— Anecdote, 
34.— Another,  S6. 

Hmgvepiuheet,  a  Delaware,  v,  46. 

Hmry,  Samuel,  a  Wamoanoag,  iii,  Sli,  M. 

Hiaeoomei,  nt  Nartha't  Vineyara,  con- 
verted Io  Christianity,  ii,  118. 

Hide,  Sam,  of  Dedham,aiiecdolet  of.— Hit 
death,  i,  S3. 

Higon,  Neii,  a  Tarratine,  iii,  113, 116, 117, 
118. 

Hillishago,  called  by  the  whitet,  the  Pro- 
phet Frameu.—Wtih  the  British  in  the 
war  of  1812.— Make*  a  stand  at  Eckan- 
akaka,  iv.  53.— Captured  and  makes  his 
escane,  55.->Hit  residenee.-^oes  to 
En<;(aiid.^47onspicuout  in  the  Seminole 
war,  58.— Taken  by  the  whitet  anil 
hanged,  59. 

HiUiivilli,  n  Creek  chief,  maket  a  voyage 
to  England  with  Oen.  Oglethorp,  iv,  96. 

Hin:rmlhi,  a  Cre«k  chief,  goes  with  Gen. 
Ogtelhorp  to  Endand,  iv,  36. 

Hieih,  or  King  of  New  Albion,  civcs  his 
country  Io  Queen  Elizabeth,  ii,  iT. 

Hohomok,  a  Wampanoag.— Serves  the 
Pilgrims  of  Plimoulh.— Ooet  with  Slan- 
diih  against  Caunbitant,  ii,  38.— Inter- 
preter.— Acts  as  umpira  amonghis  coun- 
trymen in  a  case  of  murder,lt9. — Ooet 
with  Standith  against  the  Mattaehusettt, 
1* 


I     39, 36.— A  Pawett,  37^-Oives  the  chai^ 
I     aclerof  JfoMafoit,  40. 
Honeeytthimononm,  an  Iroquoit  lacheai, 

vitits  England,  v,  7. 
Hope,  a  Wampanoag,  a  tage  Indian,  till 

at  the  trial  ot  ihe  murderert  of  SoftamoH, 

iii,  IS. 
HopAood,  a  chief  upon  the  Kennebkek, 

meeU  the  Englidi  in  couneil  at  Taeo» 

net,  iii,  101.— Son  of  HoMsAood.— Aw 

tackt  Berwick.--«alled  Wokitma.-~kU 

taeka  Salmoa-Fallt  and  it  wounded^— 

Killed,  10»-116 
HormtUmei,  a  flunont  Seminole  warrior, 

taken  and  haaftd,  iv,  59. 
Htmter,  Capl.  a  Nipmuk,  a  praying  Indiaa. 

—Pmip  ordert  him  to  be  killed,  iii,  85. 
Hmlmtidtn,  a  Wampanoag,  Keatt  wilh  iIm 

Englith,  ii,  39. 


I. 

BoMccke,  a  Wampanoar,  iii,  S. 

hhkatapfpa,  a  chief  of  tbt  Republican  Paw- 
neei,  V,  116. 

JJtopoMii.— See  OpUdtapM. 

fymoigh,  tachem  of  Cummaquid.— Hit 
courleey  to  the  Pilgrimt  of  Pliuiouth.— 
Hit  melancholy  death,  ii,  11.— Solicited 
to  join  in  a  war  againtt  the  whitet,  31. 


J. 

Jaek-berry,  a  Seneca,  v;  90.— Interpreter  to 
Red^ttiktt.n. 

Jaek'O/'0u-/eather^-aee  NemaUanou). 

Jaek'HroM,  viiiu  Boston  wilh  Wahrum^ 
aeut,  ii,  54.— Goes  to  England,  and  re- 
tides  vrilh  Sir  W.  Ralegh,  56. 

Jaeobt,  Capt.  a  Delaware,  a  premium 
offbriMl  for  his  head,  v,  S3. 

James,  a  Wampanoar,  iii,  62. 

James,  Sagamore.— See  Montowampale. 

Jamet-lhe-printer,  son  of  A/aou.— Served 
a  time  at  prinlinr.— Joint  Philip  in  hit 
war,  ii,  56.— Worict  on  the  Indian  Bible. 
—.4  teacher  among  the  praying  Nipmukt, 
57.— Ambassador  i7.  the  war,  ill,  5S— 79. 

Janemo.—See  Nimgret. 

Japaxaws,  tachem  of  Putomack. — Betray* 
Pocahontas  into  the  hands  of  the  Enfftisn, 
iv,  86.  "      ' 

Jaauette,  PeUr,  an  Oneida  sachem.— 
Accompanies  Lafayette  to  France.— 
Dies  in  Philadelphia,  v,  88. 

Jamasoe,  a  Narraf^set,  li,  98. 

Jeofrey.—See  Qtoffrty. 

Jejfery,  a  Wampainoag,  taken  by  Church, 
iii,  M.—Tamoueesam,  63. 

Jfnuny-Johnson,  a  Seneca,  v,  83. 

Jetkro.~-See  Old-ftthro. 

Jethro,  Peter,  a  Nipmuk,  ill,  79.— Betrays 
many  of  his  frienos  into  the  hands  of  the 
whiles,  80.— Among  others  his  ows 
father,  81.— A  scribe,  87, «. 

Job,  Col.  a  Tarratine,  diet  in  prison  al 
Boston,  iii,  117. 


6 


INDEX  TO  THE  NAMES  Of  THE  INDIANS. 


Juhn-Hum,  a  Wompauoag,  accused  of  Utc 
murder  at  Eel  River  in  Plimoulb,  iii,  57. 
— €k>Dfeue8  it  and  it  executed,  ib. 

Mkn,  Sagamore.— See  WonohaqutUiam. 

John,  sagamore  of  Pawtucket,  ii,  M. 

MuKobh,  ■  Seneca,  v,  83. 

John,  a  Nipmuk,  ionplicated  in  witchcraft 
affair*,  ii,  120. 

Johit-fky,  a  Seneca,  v,  83, 90. 

Joffuntj,  a  Nipmuk,  ii,  fi9. 

Juiepli,  a  Naira|aBset,  iii,54. 

Joseph,  a  Tarratiiie,  cotupieuout  in  Philip't 
war,  iii,  105. 

Jotiah,  Sagamore.— See  Wampatuek, 

Jo$iah,  C(^.— See  Pennabanii,  ii.  116. 

Jotia*.  CltarUt,  the  last  of  the  family  of 
CUkatauifit,  u,  46.— See  Wampahiek, 

Jiukakaka,  a  Delaware,  accoinpaaies 
Wasihington  b  bit  embassy  to  the  French 
of  Ohio. — One  of  the  liKnert  of  the  treaty 
of  Fort  Slanwiz^-^alled  LiUU-billy,  v, 
£t,  9a 

K. 

Kankamagtu,  a  Pennakook  chief,  leader  in 
the  Dover  ma««acr«,  iii,  106.>— Hii  letter 
to  Cranfield^  107.— Hii  liater  killed  at 
Androscogfin,  108.— Treats  with  the 
whites  on  the  water,  iii,  113— llfi. 

KanaJtarifhlon,  a  Seneca  chief,  v,  155. 

Kankunuti,  a  Wampahoag,  iii,  9. 

Kataetoif  a  Cherokee  murdered  in  nrison 
by  whiles,  iv.  jl9, 

Kattttumit,  Job,  a  praying  Indian  among 
the  Nipmukt.— Sierves  the  Eiiglish  in 
Philip't  war.— His  great  labors  in  their 
aft'airs,  iii,  83.— Employed  u  a  spy, 
84,  83.— Mosely^'s  conduct  towards  him, 
85. 

Keewagotuhkum,  an  Ottowa  chief.— -Makes 
an  historical  speech  at  the  Chicago 
treaty,  v,  120^-Hia  son  poisoned,  ifl. 

KeUelatitand,  a  Delaware  chief,  v,  46. 

Keokuk,  chief  of  the  Sacs  and  Foxes,  v, 
129—187,  138.- His  dignified  conduct 
on  the  return  of  Btack-timek  from  among 
the  whites.— Speech  on  the  occasion.- 
Has  three  wives.— 147— 151. 

Ketmebi*.  a  Tarratine,  llrom  whom  is  named 
Kenneneck,  iii,  98. 

Keteeefuim,  causes  the  capture  of  Clark'* 
garrison  at  Eel  River,  i  ,  57. 

ICeyahgwMson,  witnesses  a  deed  of  Brain- 
tree,  ii,  45. 

Keaandtandt,  a  Seneca  chief,  v,  90. 

Kiandogewa,  a  Seneca  chief.— See  Big- 
tret. 

Kienemo.  Bee  Ninigret.  [Hazard  prob- 
ably mistook  the  M.  S.  in  which  i>  was 
taken  for  a,  hence  Kemtmo  I  suppose  to 
beM.S.] 

King-crane,  a  Wyandot.— Liberates  a 
female  captive,  v,  51.— Opposes  Gen. 
ir«yM,  iS^alled  TWA*,  110. 

Knjg-iaim,  a  fluioui  Seminole  captain.— 
Pints  the  Americana  under  Newman, 
aad  ii  killed.— Desperate  fight  over  his 
body,  iv,  61. 


KittagutUt,  Ireau  with  (he  Caroliaiaiiti  iff 

89."  'See  8kiJag^$Ut. 
Koange,  his  speech  at  the  Chicago  Ueaty, 

Komlituvnk.—SM  Adario. 

Konkapot,  Jolm,  a  Slockbridge  chief,  v,  X5i 

Kootooo,  a  Creek  warrior  of  the  tri|« 
Oconas,  iv,  S6. 

KoqutthagaeMm^Sn  WhiU'tyu. 

Kwukaka,  a  brother  of  Teamiek,  v, 
107.  ' 

Kynneuet,  a  Cherokte  chief,  visiu  Wash- 
ington, iv,  56. 

Kuttalega,  a  IMaware  chief.— His  red- 
denee,  v,  S3.  ' 

KutikamakiHf  treats  with  (he  Eng.  of  Mac 
sachusetts,  li,  4ll<— First  sachem  preached 
to  by  Eliot,  46.— Treaty  at  Boston,  47.— 
Sells  Millon  to  the  Ear.— Becomes  a 
Christian,  67. — Goes  wita  them  against 
dw  PequoUj— Kills  some,  which  causes 
the  war,  69j—EHot  preaches  once  a 
week  at  his  wigwam,  69.— Dishonest, 
84.— SiciM  a  Nanjganset  treaty,  98.— 
Claims  dominion  over  the  Nipmuks,  105, 
107, 109.— Sent  on  a  mission  to  Passa- 

,     conaway,  i!i,  9S.— Opposes  Christianity,  * 
ii,  113,  j^ 

LtUUtha,  or  Old-km/e,  v,  116.— Extrapr-  v 
dinary  feat  in  saving  the  life  of  a  female 
captive,  117. 

Light-foot,  a  Wampanoar,  iii,  33.^-His 
acts  in  the  eas(ern  wars,  83. 

XitNc,  John,  a  Wamesit,  ii,  117. 

Liltle-bUh/,  a  Seneca  chief,  v,  90.  ,.i 

LitUe-earpenttr.—^w  AttakuUakuUa. 

LittU-eyes,  a  Wampanoag.  joins  Philip, 
iii,  66.— Taken  by  Church,  83. 

Little-turtle.— SwMi^ikinakioa.  ^ 

Logtt  a  Cayuga  chief,son  of  SkikelHmtu, 
—Origin  of  his  name.— .Some  of  hia 
people  killed  by  Cresap,  v,  SS.*— Others 
of  his  family  murdered.— Takes  revenee. 
.—Saves  the  life  of  a  captive  at  the  stake, 
v,  26.'— Hia  famous  speech,  S!7..— Hit., 
letter  to  Cresap.— Murdered,  v,  28. 

Long-king. — See  Oueekachutnpa,  ..^ 

lA)ng-tearrior.—SM  Chlutio. 

Lnrett,  a  Creek  chief,  fights  for  the  Ameri- 
cans in  (he  Seminole  war^  iv,  47. 

Lomry,  Col.  a  Cherokee  chief,  v'mts  Wash- 
ington, iv,56. 

M. 

Mnd-dog,  chief  of  the  Upper  Creeks.—  • 
Opposes  the  measures  of  Bowles,  iv,  40. 
— His  son  serves  (he  Americans  in  the 
war  of  1812.— Gives  the  character  of  the 
Spanish  Gov.  of  Florida.— A  Tukaba- 
cliie,  41.— In  the  battle  of  Autossce,  ,t 
iv,51 

Madekmoando^n.  Tarratine  sachem  of  great 
authority.— 'Forced  into  PhiUp'tyat  by 
the  bod  conduct  of  the  whites,  iii,  100.— 
Holds  a  council  with  (hem  at  Taconnet^- 


INDBX  ID  THE  NAKM  W  THE  INDUNS. 


•^^ 


Makea  » tpMch,  101,^— Kind  le  eaptivM. 
>-TrMto  whb  ibo  Eiif .  at  Wellt,  10t<— 
'rkrMUoM  Um  Eiurfitti,  lOS.'^UiMj— Hii 
dwigliier  marriw  CMteiot  104» 

Magnt*,  a  squaw  sadMin  of  NairanoMt, 
in,  6l.-8e«  Q>ial0pm. 

JIMmambam,  a  NanamMet,  ii,  110. 

AMaehty,  a  Creak  vhWi;  iv^  t7. 

Mamoho,  a  Peqoot  laelMm. 

Manumettaif,  mm  of  jIiMiAotiA*,  iii,  64, 10. 

Mttmuxmtpui,  a  NipiMik,  iii,  7SL 

^aim-opooman.— Sm  0)Mahi«iA«HM^. 

MmuammaU,  cottDMHor   to    Wawifttmek, 

Manatahqua,  saehflm  of  NaJiaot,  ii.  A3.— 
Murdered  by  the  Eafli»b,  ib. 

Mtmatlamtoo,  a  Namuraiuet  couiimHw, 
iii,4l.  ^ 

Jllamda,  a  N.  Kng.  Indian  carried  to  Eng- 
land by  Weymouth,  ii,  3.— Reside*  a 
time  with  Sir'F.  Gorges^— Is  sent  by  him 
to  aid  Challons  in  a  voyage  to  N.  Eng- 
land.— Taken  by  the  Spaniards,  ib. 

Matteo,  a  Vii^nia  chief,  carried  to  Eng> 
land  by  Aniidas  and  Barlow,  ii^  M.— 
His  kindiWHses  to  the  Eng.  in  hu  own 
country,  iv.  3,  6. 

Matmmon,  Willittm,  comsellor  to  Wumpa- 
tmek,  ii,  46. 

MamaUigo,  counsellor  to  Wampaiuek, 
ii,  46. 

Mcurtui,  a  Seneca  chief,  v,  83. 

Mitrhorhim,  a  Wan  oanoag,  iii,  62. 

Maicononomo,  treat  •vith  the  Eng.  of 
Massachusetts,  ii,  :i^.— Welcomes  them 
on  their  first  arrival.— Attacked  by  the 
Tarratines,  46.— Sells  lands  in  Ipswich, 
47. 

Mamu,  a  chief  NarrsKanset.  brother  of 
Canotrieut.-  -father  of  MtaiMiniiomok^- 
A  peaceable  sachem,  ii,  49— A9. 

MaMKipavge,  a  Wampanoag',  a  grave  and 
sage  Indian,  assents  to  the  conviction  of 
the  alleged  murderers  of  8a»samem,  iii, 
IS. 

MutamlmBet.  of  the  tribe  of  Pennakook, 
second  in  the  Dover  massacre,  iii,  106.—* 
His  interview  with  Waltiron  before  that 
event,  107. 

Masiasoit,  chiel'  sachem  of  the  Warape- 
noags.— Eng.  of  Plimouth  hear  he  is 
taken  by  the  Narragansets,  ii,  12.— 
Known  b"  variotis  names.— A  warrior,  16. 
— Extent  of  his  dominions.— Has  many 
places  of  residence,  16. — Sir  Francis 
Drake  the  first  Eni^lishman  who  landed 
upon  his  shores,  177— His  country  pene- 
trated by  Capt.  Dermer,  18.— Visits  the 
Pilgrims.  19.— His  dress  and  ornaments 
described,  20.— Goes  to  Ptiinouth  to 
executs  Squanto,  21. — Prevented  by  the 
Pilgrims. — ^They  visit  him  at  Pokanoket. 
His  speech  to  them,  22.- Dangerously 
sick,  23,  24.— Informs  Hobomok  of  Tf^- 
tuwam^t  conspiracy. — ^War  with  Co- 
nomeiM.— Changes  his  name,  26.— Ckies 
with  presents  to  Gov.  Massachasetis.— ■ 
Sells  lands  (o  Standish.— To  the  Plimouth 
people.— War  with  P«mA<tm.— Time  of 


liiadaaih  aaewtainad,  Iw.  -iLaMdotetw* 
peace 


loiMw  atmamc^sit.    nMtmmrt 

of  Um,  40.— Traali  with  Mm> 

I  paopla,  ^j—Wsf  nam*  aiia- 


aniaat  Mm.    Bo—  of  lib 

hin  aad  follow  HtiUMo,  SO^Htktmtlft 

eharaeter  < 

laehuaalla 

takM  lor  thai  ol' his  tribe,  M.  •.r-nnsBv 

to  the  sale  of  AoaidMik,  61v-SoMe  of 

his   people  killed  by  i4mm,  81— M*. 

97.— Betina  a  war  with  Uscm,  \Q\jmm 

The  Ei^lliak  interftM,  lOI^-iu,  1»<— 

Moved  by  PliaMmih  to  claim  Warwick, 

71. 

ittdimtmk.  .iSee  Qittiaptn. 

MaAew,  a  Nipmack,  sachem  of  Naahoheh 
or  Naikaa,  iii,  81. 

JUatoomu,  a  Nipmak,  seized  by  aatiimew 
^o^  barbarously  murdered.— His   tea 
esecttied  for  murder,  i>>,  77.— A  Chris- 
tin,  and  constable  at .  'kaeboog,  78. 

MatuJimtJo,  a  Tarratine  sachem,  killed  at 
Pemmaquid,  iii,  110. 

Ma:iatMtmppe.    See  Uauiamp. 

.ildtttiua*,  a  Wampanoag,  fights  tuMlar 
Capt.  Chmreh,  iii,  34. 

MailaMmamif,  tried  for  the  murder  of 
Sattanmt,  and  executed,  iii,  11. 

Matuxtt,  a  Ncrragantet  ambemador,  ei- 
omined  at  Boston  about  the  suppoied 
plot  of  Ninigret  with  the  Dutch,  ii,  77.-^ 
sometimes  called  Pfeweom,  82. 

Matttamp,  a  powerflil  Nipmuk  sarhasn, 
betrayed  into  the  hand*  «  the  whiles^— 
They  hang  him.— Claimed  part  of  Brook'- 
fieldT,  iii,  80.— Entertained  QiumiepeMt, 
when  a  spy  for  the  English,  84. 

MeoMtimmg.    Sec  BBtmtotimomot, 

Megumu»aY,_  a  Tarratine  tachem,  taken 
and  shot,  iii,  110. 

MeUca^~-»x  MrikttA, 

Memaheutt.-^ee  NttmiAewU, 

M'OiUbmm,  AUxamier,  chief  of  the  Creek 
nation.— •His  father  an  EngliHbman.>- 
Educated  at  Chaileslon.-^7ommissioaed 
Gen.  by  the  King  of  Spain.- Visits  N. 
York. — Is  introduced  to  Pre*.  Waib- 
ington,  iv,  39.— Diflietiltie*  in  his  iiatioB. 
-^lis  death.  40. 

Metammj  sachem  of  Moratok.— WUtea 
take  him  prisoner,  iv,  9, 4. 

Mtrntm-toay,  a  Creek  chief,  direct*  the 
execution  of  BfliUoih,  iv,  47. 

Merev,  granddaaghler  of  JoAn  8a**amom, 
and  heir  of  his  lands  at  Asaawomset,  iii^  9. 

MeiambomtU,  an  Androseogirin  chief, 
iii,  116. 

Meiihaiea,  accompanies  CAt/hoaio,— .Shows 
kindness  to  his  iirisoners,  v,  61. 

Metaeomtt,  one  of  the  names  of  Philip,  iii,  1. 

Mtlea,  a  Pottowattomie  chief,  a  famoua 
orator.-— Makes  a  speech  to  Gov.  Com*, 
7, 118. — Opposes  the  sale  of  bis  land*, 
119.— Wounded  at  Fort  Wayne,  ISO. 

Mf.xam.—%te  MtHusk. 

MiantunHomoh,  at  enmity  with  Ouromc^iiAi. 
—Get*  DMseasion  of  some  of  bis  domin* 
ions,  ii,S6.— Equal  in  anthoritv  over  the 
Narragioiet*     with     CanomcWi— The 


INDEX  TO  Tin:  NAMES  OP  TBB  INDIARa 


Eng.  WKUM  bim  of  "oat  breakiiifi,'' 
4m.  40o— Wv  with  (he  WunpaiKMift, 
to.— Son  of  JVoMM,  09,— DeMiiptkMi  of 
hb  perMM.— VitiU  H0M011.F-A1  one  tiaw 
caNed  AftewiMA.— Tbe  Eng.  early  take 
part  with  bit  MMtoiet.— Tlwy  eommaiM] 
■im  to  appear  at  BMt(Hi.«-Ai<U  lliem 
acaiMl  the  PequoU^^-fieads  ibem  a 
l^qoot't  liaad.*~«elb  Shawomet,  60/^ 
Sane  wMlea  of  Mau.  declare  bim  an 
aturper.  I  gelh  Rhode  Island.*— Anee- 
dote.-— Aeeuaed  of  plotlinf  affainsi  the 
Eoglith.— Appear*  at  Beaton.— The  Eag. 
fear  liii  great  abililiet,  6S.— A«iu  them 
for  hit  accuien.— War  with  Vma$j^ 
OpiMMed  by  Wtthndemee,  63.— Speech. 
— Fighu  tLeat  at  Sachemi  Plain.->I« 
Udien  in  that  ficht.-^ut  to  death  by 
•dviee  of  the  English.— Circumitanced 
like  Napoleon,  6ft.^The  whites  compare 
him  to  Ahab.— The  place  of  his  execution, 
64w— Probably  stated  wrong  by  Winthrup, 
66.— Was  taken  by  strat^^m,  67.— His 
estate  inherited  by  Ninigret,  83.— Killed 
■n  Indian  for  aitackii^  Unetu,  89.— 
FHirtber  particulars  of  his  death,  and 
defence  of  his  conduct,  90,^— Time  of  bis 
execution,  94.-'TraiU  of  humanity,  106. 
Enclfsh  break  their  acreemenl*  with  him, 
10^— Origin  of  his  disasters,  iii,  71. 

trinUMk,  Wmam,  Cieek  chief  of  the  tribe 
of  Cowetaw.— Fights  for  the  Americans 
against  hi*  countrymen,  iv,  44.— At  the 
battle  of  Tohopeka,  M.'ii^tells  lands 
aninst  the  consent  of  his  nation,  46.— 
^rfeits  Us  life  and  is  executed,  47.*i>- 
Other  fact*  in  hi*  hi*tory,  AS. 

SfltUoth,  CUUv,  son  of  the  preceding^** 
Beats  a  member  of  Congress  at  Wash> 
ingion,  iv,  47. 

MxMqioo,  or  Mioxto,  a  noted  Christian  of 
Martha's  Vineyard,  ii,  119. 

MuhUdntJtiea,  chief^  of  the  Miamies.*' 
Variations  of  his  name.— Opposes  Harmer 
and  St.  Clair,  v,  6S.— Defeats  the  army 
of  the  latter,  63.- His  loss  in  that  battle, 
04.- Recommends  to  the  chiefs  in  council 
not  to  fight  the  Americans  at  Presque 
Isle-^PIace  of  hi*  residence.— Not  a 
chief  by  birth,  AS.— 'VisitK  Philadelphia. 
—Anecdotes.— >Dies.— Called  the  Mes- 
sessaffo  chief.— His  person  and  dress 
described,  A7. 

MUiiC'gtorgf,  a  Nipmuk,  of  the  tribe  of 
Wamesit,  ii,  11" 

Mogr,  chief  of  Norridgewok,  iii,  118.>^ 
Killed,  119. 

Mogg-heigmtj—GM  Heigon. 

Monakatoocha,  visited  by  Washington, 
v,21, 

Moneaehtapt,  hi*  narrative  of  a  journey  to 
the  Pacific  Ocean,  iv,  33,  &c. 

Monohot,  a  celebrated  Creek  Prophet 
killed  at  Tohopeka,  iv,  A6. 

MoHfokam,  a  Wampanoag  Of  Mattapoi*elt, 
iii,  15. 

Mtmoeo,  a  neat  Nipmuk  tachem,  iii,  78.— 
Called  Omft^eij<ikn.-A»  proved  the 
■ntber  of  the  Lancaster  murder,  79.— 


HU 


to 


.  .wM,80,84^« 
-Surprises  Laacaaler  and  Oroton,— 
TbrealaM  te  bom  the  eemtfjr/i^Falla 
into  the  band*  ef  the  Ear.  and  i*  banc* 
ed,  80. 

JfonoiMdo,  a  great  Pei|no(  chief,  ii,  08,  n. 
-Hi*  ran  or  ia*idence,  104.— A  gmt 
sagamore,  106.— Tbe  Eag.  take  hi* 
family,  108.— Hi*  death,  100. 

Momoptl,  taken  cfeplive  by  CapL  Harlow, 
ii,  0.— 4iuppaaea  to  be   the   sane    at., 
MoHomet  awl  Wtrnape,  7.  t 

AfoNopoMb,  a  Pa^pot,  at  the  rapture  «f 
Nannatenoo,  iii,  44. 

JToMfiriM^-fiefe  AatliiAeiM^. 

MontotBompate,  a  Nipmuk,  son  of  JV<iw*pa* 
hemtt,  ii,  41.axDie*,  M. 

AfontoMNnnct,  *on  of  WahupoMUHj—CaSM 
WilUamAu.b*. 

Morris,  CoL  kUled  in  a  fight  near  St. 
Geoife*,  iii,  Hi'. 

Morri*,  Jonm,  murdered,  iv,  87. 

JfoowioM.— See  AUxtmder. 

Mof.aam,  killed  in  a  fight  at  Caaco^ 
iii,  8S. 

JfofMip,  brother  of  MUmtmmomohf  ii,  IB^ 
See  Ptuaeui, 

Moumtam-Undr:    See  PiomiHgo. 

Moxtu,  a  Tarratine  chief,  attack*  Storer** 
garri*on  at  Welt*.— b  rejpulsed,  iii,  103. 
—Called  Agamtttigiu.—SacetMt  Ma- 
dokawaitdo,  104.-^reaU  with  Got. 
Dudley,  116..-^0iie  of  the  most  pui**ant 
*aeh«m*  of  the  east,  131. 

Moytmo,  probably  Mriluah,  which  see. 

JU^toy,  emperor  of  the  Cberdiees/— Hi* 
interview  with  Sir  A.  Cnmming.— Permits 
7  of  his  chiefs  to  visit  England.- Afiects 
rreat  obedience  to  the  whites.- Become* 
tlieir  enemy  afterwards,  iv,  66,  and  fi.t 

if  Qti«eii,  Ptttr,  a  Creek  warrior,  takn 
and  msilces  his  escape,  iv,  A&,^*.Hi*  re*i> 
dence,  60. 

Mriktak,  eldest  son  of  CanomeuB,  ii,  00.— 
Called  Meihammoh,  61.— VisiU  Boston, 
69.^.Speech  to  the  English  on  the  Dutch 
plot,  78.— 4)emands  the  proof  of  the 
accusations,  76.— -Other  facU  in  that 
aflair,  80, 98. 

Mttgg,  •  Tarratine,  ambassador  from 
Spmtido,  iii,  100<— 4tfeets  the  Eng.  in 
council  at  Taconnet.— His  embastv  to 
the  English,  101.— .Gendal's  treachery 
inwards  bim,  lOlf— Treats  with  th  t 
whites,  100.— Captures  Black  Poin'v  » 
Is  kUled,  ii. 

MiUato4ciw,  a  Seminole  warrior,  iv,  60. 

JMMttfMMaM.— See  Wvmamurkitt. 

Munaimuii.'  -See  Wotmauutm. 

Miuutp;  Demid,  a  Nipmuk,  accused  of 
murder,  iii,  79. 

Muthalatubte,  a  Choctau,  makes  a  speech 
to  Gen.  Lafayette,  iv,  07.— A  pensioner, 
06. 

JAwfHosA,  a  Wampanoag,  one  of  TatMonU 
men,  iii,  08. 


,..^- 


1NDBX  TO  THE  NAME8  OF  THE  UiDlAM& 


N. 

Naanathfituo,  m  daughter  of  NattakaUa- 
weuiit,  li,  M. 

JVaattUhcoio,  a  Nipoiuk,  very  aged,  ii,  Ai. 

JVahatoH. — See  JJuUom. 

Namontack,  a,  tubjeet  of  "mcAeleti.— Scat 
by  him  to  live  with  the  whiieiv—Gaea  to 
England,  iv.  II. 

JVamumiWM.— 8ee  WtHemuOi 

NanaheuHt,  a  Wampanoag  cf  Nanatket, 
iii,  8. 

iViitian.^fine,  a  Waapanb^^,  lii,  14. 

NanqMihemtt,  a  Nipmuk  of  great  fluae,  ii, 
40.— His  burial  pwce,  41. 

JViMtofiiaiM,  MO  of  Potohalam,  iv,  10. 

Nammttnoo,  a  f^at  Mebem  amoog  the 
Narranntela,  41.~-F!ghta  and  cut*  off 
Capt.  Peirte  with  a  larva  ix>dy  of  Eoc. 
near  Pawtacket  Falla,  A.— Taken  pu;- 
oner,  43.— Hie  extraordinary  behavior 
in  that  event.— Incidenla  of  the  affuir, 
44.— Compared  to  Attiliiu  Regulug,  46j— 
Shot  at  Stoninglon,  and  bit  body  bar- 
barously cut  to  pieces  and  burned,  46, 46. 

yatxu,  a  Nipmuk,  father  of  Jawui-Ae- 
pniUer,  ii,  56.— Of  Tutaptwillinj— 
Among  the  priMMien  at  Deer  Island,  116. 

Naopope,  a  Sac  chief^  second  in  command 
to  Blaek-hawk,  v,  1S9.— His  own  history 
of  himself,  1S9,  190. — ^Amonjp  the  prison- 
ers sent  to  Jefferson  Barracks,  132.— 
Further  account  of,  134,  &.c. 

NateamJbiouU. — See  Auaceanbuit. 

Ntuluxmon,  a  Nipmuk,  ii,  29.^Treats  with 
the  Eng.  of  Massachusetts,  42.^Reoews 
the  treaty,  46. 

NiirintmUkm,  oldest  son  of  Blaek-hantk, 
v,134. 

Naiott,  Job,  counsellor  to  Wampaluek, 
u,46. 

NaMcnoanoo,  son  of  NaAiotmm,  ii,  42. 

Natanit,  a  Tarratine,  resides  upon  the 
Kennebeek  River.— Ordered  to  be  seised- 
by  Oen.  Arnold,  iii,  ISft.— Joins  his  army 
and  marches  to  Quebec— Wounded  and 
taken.— Set  at  liberty,  127. 

Nattahanada,  a  Tarratine,  sells  lands  about 
Wcsserunsicke,  iii,  97.*-<7alled  Dumhtm- 
ada,  98. 

NattahaUcMcmtt,  a  Nipmuk  chief,  sells 
lands  upon  Coneord  River,  ii^  53. 

NaUeneahunt,  ii,  29. — See  fftuhoonon, 

Nattateormtt,  lather  of  Nattahanada,  iii, 
97. 

Nawwashawauck,  a  Narraganset,  wounds 
Puvikam,  iii,  it. 

Neamathly,  a  noted  Seminole  warrior,  iv^ 
09. — His  residence.— Oives  up  a  tract  of 
his  lands  for  the  use  of  the  United  States' 
government,  60. 

NeequaMh.—^e»  We^HCuhi 

Nettouteeegan,  a  MohtftuijJA,  110. 

Xegteitu,  a  Tarratine,  iii,  97. 

NtnuUtamnt),  a  warrior  in  the  interest  of 
0^ia»jhinoM^.->Connected  with  the 
massacre  of  16tS.— The  murderer  of 
Mortran.— His  singular  behavior  nt  his 
4]esth.ir,Sl.  ' 


NtpMtt,  Tom,  a  Christian  Nipmuk,  iii,  AC 
—His  embassy  m  Philip's  war,  87.^lis. 
Rowlandson's  account  of  il«  tt. 

Ntftof,  a  Wampanoag,  in  the  interest  of 
Caunbiiant,  ii,  t7. 

Neptunt,  John,  a  captain  among  the  ?•- 
nobscots,  iii.  IS7.— His  speeeh  m  defaoce 
of£hM9>,128.  '^ 

Mftelaqtiaion,  a  Wampanoag,  iii.  14. 

NettUan,  Job,  a  Nipmuk,  Elwl's  interpreter 
in  translating  IbeBible,  ii,  67.— Goes  with 
the  Eng.  against  Philip  and  is  slain,  ik.— 
Called  teacher  to  Eliot,  111. 

Netaump,    See  MatUamp, 

Nttuwaty>t*$,  a  famous  iMaware  chief,— 
Exalts  the  eharacter  of  bis  nation.— b 
re<)ueated  to  receive  missionaries.— His 
objections.— Speech  to  Peiawkr.— Be- 
comes a  eonvert,  v,  16.— ^Opposes  the 
gospel.— Again  a  convert,  18. 

Aino-arroio,  a  Seneca  chief,  v,  91. 

Snoeom, — See  Matuxt*. 

Nieholche,  one  of  22  massacred  in  Caroliua 
by  whites,  iv,  29. 

AMiso(aMMiNc«,succe*sor  of  Opdtankamm^, 
iv,  24. 

NihoroMkigO¥)aj'   See  Big-tree. 

Nimrod,  called  by  his  Indiaii  name,  Woo- 
muiutm,  iii,  14^— Witnesses  the  sale  of 
lands  to  Southworth,  16. — ^Witnesses  a 
treaty  at  Plimouth.  17.^A  counselktr 
and  captain  of  PhUip,  19.— Signs  the 
treaty  of  1671,  at  Plimouth.  20.— Killed 
m  the  fight  at  Rehoboth  Plain,  26. 

Nimgrel.  sachem  of  the  Niantiks,  ii,  59.— 
VariatuMs  of  his'name,  67.— Diflicultiea 
wun  tHantuimomohj—vfith  the  Indiana 
of  Long  Island. — His  war  with  Uitetu, 
68<— ^A^reee  to  defray  the  expense  of  IW 
Eng.  in  preparing  to  attack  him,  70.*— 
Visits  Boston.-'Controversy  about  the 
payment  of  wampum.— Speech,  71  w— 
Another.- New  troubles,  72.— Affair  of 
Cuttafidn  and  Uneat,  73.— War  with 
AnaataMoUk,  74.1— Endeavors  to  act 
against  the  Eiwlisb.  but  is  defeated  by 
Waiandante,  £.>— Visits  the  Dutch  at 
Manhatans.--Jealousy  of  the  Ens;lish 
towards,  75. — His  speech  to  them,  TO..— 
The  Dutch  Gov.  confirms  his  account.  80. 
— Mortgages  his  country  to  the  Ensnish, 
82.— Anecdote  of  bis  opposition  to  Cnris- 
tianity.— His  descendants,  8S.^^alled 
Kianemo. — Sends  deputies  to  Boston,  91. 
-Would  not  make  peace  without  IMeai't 
head,  92.— 'Pays  a  quantity  of  wampum, 
lOO.^^feens  some  Pequot  fugitives, 
!(I6.— Pusillanimous,  iii,  18.— Treaty  at 
Boston,  41.— Protest*  against  having  the 
Emr.  religion  forced  upon  his  people,  74. 
—His  suewd  reply  to  Mr.  Mayhew, 
ii,  113. 
Ninigret,  Charlee,  son  of  the  preceding,  8S. 
iVm^Ty/iCMn-^c,  inscription  est  his  tomb- 
stone, li,  83. 
Nittanahom,  a  Long  Island  saehem,  ii,  79. 
TVoNMM,  a  Wampanoag,  iii,  62. 
NoMefaettemt,  Oeorge,  a  Nipmnk,   iii, 


ll 


INNEX  TO  THE  NAMES  OF  THE  INMANS. 


Norton,    John.' 
V,  110. 


TiyontnhokmMm, 


Nompiuh,  a  WamjMBoag,  iii,  Sv^Cailed 

Attnmwuh,  64.->Or  Um  uHw  of  Sogko- 

uaUi,  M.— Dim,  70. 
.VoMc/,  Joiiah,  a  Nipmuk,  killed  by  Mo> 

hawks,  iii,  M. 
NotchentU,    a    NarragauMt    inlerpraler, 

iii,  41. 
Niieano,  s  Wampanoar,  iii,S.— J\>fraMM,  3. 
Numphom,  a  Nipmuk,  ruler   atnonr   Ihe 

Chridian  WametiU.^—His    intublct    in 

PhUip't  war,  U,  117. 
iVMNf.<Mir,  Sarnutt,  aceuv    ^   f  r  aiaigr  ''w 

war  part7.->-Haraly  r        •  exe^aiiea, 

on  surreiiaeriiif  to  ue  i.  >' , '   ' 

Num.    See  /afctwawa. 
Nwdcampahoonett.  a  WamfM.      jr  ca^Hi  ., 

deed*  lands  with  Phitip,  iii,  i ", 
^uniit,  PtttTj*  49ec  PtUnmtt. 


Oi&tftmitMt,  sachem  of  Bhawmut,  now 
Boston,  li,  29.— Visited  by  the   earlv 

r  English.— Treats  them  with  great  kind' 
neu,  41. 

ObttJ,  Henry,  son  ot  CompUmttr,  v,  88, 
M.— 98. 

Obethitwod,  a  Pequot,  ii,  99.— His  wife 
taken  from  him  by  Unco*,  100—110. 

Okahett,  a  Wampanoag,  nveab  a  pltlt 
against  the  Engrish,  ii,  34— a7.>— Visited 
by  them.— Makes  a  treaty,  40. 

Oceom,  Hampton,  a  Mohegan.— EducMed 
by  Dr^  Whcelock>— A  fiunous  preacher, 
ii.  119. 

Ocionottota,  a  Creek  chief,  iv,  9t.<— Treats 
with  Gov.  Littleton,  S9.— 'Attempts  the 
liberation  ofSX  of  his  countrymen^— Fails 
and  they  are  murdered.— Invettt  Fort 
Loudon,  30.— Takes  it.— PemuU  the 
garrison  to  march  out.— 47nts  them  off 
soon  aAer.— Resolves  to  invest  Fort 
Prince  Geone^^His  plans  frtstrated  by 
AttahMaknBa.— Hit  warrion  dispersed 
by  the  whites  under  Col.  Grant,  SI.*— 
Oukaoackah  perhaps  the  same,CT,  ik— 
Brother  of  Bt^agniltt,  68. 

Ocomwccci,  a  Ciierokee  chief,  iv,  S9. 

(>f<gii.    See  OMfiAapm. 

Orttit,  a  Creek  wamor,  iv,  26. 

(Mqtiamekud,  a  Wampanoag,  one  who 
makes  the  first  treaty  with  the  English, 
ii,29. 

Otist.    See  Vneas. 

Cttoilo.— See  Vneai. 

Old-brim,  a  noted  Creek  chief,  iv,  25. 

OU-jethro,  a  Nipmuk  sachem,  iii,  79.— 
Called  TVmfnnoM*.- Betrayed  into  the 
hands  of  the  whiles,  who  hang  him,  80. 

OM-Am/c— 43ee  Lettleiha,  v,  116. 

OU-fMM.— See  QMnapcii. 

(M-thmmuj—Set  TTtomat, 

Onamw,  a  Christian  Nipmuk,  ii,  M.— 
A  ruler.— Dies,  116.— 'His  wife  woimded 
at  Chelmsfbrd,  117. 

Omt-nfti-jtkn.    See  JfoNoeo. 


Omko,  son  of  tMeat,  aMaeks  a  defencelts* 
town  of  Ma—atoVj,  H,  f6^-4)tory  of  hia 
cannibalism,  66— ST^-In  the  Aght  against 
PkUip  at  Kebobolh  Plain,  in,  tf!— Al 
the  capture  of  Camonehtt.  44. 

OngptUonra,  called  Bir^k,  an  Omahaw 
chief.— 'Makes  a  specen  on  the  death  of 
Biaek'bufalo,  v,  114, 4ie.*-Visils  Well- 
ington, 


I,  a  Nipmuk,  sachem  of  Qnabaog, 

OnufUallydamim,  a  Creek,  the  advocate 
ofiemperance,  iv.  67. 

f)p»eM*to,  tuicn  or  PoenhtmlM,  officiate' 
at  her  marriage,  iv,  19. 

Op^Midtimo,  sacnem  of  Pamunky.— His 
men  capture  Capt.  Smith,  iv,  8.— Brother 
of  PmohaUtn,  13.— His  origin,  20.— 
Seiaed  by  Smith,  21.— Enra^  at  the 
ueath  of  NtmtMammi,  22.— 4?onducts  the 
massacre  of  347  English,  it.— 'Projects 
a  second  massacre.— rails  into  the  Itands 
of  the  whites,  who  murder  him,  23. 

OpUthapan,  brother  of  Potthalem,  iv,  13.— 
Succeeds  liim.— C!alled  Ilopatin,  16.^- 
An  imbecile  chief.— Called  Orfeti,  and 
Buanoptomen,  20. 

Otath,  brother  of  MfliiftnMORMA,  ii,  09— 
61  .—An  ambasaador,  106. 

OttutUe,  a  Creek  chief.- Treats  with  Gov. 
Littleton,  iv,  29.— Visits  England,  67. 

OtU<^hkoree,  an  Iroquois,  of  Cayuga, 
V,  1&6. 

Oueahehittanalt,  a  Creek  warrior,  iv,  29. 

Onetkaehumpa,  a  Creek,  chief  of  (Jeonas, 
makes  a  spieech  to  Gen.  Oglethorp, 
iv,  26. 

Ongaeki,  a  Creek  chief,  iv,  25. 

OwM/tattNoieme,  a  Creek  chief,  visits  Eng^ 
land,  iv,  67. 

Ourtonhare,  a  famous  Iroouois,  v,  155. 

€hitUetaboa,  a  Creek  chief,  iv,  23. 

Otummeqidn.    See  MaitatoU. 

OuKmatcmaih^  one  of  2C  Cberokeea 
dered  in  prison  in  Carolina,  iv,  29. 

OMmoMm,  one  of  the  22,  iv,  29. 


P. 

Paekgantttkihiltu.    See  JBuokongthel«M, 
PogtUt.    a   Wampanoag,  called   Joufk, 

in,  54. 
Pahkthmmnauo,  h  Christian    Indian   of 

Martha's  Vineyard,  ii.  118. 
Pakanke,  a  famous  Delaware  chieA  v,  IS. 

—His  residence.— Speech  to  GHkkikan, 

15  —Forced  to  own  a  belief  i»  Chris* 

tinnity,  16. 
Panowmn,  a  Wampanoag,  iii,  3.  '  ^' 

Pantautel,  a  Wampanoag,  iii,  3. 
Paquonaek,  a  Wampanoag,  iii,  14. 
Partheparho,  chief  of  the  Sacs,  v,  147.— 

His  conduct  on  the  return  of  Btaek-hamk', 

149.— Speech,  ISO. 
Pauoeonamay,  or  Papiueconeum),  sachem 

on    the   Merrimack.— -Marriage   of  kia 

daughter,  ii,  53.— 'NarraganseU  covenant 

to  keep  peace  with,  97. — A  buhaba,  iii^ 


INMX  TO  THE  "<AIIE8  OF  THE  INDUM. 


11 


..',13, 


90.— Hi*  flMwtU  mMnm  to  bi  . 
—A  powwow,/— ^lorjr  of  bU  d«d|hlor'i 
■MrriM«.^P«UliaM  Qm.  Court  of  Mm. 
91.— Nota  upoa  tbo  lioM  of  bii  doath,  M. 
-4:;mpliirM  a  MohawlL— MdMt  •  Mib- 
mbiioo  to  Ike  EtMiiiah.— ^mU  ratprcling 
hii  deaib,  SM^-4Mld  im  gmt  oUMin  by 
bit  eounlfyiMM,  9S. 

PtthMUr,  %  CiMrokM  ebia^-Gea.  Jaek- 

•on't  mauaga  to.  iv,  40.— ^Raacuad  fraoi 

Oie  war  pariv,  W. 
Pmbtkion,  a  Wampaaoag,  Mtpaetod  of 

beiar  oaa  of  Iba  murdaran  of  flawaaion, 

iu,n. 
Pwgu*,  taebeaa  of  Picwokat.— Hia  memo- 

rabla  fighl  with  Iba  Eng.  undar  Lorawall. 

—Falls  in  tbat  icbUU,  190-124. 
Pamiammt,  one  or  Pkuiff*  couofellon, 

iii,  14. 
Paxnotu,  head  ebief  of  the  ShawaoeM.— 

Wife  bacomat  a  Cbriitian,  v,  16.— Hia 

son*  becoaia  Cbrislians,  17. 
Peekmo,  a  WarnpanoaCi  (akan  by  Capt. 

Hariow.— Signal    exploit    and   escape, 

ii,  5. 
Peebe,  a  great  eouniellor  to  PluHp,  iii,  16. 

— KillM  at  SwrAwy,  ib.  n. 
Ptgm,  Jame*  and  iwtr,  perfpnn  an  ex- 
ploit in  the  Nipmult  country,  ill,  86. 
Peiikartt,  an  Algwiquin  or  Algonkin.— 

His  extraordinary  iidventore*  and  death, 

V.  1&»-Itt7. 
Pekammnt,  a  N.  E«g.  native,  taken  by 

Cant.  Harlow,  ii,  5. 
PtkiUon,  a  Delaware.— An  enemy  of  his 

race.—Causes  Ihe  murder  of  16  of  them. 

—A  signer  of  Wayne's  treaty,  v,  4S. 
PAoalk,  .suppnsed  by  Gov.  Winthrop  to 

have  been  the  name  of  a  saehem,  when 

Ptquot  was  meant,  ii,  64,  n. 
Ptktuot,  a  Wampanoar,  ii,  31.— A  paniese 

of  a  notable  *pirit,  36.— Barbarou*ly  put 

to  death,  ti. 
P«mif«apm.— See  Wimgina. 
Ptnaehaton,  a  Wampanoag,  marche*  with 

TatMon  to  attack  Clani'*   garrison.— 

Succeeds.— Pursued  by  Capt.  Amo$.— 

Escapes,  iii,  82. 
PtmMhoMrit,  a  Nipmuk  Chrislian.~-Capt. 

/otieA.— Marshal  general,  ii,  116.— Suc- 
ceeds Ahattmoanet,  117. 
Peuacui,  a  Narraganset  sachem',  known 

S  various  names,  ii,  69.— Visits  Boston, 
,— Makes  iVuiimC  his  ambassador, 
70.— Whiles  send  an  armed  force  to 
demand  a  debt  of,  74.— 4)ne  of  the  three 
great  sachems  in  1663, 76.— Speech  on 
the  Dutch  plot,  76.— Time  of  his  birth, 
84.— Speech,  86. — ^Further  troubles. — 
Whites  send  a  force  against  him.— Flies 
to  R.  Island,  86.— War  with  Vneoi,  92. 
—Sends  presents  to  Gov.  Winthrop,  94. 
-4on  a  hostage,  98.— Killed  by  Mo- 
hawks, 86.— uiTlSO. 
PttaU^uuroo,  a  Pawnee  brave. — Visitii 
Washington,  v,  116.— Signal  exploi|. — 
Ladies  present  him  a  medal.— Speech. — 
Porlntt  by  Naagie,  118. 


.  ft  WampawjH,  hoibaMi  to 
HVctaaiM,  iii,  2.— Not  oagaged  in 
Phii^»  war,  3.— Give*  CImrdi  iafor- 
maticm,  H. 

P*Uh*mamilat/-SM  BmokmigoMM. 

PtUr,  a  Narraganaet,  betray*  hi*  couatry- 
meu  into  Ihe  baad*  of  the  while*,  19  Dae. 
1676,  ui,  29. 

PHtr,  a  Tarratine,  had  been  a  Christian, 
but  jain*  agaiaat  the  whilea  in  war.— 
With  other*  allaek*  Biadibrd,  iU,  106. 

Pster,  *on  of  i^WMAoMb,  with  Ckmrdi  when 
Phii^  wa*  killed,  ui,  46.— A  chief  cap- 
tain aawnr  the  oogkonaie*,  66.— A 
metaenger  irom  Ckurtk,  68. 

Ptter,  an  Iroqiioi*,  v,  83. 

Pewaugiokt,  a  Tarratine,  execute*  a  deed 
ofNegu**et,  iii,  97. 

Ptwiut,  a  Narraganaet,  iii,  61. 

Philip,  chief  sachem  of  the  Wampanoagi. 
— Into  of  his  cominr  in  chief,  ii,  27.— 
Name  misapplied.  96.— Origin  of  his 
Eng.  name,  iii,  1.— War  dance,  3.-^ustly 
stirred  up  to  war,  7.— H'ofetrf  his  ruler, 
10.— Pomefocom,  his  true  name,  13.— 
Disposes  of  his  lands,  14, 16.— His  letter 
of  attorney  to  Watuepoo  and  another,  13. 
-Called  IViwMOicatMieM.- Death  of  his 
father.— Cioniplains  of  West,  ib.—Vfhy 
called  Philip,  ib.  n.— A  cause  of  hiK 
war  explained,  17.— Oonfesk?*  a  plot.— 
Agrees  lo  pay  a  tribute  in  wolvt^' nrnds, 
19^Difficulties  with  Plimouih,  it— 
Refiises  to  treat,  except  with  the  King  of 
England,  24.- Begins  the  war  of  1675. 
•— FLriits  the  Enr.  m  a  swamp  at  Pocas- 
set,  26.— Makes  his  escape  and  is  attacked 
at  Kehoboth  Plain,  where  he  loses  many 
of  his  men,  36.— 'Divides  his  peag  coat 
among  his  followers.— 47ut*  off  a  com- 
pany of  white*  under  Capt.  fieem.— 
Another  under  Lathrop,  27.— Retires  to 
Narragantet,  28.— Eng.  fall  upon  him  in 
his  fort  19  Dec.  29.— They  retreat  and 
he  neglects  to  pursue  them,  30. — His 
stratagem  to  engam  the  Mohawks  in  his 
cause  fails,  31.— Returns  to  Pokanoket. 
— Attacked  at  Mattapoiset.— lister  taken 
and  uncle  killed,  32.— Church  kills  and 
captures  130  of  bis  people. — Narrow 
escape  at  Taunton  River,  33. — Ureal 
fight,  34.— Fallen  upon  and  slnin.— 
Quartered  and  hanged  upon  trees,  36. — 
Opposed  Christianity.-"  Blasphemous 
leviathan."— Erroneously  called  grandson 
(o  MtuiatoU,  38.^^1d  Dedham  to  the 
Eng.— Humane  to  captives,  39.— Speci- 
men of  hi*  language,  40.— Hi*  omamentii 
possessed  by  Annctmon,  60.— Interview 
with  Mrs.  Rowlandson,  62.- A  Sogkonato 
captain  promises  to  have  his  head,  68.— • 
Cause  of  the  dissensions  among  his 
allies,  88. 

Philip.— See  Waguioke. 

Philip,  sachem  of  Piewoket,  iii,  124.' -At 
the  taking  of  St.  Francis,  126.— At  Ihe 
lakine  of  LouLsburg,  126. 

Piambohou,  a  Nipmuk  Christian,  ruler  at 
Natik,  ii,  116. 


IS 


INDEX  TO  THE  NAMES  OF  Tin:  INDIAN8. 


Piomingo,  n  noted  Crack  chief,  jotM  Ht. 
Claii'H  aimy  before  hii  delral/»-Aflcr- 
war <lt  cBJIed  Voiburt,  iv,  £6.— EmcoIoii 
a  raplive,  57. 

PimcaM,  •  WuapMiDaf ,  iii,  S,  3.— 4^oUed 
i'MNte,  14.-^2\mi,  16.— Oom  with  Tato- 
ton  to  aiiMk  Clark'*  garriioii,  A8. 

Piptf  Capt.  hat  his  liune  iioku,  v,  15.^ 
Cucf  ol  (h«  wolf  inhe  of  Um  Dolawarai, 
•W.— EAgana  lo  nmove  the  Moravian 
Brelhran  «>r  OnadenimeUen,  39.— Pene- 
cuief  ibam.- Repeala  of  it  and  aeknowU 
edged  Ml  fault.  40.— Speech  lo  enngo 
bin  people  to  Bgiil  the  Amerieaat,  41.— 
Great  speech  at  Detroit,  46.— Presided 
at  the  loriure  of  Col.  Crawford,  47. 

Pitimy,  Andrew,  a  Nipmuk,  forfeits  bis  life 
in  ligliiijig  ugainsi  his  counlrjrmen,  iii,  83. 
— Miikes  successful  espediiioiM  against 
them,  89. 

PocaJiontcu,  daughter  of  Powhatan,  saves 
ihe  life  of  Capt.  Smith,  iv,  10.— Keveals 
a  plut  against  Smith's  life,  14.— Probable 
dale  of  her  birtli,  17.— Singularly  enter- 
tains 8mitb.— Assists  Wvftin  lo  escape. 
—.Saves  Iho  life  of  Spilman. — ^Made  a 
prisoner  by  the  Eng.  18.— Marriei  John 
Rolfe. — Goes  to  Eug. — Named  Rebecca. 
—Interview  there  wilk  Capt.  Smith.— 
Dies,  19. 

Par^apaimotsoo,  accused  as  a  murderer  of 
Sattanum,  iii,'ll. 

Pehonoho,  a,  Wampanoag,  a  witness,  iii,  9. 

PokaUatcagg,  a  Wampanoag,  father  of 
Numposh,  iii,  64. 

Pollard,  a  Seneca  chief,  v,  90.— Visited  by 
Blaek-haitk.—ldiiko»  speech  to  him,  14o. 

Pomahoe,  a  hostage  with  Black-hmek,  v, 
134. 

Pomanue,  a  Narranniiet,  ii,  98. 

Pometaeonij^-^e  Philip. 

Pompaguate,  a  Wampanoag,  iii ,  14. 

Pomunukt.  ambassador  from  PttMoeu*  to 
the  English,  ii,  85. 

Pontiak,  a  renowned  Oltowa  chief,  v,  30. 
— Inauires  concerning  Eng.  manuiacture 
of  cloth.— Desires  to  visit  England. — 
Attached  lo  the  French. — Unites  many 
tribes  lo  exterminate  the  English.— Issues 
bills  of  credit.— Description  of  them,  31. 
—Begins  a  war  upon  the  Eng.  and  lakes 

'  ten  forts.— Besieges  Detroit.— Stratagem 
to  reduce  it  frustrated,  33.— Circumstan- 
ces of  that  aflair,  34.— Siege  conlinoed. 
\  — Incidents  of,  36.^Defeat8  and  kills 
Capt.  Dalyell  and  many  of  his  men,  36. 
—Captures  several  vessels,  37.«— Breaks 

'  up  the  siege  and  retires.— Becomes  the 
friend  of  the  En^ish.*— Assassinated,  38, 

Poqtdn,  or  Poquotam,  a  Narraganset,  ii,  83. 

Potok,  a  Narraganset  chief,  opposes  the 
introduction^    of   Christianity   into    bis 

'  country,  iii,  74.— Complains  against 
Wildbow.— Taken  in  the  war,  and  shot 
■t  Newport,  R.  I.,  7B. 

Pometthitek,  a  hostage  with  Btaek-htnck, 
134. 

Potehatan,  sachem  of  Virginia,  iv,  6.— Ex- 
tent of  bis  dominions,  and  seats.— Sur- 


prises the  Payaalurtuks,  T— Orders  Ike 
execution  of  Capl.  Sasilk*— Spares  his 
life  at  Ike  enliealy  of  i>0M*iiN<M.— Lib- 
erates biM  fw  a  rMsosB.— Aaeedote,  10. 


—Gels  Ike  ■dvaataf*  of  Capl.  Newport 
in  trade.  Bpsesfc  I*  kia.<— Duped  by 
Smith,  aad  bseosasa  bis  eMMjr.— Plets 
against  the  Englisb,  11.— Agaiasi  ibe  life 
or  Smith.— SpMcfc  (o  bln^^eadoct  of 
sone  Oermaas  seat  I*  bwM  bin  a  boose. 
— Speoeb,  18,  14^-Aaotkar  scheme  to 
kill  Smith.— Enraged  at  bis  disappoiat- 
meats,  tt.*— TbroMeas  Ibe  lives  of  bis 
men,  to  caase  (bea  to  kill  Capl.  Smith, 
15.— Dies,  16. 

Pompmmmitt,  m  Nungaaset  aasbasssdor, 
ii,  W,  91. 

Po^(mam,  called  DmM,  a  Wampanoag, 
ill,  M. 

Printer,  Jamtt-thtj—Set  Jawu*. 

PropAct,  the  Skawanee,  called  EUthealaiea, 
instigates  the  Southern  Indians  lo  a 
war,  iv,  49. — Leads  a  motley  band  from 
sevei'al  tribes  to  settle  on  ibe  Miami,  in 
a  wretched  condition,  v,  100.— Orders 
Ihe  attack  at  Tippecanoe,  lOS.— Detail* 
in  bis  life,  107,  &p. 

Prophet,  Ihe  Semiaole.— See  HUUthaga. 

Prophtt,  taken  with  Blaek-hattk,  v,  13S.— 
See  Wabo»ie$hitt. 

Puket*htno,  father  of  Tteumtth,  killed  at 
Point  Pleasaat,  r,  107. 

Pumham,  a  great  Narraganset  chief,  at 
feuds  with  Massasoil,  ii,%.— Clonsidered 
by  Eng.  as  iadependent  of  Ihe  Narra- 
gaasets,  49.— <l!laims  Shaomet,  60. — Eng. 
provide  for  his  safely,  94,  97. — ^Treats 
with  the  English,  iii,  41.— Treau  the 
Eng.  settlers  kindly.  71.— Is  stabbed  in  a 
quarrel.— Other  Inaians  encroach  irpon. 
—His  town  burnt,  iii,  7S.— His  capture 
and  death,  73. — His  son,  74. 

Pumpaiaj^-^oe  Nimrod, 

Punckquanek,  a  Wampanoag,  iii,  17. 

Pufpompogt$,  a  Peqnot,  brother  of  8a*- 
tacu$,  ii,  104. 

PuUaqtippwMek,  a  Pequot,  eapturcd  by 
Otash,  li,  107. 

Ptuhamata,  a  Choklau.— Speech  lo  Lafey- 
ette,  iv,  67.— Dies  at  Washington.— 
Monument  lo  his  memory,  58. 


Qiiadeqm'na,  brotbec  to  Maisatoit,  ii,  18.— 
Visits  Ihe  Pilgrims,  19. — A  party  lo 
Caunbitant's  treaty.  S9. 

Quaiapen,  squaw-sachem  of  great  note  and 
authority  among  the  Narragansets,  ii, 
09,  N.— Known  by  different  names.— 
Joins  Philif  in  his  war.^-Slain  near 
Warwick,  in,  61, 6!. 

QuMic,  a  Pequot,  taken  prisoner  by  Vneat, 
ii,  107. 

QuanapoMilum,  a  Wampanoag,  one  aeeusodl 
of  the  murder  at  Eel  River,  iii,  57. 

QtMnmopoAA,  James,  a  Nipmuk  Cbristiaa, 
iii,  78.— EnterU-aed  while  a  spy  aiMuig 


IMOKX  TO  THE  MAMM  OF  THS  INDUMS. 


tOi— AcewHM  at  ikai 


noma§,  bfodMr  of  tk«  pra- 
■rad  lo  k«  kilM  by  Fl&^, 
yL  iK^Piiou  il«  Mam.  anw  mmm* 
tWip, 86.--HU  huddwt  oT-StraM- 


<|Mftimft,  a  NamguMlcaiiMua, 

iii,  71. 
4iiiMiii|iiiwirf.promttfiMtth«eo«dBct 

<tiari«MWii>i,  «  CbenikM,  murdarad  by 
dw  wUlat  wfatia  a  teilaga  in  pritoo,  iv, 
19. 

<tiifaiiMia,  a  Hobla  Narragaaaat  chief,  mo 
of  CM)taNa««oMl.F-Vanaiioiu  of  hi* 
aaiiM.--Brawar-'M-law  to  Phiiip, — ^Pur- 
akaia*  Mn.  RowlandwHi,  iii,  al.— Her 
aecoual  of  him,  SS.<— Return*  with  Philip 
to  PokaMkel.--Maka>  varioiu  eecapct. 
Shot  at  Newfiori,  03. 

<|M(MHWi0ira(,  fOD  of  QHoiapM,  ii,  8S. — 
Oallad  Oidaon,  iii,  61. 

<liiMMiMfiM<;  daughter  of  Quaiaptn,  iii,  <1. 

Qw'iwifani     Sue  Qtupitguntnl. 


,  a  Tarratine,  nehem  of  NeguMet, 

iii,  V7.— The  Mme  called  RMmhood. — 

SeHs  Woolwich,  bii   residence,  to  the 

wliileiAi--^ontemporary  with  AmmM*, 

;    98. 

R»t.-^8»t  Adcaio. 

Jbuthmnl,  a  sachem  uadar  Pmthatan.— 
Aaeedoto  of  him  and  Capt.  Smith,  iv,  10. 

IM-Krd,  a  Siouz  ehief,  goes  against  the 
Chippewas.— Unsueeessfiil.  —  Murders 
two  whites^— Attacks  others  m  their  boats. 
— Tnken  prisooer  and  dies  in  confine- 
ment, V,  IS4. 

Jted-AawA,  coas  to  Point  Pleasant  to  make 
peace  with  the  whiles,  v,  S8.— They 
retain  him  as  an  hostage.*— Barbarously 
■rardered,  S9. 

Rti-jmekH,  or  SupoynealAa,  chief  of  the 
Seneeas— Resiaence  ofw— Variations  in 
writing  his  name,  v,  77.—FaimHU  speech 
to  a  missionary,  78-79.— Joins  the  Amer- 
icans in  the  Canada  war.  80.— Long  and 
able  letter  to  the  Gov.  or  N.  York,  8143. 
—A  woman  of  his  tribe  murdered  for  a 
witch,  83.— His  speech  in  the  murderar's 
defence.— Interview  with  LaAiyetto.— 
Speech,  84.— Visiu  Philadelphia,  85.~ 
Siweeh,  86.-4>ies,  77. 

JUcnorai,  erroneeosly  said  to  have  killed 
PMtm,  iii,  40. 

ltii(fe,lIaior,  Cherokee  chief,  visiu  Wash- 
ii^ton,  iv,  a6. 

JCettrf,  a  Peouot,  servant  to  Gov.  Win- 
throp,  ii,  lOO. 

AoIm,  a  war  eaplain  among  the  Creeks, 

.  iv,  S6. 

JtoMi,  a  Tartaiine,  eiecntas,  with  others, 
a  dead  of  N^gnssei,  iii,  97. 
% 


RMt  of  Agawam,  pteveate  the  Ti 
btm  dasCajiag  mykmt,  ii,  49. 
JtsWa,    Wss  CsssasjMsajMM. 


ikaTanallaM 


MtmMtth,  saehaa  Miiead  ia  NkigNfn 
caM  with  Ike  DMekii,  79,10. 

Aosf ,  A4<MaM,  ChwdMO  chief,  iv,  ItL 

RmmUmmi,  a  Wyawlet  ehidT.  v,  Wit— 
In  the  balUa  of  the  River  Raiafai.  Md 
takaa  Oea.  Wlachseist  psiwtMr,  101^ 
At  the  capture  of  Detroit.— Latter  I*  ika 
iahabitaaU  of  Fraaehtown.  109. 

JC«MNd-«,  a  Cbsrakea  chief,  iv,  S9. 

Rottlu,  a  Tarratine,  sachem  of  Newiclk. 
waaM.— ilis    siagidar    prophecy,   iii^ 

Rummitmuvtkf  Geof|e.-4BM   Wiwyw 


M.  Ucorn.- 
also  iii,  A. 


flataWi,  captured  at  St.  Francis,  iii,  ISA^ 
One  of  Ike  name  a  sachem  on  this  Ka» 
nebeek.— Brother  of  MKomt,  IM^- 
Several  of  the  name,  1S7. 

Qagamtrt-jolm,  a  noted  Nipmuk,  iii,  Ti^— 
fiieenles  JMiiooMas,  77. 

8agamart-^am.    See  BhoJumim. 

St^ayttiikntag^hlon,  one  of  tlie  five  Iro- 
quois who  ia  1710  visited  England,  v,  7. 

AaroytiMiK^.— See  Red-Jaeket. 

SkdtmnsUm,  a  N.  Eng.  Indian  lakes  to 
Eiw.  by  Harlow^— lUmains  many  years. 
—Goes  with  the  Eng.  into  Bohemia,  ii,  A. 

SoMbima,  a  Wampaaoag,  counsellor  la 
Philip,  iii,  19. 

SamoMt,  visits  the  Pilgrims.— His  aosoual 
ef  himself  and  country .^Descriptioa  of 
his  dress,  ii,  9.— Jnforms  the  Eng.  of 
Muuuoit,  10.^-Aceompanies  him  to 
visit  them,  fO. 

fiioMpron,  a  barbarous  Tarratiiie  wmrtSm, 
iii,  111. 

SmwfoMt  a   Wampanoag,    attomey   Ibr 

ammo,  Capt.  a  Tarratine,  iii,  118«i— 
Speech,  117. 

8»mmtakonga,    See  8t<me-taUr. 

Banap*,  a  Narrannsetj  complains  ef  the 
fornication  pf  tmeiu,  ii,  100. 

8«mknut,  a  Wampanosg,  iii,  14, 10. 

Surah,  wife  of  Oonamof,  wounded  ia  (he 
Wamesit  massacre,  ii,  117. 

aoMauoptomnn—See  Opiithtpan. 

Sautemtm,  a  Tarratine,  his  interview  wiMi 
dnfirst  Eng.  of  Sscadahok,  ii,  4. 

Sattaeui,  chief  of  the  Pequou,  ii.  M.— 
Maligaaat  and  furious,  73. — His  brodwr 
said  to  have  married  a  daughter  of 
Nimigret,  74.— A  terror  to  his  neigbbon^ 
104.— Eng.  make  war  upon  him^>-4>a- 
stroys  his  fort  and  escapes,  105.  Thtda 
laads  to  Winthrop,  107. 

SMSomon,  John,  a  Wampanoag,  sent  on  a 
mission  to  Peqoot.— Calerlained  by 
jtfMMfiMiMmofc,  107.— flis  brother  iBle»> 


14 


INDCX  TO  THB  NAMM  OF  THE  INMAlfS. 


prater  to  Altxamitr,  Ml,  6.«-4f  m  laaraiM. 
'-PhiHfi'i  Mcratarjr.— ApMMlMr  lo  ifie 
N— Mfcxt.— tW«f  fa  givM  Mm  iMidt 
-■  Ibr  a  Mttl«nMiii,  S.— Oon  wiik  UwCm. 
tolfhl  iIm  Peouoti.  9.—  Wconmttwmm 
hiitnw  oaiM,  jt>  "fSmid  <>rytto  Awa- 

WMnMi  6olMf   lOt  ^rhu(y$  llrt4fMVt#f . 

14^WNmmn   l>/liay«'lrMljr  tt  PU- 

BMwii,  n. 

0MMMM,  Rotand,  brotber  of  ito  pNMdtac, 

Ifmumort,  Bettjr,  dnchiMr  of  ioba  Ahm- 
••  MM,  lii.  9. 

AiMfiihiii,  •  Sogkoiwia,  ui,  49. 
Scnmy,  a  MiukogM,  ftory  olT  bii  lortm, 

entt  wouderflil  ctcap*,  \,», 
ffcMMqi,  Mm  of  QMitesM,  moHgafw  bit 

couatijr,  iL  St.— 4ii,  61. 
MhmmH,  a CrMk  cMef^Mai  to  Bug .  wfth 

Geu.  Ogleihorp,  Ir,  sT 
Stmuuton,  a  cbiof  under  JliaNftMMOMoA,  ii, 

^.— One  of  hia  men  wounda  Uneas,  90. 
8*auin,  tuppoted  aalkor  of  the  nia«Mcre  at 

Weathertfield,  ii,  79. 
ShMuhilc*,  one  or  the  tC  hoatafn  anir- 

dered  in  pritoa,  iv,  tt. 
■MmooeiqiU,  a  Nipmuk,  lellt  BrooUeid, 

iii.  80,  n. 
MmHi,  a  Creek,  wm  orCbinnabjr,  iv,  48. 
Sutaretti,  a  name  of  Aiario,  which  lee. 
ShiktUimiu,  fluher  of  ttrm,  variMi  w«Tt 

of  wrtliar  hia  name.— Vitlt*  Pb!led«lpkra, 
10.-^  Cavaga  chi^f,  t5. 
tfi«(  a  Delaware  ehief.>-Viiitad   by 
raibington,  v.  90.— Ditappointi    Mm, 

tt-^-Bottnty  offered  for  hii  nead,  IS. 
Bkotot,  a  Nipmuk,  tachem  of  Nathoa,  ii, 

97.— SiKceede  SMim,  iii.  81. 
ghothanimjti  Nipmuk,  called  Sagtmort- 

Mm,  ii,  77.— Betrayed  into  the  Ikanda  of 

the  white*  and  hanged,  iU,  80.— Waa  at 

the  tacking  of  Lancaster.— Called  Ut- 

kvttihgun,   81.— Hit   leiter    abool    the 

exchange  of  Mi^.  RowlaMMm,  87. 
tHhuee,  a  Cherokee,  i,  tt. 
Simmo,  Capl.  a  Tarraline,  chief  tpeaker  at 

tha  treaty  of  1703,  at  Catco,  116,117. 
Siwum,  John,  anecdote  of,  i,  2t.~A  preacher 

at  Soffkonate,  iii,  71. 
SStMfuw?«r,  a  Creek  prophet,  itiaket  a  tfand 

at  Eckanakaka,  iv, ».— Killed  at  Toho- 

peka,  05. 
5m(oucW,goet  to  Eng.  with  Ctea.'OgMliorp, 

iv,a6. 
Bkeiwarrot$,  a  N.  Eng.  bid.   carried  to 

Eng.  by  Weymouth,  li,  3j>-49aihi  to  N. 

Eng.  with  Prln,  4. 
^StcMMrfo,  a  venerable  Oneidk  iaiihem.— 

Anecdote  of  hit   intemperance.— Diet, 

Bkiagtuta,  a  Creek  hostage  Mardeted  in 

priton,  Iv,  S9. 
Bnfagtuta,  head' warrior  of 'fat««lel|ie,  iv,! 

e^— Visits  England.— Makes  a  speech 

to  the  king,  67.«-J)ies,  68. 
Skiko,  sachem  of  Virgima,  son  of  'tNtuito- 

non,  iv,  9. 
"Boehoto,  a  great  Petjitbt  chief,  set^MtMder 

Canomnu,  H,  51.        


"^^ 


■  ffarrMlBMl 
chief,   u,   IB^totakimn,   M,  wT-- 

»>gii**.-/lH,lf. 
BcHgr**h«0d,  a  TarrailM,  W,  ff. 
^MNOMwiMj—Bee  TWMMay. 
AipofMiB.— Bee  Akmmitr. 


CbMM,  Abram.  a  NipMk. JM9. 
BfMn,  Jamet,  a  'prhyfaif  Miaa  of  Ifdft, 
iii.  w.-^arraw  aacapa  tnm  Mohawks, 

fl^Mcn,  Joha.  a  CMAiaB  leaehar  al  If aiik. 

—Dies  a  druakaid.  ii.  116. 
Bftn,  The»as,  of  Watttji,  116. 

mpubitH,  a  Wampaneag,  iii,  1 

SMMMOHr,  Daaief,  eounieUoi  to  Waalpa' 
tackTiirw^  46. 

Bftutmatt,  sen  of  Avathaitki,  iV,  64. 

S^mndo,  sagamore  of  Baeo.— Biagular 
account  of  a  vision,  iU,  99. 

Bqmtnto,  a  Wampanoag.  carried  lo  Eag- 
'land,  li,  t.— Error  in  the  histories  eea- 
ceming,  4,  5.^Had  resided  in  Londba. 
— Jntwpreter  for  the  Pilgrims.— Dies,  10, 
11,  It.— The  only  native  of  Paluaetwho 
escaped  the  great  plague,  13.— Saves  the 
life  of  Capt.  Denner,  18.-^omes  with 
MuMMoU  to  Plimooth,  tO^Procttres 
flsh  for  the  Pilgrims,  tl.— Taken  j>ritoner 
by  CottiiMtairt,  t7.— Recovered  by  the 
whites,  tS.— His  deceptive  conduct  to  bis 
own  people.  38.— PiioU  Plimouth  piebple 
to  Hassachusetu.  40.— BquaBttun  to 
named  from  him,  4S. 

S^w*McAeM,  of  MassachosetU,  ii,  40.— 
Widow  of  iWrnmasAcMH.— Marries  Wtb- 
eowA.— Deeds  tends  to  Gibbons,  41.— 
Treats  with  the  Engfith,  4S. 

8^tadraif$tt,  murders  mgiml.— Bells  lands 
m  Falmouth,  ii,  A3. 

Bttvtn,  a  Wampanoag,  iii,  t. 

AiiMi&eM,  foei  to  Cig.  with  Oen.  Ogle- 
ihorp,*lv,  16. 

StoM-etUer,  or  8<ma$mJunitti,  v,  103,  ItS. 

SKoiM-wa/MoAn,  a  Narraganset  chief,  a 
brickSlayer/— Attacks  and  kilb  ivme 
Salem  men,  ill,  76.— KOIed,  76. 

Strtmg,  a  Seneca  chief,  v,  90. 

£hMilr-«9«at0.— Bee  QmoImm. 

Buiuttto,  a  Mobecati,  ii,  91. 

8u*q»anth.—-8M  Pervnetii. 

Snivp,  Peol,  a  PenobMot,  Med  for  ttoider, 

»fmtm,  a  tartaJtoe,  •  J«pn«  ™5"» 
attacks  (he  people  ofNewiHiry,  ifa,10^ 
-^tur^on  C^k,  106.— BrMford^ 
Imprisoned  at  Dover,  ib. 

Tadeutkmmt,  a  noted  Delawue  ^^Mt^ 
MUies  a  sdMhlo  th«  CIlHftAa^  luMte 
of  GnadenhMtMi,  >,  l6.-^D%iair  lor  the 


INDEX  TO  THI  NAMES  OP  THE  INDUNE. 


15 


wr«M  oT  Ml  Ufc,  17,  M.— Hit  MtMeMy 
fete,  18. 

trdbrtMwr.  a  Niiwnt,  kit  worn  minlMwl  al 
OMlaMlora,  £  111 

TUUteNM.  -Am  JV«(tdU<taiNMfa.— U, 
117. 

71a/kfl(l«M«,  Joh^  lea  WpwwdiH-  — Eakf 
of  iIm  prajriac  udiaat,  ii,  M. 

7WtMM«,a  Mlaga,  aitntand  iaCaio- 
Una,  iv,  9. 

Tmlliuiht,  a  hoalaga,  wwdaiwl  ia  pruoa, 
i«,S9. 

Tammtn,  aa  aaeiaat  Delawan,  v,  9.— Ac- 
count of  the  Mckiy  ainad  hu—fMu' 
bfatod  in  varioai  odw,  10. 

TiM-kuig,  aa  Upper  Craak.— Troublaa 
with  Um  EagUahmaa  Bowka,  iv,  40.— 
Hii  BMa  graat  ihiavat,  41. 

Tamoueuam,  callod  /(^<ry,  a  Wampanoaf , 
iii,  6S. 

TaiUaiMut.—Sn  OU-JtOtro. 

TVintof iMfON,  a  Mobagaa  capl.  Mitea  Mi- 
anlMimoMM,  ii,  6A,  »v— Hii  iife  aiteniplad, 
68. 

T^antum,  a  N.  Ea)(,  lud.  accompaaiet  Capl. 
Smith  alonf  tha  coatt,  ii,  A. 

Ta^uanktickt,  a  Wampaaoag,  iii^  14. 

Tarkt,  or  the  Crane,  a  Huron  chief,  v,  110. 

Tarumkin,  t\:n(  of  the  AndnMCOfgins,  iii, 
101.— Hii  apeech  ia  the  Tacoaet  eoun- 
cil,  ti. 

Tashttutuek^  first  chier  of  the  NarragaascU, 
that  there  is  account  of.— Father  of  Ca- 
npitieuM,  ii,  48. 

Taffiquommtt,  a  Narranuet,  ii,  96. 

ToMturte,  a  Tarratine,  brother  of  NatU- 
Juipada,  iii,  98> 

Taitum>mok,  a  WaHipaaoag,  lelU  laad  in 
Hwanzey,  iii,  S.— Other  land  near  Poka- 
noket,  1  if—Aitrnkamoimak*,  ii.  m. 

TatchiquacU,  a  Creek  chief,  iv,  Sfl. 

TcUoson,  a  noted  Wampauow  captain  un- 
der Philip,  iii,  66.— Goet  wiUi  aconpanj 
and  surprises  Clark's  nrrison.- Names 
of  his  men,  68.— Surrendert  (o  the  whiles, 
who  behead  him,  09.— Account  of  his 
escape  from  Amoi,  8t. 

TuUutommttt,  a  Wimpaaoac,  iii,  6t>  64, 
TO. 

Tanoitr,  one  of  PhUip'*  counsellon,  iii,  19. 

Taylor,  Capt.  a  Cherokee  chief,  iv,  £6. 

Tea$laegee,  or  Charles  Complanterj  v,  98. 

Tecunueh,  chief  of  the  Shawaaeae,  lasti- 
rates  the  Creeks  to  war,  iv,  49.— His 
ftrst  Mploiu,  99.->Speech  to  Qov.  Har- 
rison, lOO.'—Conlroversy  with,  10S.>— 
A  hunsaoa  act,  104.— Attacks  Americaas 
un^er  Bl' Arthur  and  VkMhon,  lOS.— 
Various  trails  of  eharaelw,  106.— larip 
dents  and  aneedaias,  107.— Aji  AchUlas, 
110.— Killed  in  %k»  Mle  of  the  ThaoMi, 
104. 

Tffmntenlugurom,  qne  of  the  five  Iroquoia 
>ftha  visitea  Enf .  in  1710,  v,  7. 

TeMMwifcai^nmeca,  a  Mobawk  chief.— Call- 
ed Jolm  Norton— Ttntu  England,  v, 
110-- At  the  capture  of  Niagara,  111. 

Thiit.'-S^  flit' 

THlaiaho-tli^ukte,  a  Cnfk  «hiai;  iv,  tl 


TVaMt,  John,  a  Nipaiuk,  dies  al  Ike  ag* 

of  110  years,  ii,  M.— T.  of  Nam^tkal, 

iu,9.-^Naihoba,ii,  IIR. 
Thmmt,  a  Tarfaiiite.  ul  Nmnwwi,  iii,  '/I. 
Timp0othi*-i*mitti.«  flee  Barmrd. 
TYsfHaMftrai.— See  AfMonlo. 
TUmtm^  an  lad.  womaa  of  Salem,  impllealed 

ia  witchcraft,  ii,  118,  ll'J.— Prorec<lin^ 

against  her,  I  iO. 
Teiiahoi,  a  hosu^  auirdcred  in  Carolina, 

iv,S9. 
Tk>ti$€t»-t«lcr,  a  AiaMus  Muskogee  warrior, 

iv,38. 
T\m»i  of  Naaaskei,  iii,  9.-4ke  Pvgga- 
Also,  d. 


JMUMSMW. 

Twif.— >See  N«iJutoeotim>il. 

sinaa 
Tokalootttr.  ■  -Sec  KatlakiiilatBants. 


»u.— see  J} 
nmaek,  a 


Waainaaoag,  iii,  14. 


Toci 


ToktmakamoH,  a  Wampanoag,  befriends 
the  Englisli,  li,  11.— PaithAil  on  all  otca- 
•ions,  23.— 27.— Aids  Slaudish  against 
CamibitaHt,  38.— 50. 

T^MlasMma,  sachem  uf  Saconel,  iii,  20. 

Tokptoth,  John,  a  Christian  Ind.  of  Mar- 
tha's Vineyard. 

Tohiiy,  husband  of  Awatkonkt,  iii,  62.— 
Some  account  of  his  family,  64. 


Tom-Jemmy,  a  Seneca,  executes  a 
for  wilchcraA,  v,  83. 

Toat-lht-in/atU,  a  Seneca,  v,  8S. 

TW.— See  SatttueU,  or  aanttittt. 

Tom,  Tatoson's  brother's  son,,  iii,  68j>» 
Perbfps  Ptmicha$o»,  82. 

Tom,  Capl. — Set  WaUattacompenom. 

Tom,  Capl.  a  Tarratine,  attacks  and  kills 
people  at  Hampton,  iii,  114. 

Tomoekichi,  sachem  of  Vamacraw ,  in  Car- 
olina, iv,  S5.^41ives  Gen.  Ogleiliorp  an 
aceounl  of  binsseir,— Goes  with  him  to 
Eng.>— His  speech  to  the  king,  26.— Re- 
turns to  America^  ST.^Dies.— A  monu- 
ment ordered  to  his  memory,  69. 

TVnnecoiiio,  counsellor  to  Powhatan,  who 
■ends  him  Ic  Ear.  as  a  spy.— The  famous 
answer  he  brount  back,  iv,  15.— Marriee 
a  tister  of  Pocdhontat,  t^. 

TVmaiiMi,  a  Creek  warrior  of  Eufaule,  iv. 
». 

Ttmy,  a  Cherokee,  barbarously  murdered, 
iv,  X9. 

TWmAowi,  |oes  to  Eng.  with  Gen.  Ogle- 
thorp,  iv,  16.— FighU  the  Spaniards,  ia 
the  south,  S7. 

TVptnafee,  a  Potlowattomie,  v,  121.— 
Aaecdoie,  IXt. 

T^sfMcbMrt,  a  Tarratine  sachem,  iii,  113. 

TofalmmH,  a  Sugkonate,  iii,  62, 63. 

TUcgwtomot,  ii,  32.— Successor  of  Nieko- 
(ewmsce  at  Pamunkey.-4k>es  with  the 
Enc.  to  fight  the  Reehahecrians,  and  if  . 
kii^  iv,  U. 

TWemm.— See  Tatoion. 

TWpeo.— See  Watuchfoo. 

T^tkapemHUni  a  Christian  Nipmnk,  a 
preaeher,  ii,  06, 46.— iii,  84. 

J\amm»iokfou,  ton  of  WehanownawU, 
iii,  97. 

TWwe*—,  a  Sokgonate,  iii,  63. 

l^ugtMgtH,  iii,  W,  n. 


■^ 


l€^ 


INDEX  TO  THE  NABIES  OP  THE  INDIANS 


T^ttkihafo,  a  Seminolo,  ir,  8U. 

Iwnly-caiioei,  a  Seneca  chief,  v  <;,' 
7\M-guHM,  n  Seiieca  ehieC,  v,  <iO. 
TVuAf,  one  of  Philip'i  captains,  iii, 


». 


UmnaJlhvm.  in,  \fi. — l^m;  Vi'-Kvathum, 

Umptakiaoke,  a  Wani^iaiio«)j;,  lii.  16. 

C/MCM,  fdvored  by  Kui?.  •■,  63. — Makes 
tvar  upon  Sequatison.  u,  64. — ^Taket  Mi- 
aji<u<;Dumoh  piiioner.  65. — Hit  speech  to 
tKantwmomoh,  More  the  battle  of  Sa- 
Ch<jn)''ii-plaia,  G6. — Eesioged  by  Nifuertl 
in  his  for) :  many  of  his  men  killed,  w. — 
An  atu.-inpt  upon  his  life,  T2.— Complniiu 
lo  the  Lag.  that  the  Long  Island  sa- 
chem has  bewitched  him  and  his  peopk;, 
74.— Captures  a  bor.l  belonging  to  Nitd- 
grtl,  77. — Hi«  arcount  of  it,  78.— Eiig. 
blind  to  complaliitM  u{;ainst  him,  80. — 
Munlcni  eight  ot  his  iiciglibors,  81/— His 
character,  SG.— Lives  to  a  i(rc-at  age,  87. 
—Joins  the  dig.  agaiiiiit  the  Pequots. — 
Pursues  and  kills  a  chicl',  88. — Called  at 
on6  lime  Okoko,  ib.—\.  kpcech,  t6.— 
Rendered  the  Eiig.  great  ser\'ice,  89. — 
Wounded  by  an  Indian  who  lakes  refuge 
u:i(ler  Kinntumwrnoh,  tA.— Plot  against 
MiarUumtoiiwh,  DO.— Received  wampum 
(o  liberate  JUiantutmomoh,  91. — His 
knavr%  in  that  hnsiness  plain,  tA—^ause 
of  his  wft  with  Pcisactii,  92. — ^Eng.  send 
a  force  to  relieve  hira,  i6.— Account  of  the 
iiegc,  94. — Attacks  a  Narragaiiset  sa- 
chem, 98.— Trial,  99.>— Eng.  6nd  him 
gtiillj^  of  a  "  DeuilUh  faitehood,"  ib. — 
Forcibly  takes  another's  wife,  100.— 
A  like  complaint,  i6.— Begins  a  war  upon 
Oiisaiiwqtdn,  101.— English  order  him  to 
desist.-^cnd  out  an  armament,  lOS.— 
His  letter  to  Enr.  103.— Leads  the  Ilfo- 
hegans  in  the  Pcquot  war,  105. — En- 
deavors to  screen  some  after  their  dis- 
persion, 106. — Opase,  accused  of  lUtb- 
lessness  by  Snantunnomokt  107.— A 
Christian  sagamore,  iii,  IS.— Detaches 
men  to  aid  the  Ene.  a^inst  Pkilip,  36.— 
Protests  against  Cnristianity  at  the  court 
of  Hartford,  ii,  113. 

Unkompoin,  uncle  lo  Philiv.md  his  chief 
counsellor,  ii,  27. — iii,  l4,  n.— Claims 
lands  with  Philip  at  Swansey,  16.— 
Signs  a  treaty  at  Plimouth,  17.—  IVoon- 
kaponehutU,  19.—Wohko»pahtmtl,90. — 
Killed,  3S. 

Uikalahjiun,  same  as  Shothanim,  or  Saga- 
more-Sam,  which  see. 

UUamalomakin — See  Tomoeomo, 

UUtoowetit,  one  of  Tatoioii*  man  al  Eel 
River,  iii,  68. 

V. 

Vne«.— See  Vncoi. 

Vsiameiciii,  or  Waysamegin.— See  Mai- 
MuoU, 


■  ilr. 

Wabam,  a  Nipmuk,  marries  a  daughter  of 
Nattahattawaiits,  ii,  64.— His  residence, 

09.  Ill,  fi.— ^ives  early  information  of 
Pnilip'i  design  of  war,  iii,  10.— Ques- 
tioned about  the  Hassanamesils,  19.-— 
Signification  ot  liis  name,  lit.— Chief 
man  at  Natik,  114.^-Aneedotes,  116.— >^ 
Time  of  his  death,  IIC. 

WoMHethiekf  or  the  prophet,  who  was 
captured  with  Black-katek,  v,  13S.— His 
speeeh  to  president  Jaekson,  136.— 
Speech  at  Norfolk,  140. 

We^uioke,  a  Wampanoag,  iii,  2.»4;alled 

Wahatunehqualf  a  Wampanoag,  iii,  2. 

Ii'a/if«»ujcu<,  visits  Boston,  ii,  64. — Wa- 
gonekwhut,  107. 

Waiatulamt,  a  Long  Island  chief,  an  enemy 
to  AJiatUuunomoh,  ii,  62.— Betrays  him, 
63.— Defeats  the  plans  of  Nxnigrtt,  74.— 
Kills  a  murderer.— His  death,  w. 

WalciU,  called  the  "  ruler"  of  PkUip,  iii, 

10.  "» 

WaUcer,  Maj.  a  Cherokee  chiel^  iv.  66. 

Walk-in-tht-water,  a  Huron,  writes  to  the 
inhabitants  of  Frcnchtown,  v,  109. — 
Called  Mytrah. — Opposed  to  the  Amer- 
icans at  the  battle  of  the  Thames.— Sur- 
renders to  them. — His  dignified  conduct, 
110. 

Wa/«TO*«.— See  Worombo.  _ 

Wamberqitaske,  a  Pequot,  ii,  108,  .' 

IVampapaquan,  executed  lor  a  murderer  or 
Sassamou,  iii,  11. 

Wampiu,  a  wise  and  sage  Indian,  becomes 
a  Christian,  ii,  1 12. 

WampatuckjJosiai,  grandson  of  Chikata- 
bak,  sells  Boston  to  the  English,  ii,  36.— 
Sachem  of  Matakeeset,  36. — ^Made  large 
sales  of  land,  iii,  16. 

Wampatmck,  son  of  Ciiikatabak,  or  CMka- 
taniut,  sells  Braintree,  ii,  45.— Some  of 
his  people  killed  by  Uneat,  31.— .A  wit- 
ness, 98. 

IVampey,  Geo.  a  Wampanoag,  ii,  46.— 
Sits  among  the  Eng.  jury,  on  the  trial  of 
Sassamon's  accused  murderers,  iii,  12. 

Wa^Hpotnea,  John,  ii,  46. 

Warnqnuhet,  accused  of  aiding  Uncai,  ii 
99. 

Wamtutta. — See  AUxandtr.  ^ 

Watutdugtmbuetit,  a  Tarratine.  iii,  116. 

Wamimatanamet,  sachem  of  Aquidnek,  ii, 
61. 

IVcmape.— Sec  Manawet  or  Mwm]^. 

WtMoaUf  jpes  to  Eng.  with  Amidas  and 
Barlow,  h,  66. 

Wanmiamctt,  ii,  1 17.— AMerrimack  sachem, 
eaptured  by  tl^  En|[[tish,  iii,  92.— Always 
the  friend  of  the  whiles,  93. — Withdraws 
from  the  frontiers  in  Philip's  war.— Order 
of  Gen,  Court  of  Mas,  concerning. — Gov- 
ernor's letter  to,— Causes  the  restoratioa 
of  eaplives,  93,— His  plantation  destroyed 
by  the  Eng.  under  Nosely.— The^  lake 
possession  of  his  lands,  94.— Is  impniaaeit 
for  debt-^Kot't  aecount  of,  96. 


INDEX  TO  THE  NAMES  OP  THE  INDIANS. 


V,  Inae,  a  WMapuour,  iii,  9.— 
"A  Mffe  lodiu,"  It.— wS^eo,  14.— 

ar. 

WmmuKo,  a  Moliegan,  ii  JTT. 
'   a  BoMd  Tan 


Wi 


iU,  lOS. 


amUiM  wamor, 


IVtHMMpowcf,  a  loldier  uader  Totofon,  iii, 

WapdUr,  elder  amoaf  the  Saei  and  Fom, 
V,  147.— Rii  speech  at  the  reUin  of  JMacft- 
hamk,  149. 

l9'arnNfpm(,  a  Peoobteot  chief,  iii,  116. 

WaihaoBoima,  or  Will,  a  Wampanoag,  iii, 

Watho$t.—Stt  Awuhan. 

IVMMptnaoafjbrother  of  ObtaJtitit,  ii,  34. 

IfatfAMMf,  a  Tanaliae,  fatlier  of  Agfidoa' 
dtmago,  iii,  98. 

WcUapaeoton,  a  Nipmuk,  iii,  79. 

Watapatahue,  a  Wampanoa^r,  iii,  14. 

WtUombamtl,  a  Tarratine,  ill,  113. 

Wattackpoo,  a  couniellor  to  Philip,  Iii,  15, 
16.— Perhaps  IViiMoAoMeeim,  90.— Ta- 
ken in  Phitiff*  war,  57. 

IVa/tammtnum,  a  Tarratine,  iii,  116. — 117. 

WattcuMompanum,  or  Wattatiacomponom, 
called  Ca^.  TVnn.- A  Christian  Nipmuk. 
—On  the  side  of  Pkilip  in  the  war. — Is 
taken  and  executed  by  the  whites,  ii, 
H8. 

WattM,  John,  a  O^eek  warrior,  iv,  40. 

Waiumequin,  sachem  of  Assawomset,  iii, 
8. — Grants  lands  to  John  Saisamon,  ih. 
—Security  for  TobioM,  11.— ^Ils  lands 
to  with  Philip,  15.— Other  sales,  16,  64. 
— Fichts  for  Philip  in  his  war.— Bums 
iMiildingfs  in  Bridgrwater  and  Plimouih. 
A6.— ^omes  forward  to  make  peace,  ana 
is  barbarously  executed,  66. 

WiUmpapiin,  William,  son  of  the  preced- 
inf,  iii,  8, 11,53,61. 

Waughmamino.n  Narraganset  chief,  ii,  98. 

Waaonahton,  a  Yankton  chiefj  v,  US. 

Weatherford.ii  Creek  chief,  iv,  4S.— Cap- 
tures Fort  Mimms.— Surrsnders  to  Cton. 
Jackson,  43.^His  speech  on  the  occa- 
sion, 44.— Further  particulars  in  his  life, 
49, 53,  68. 

Webatamut,  [probably  Wepiteamok,]  ii, 
86. 

Wtbcowit,  a  Nipmuk,  marries  Squmesa- 
ehem  of  Mass. — ^They  deed  lands  to  Oib- 
bones,  ii,  41.— 42. 

Weeopauhim,  a  Wampanoag,  iii.  14. 

Weeke$amio,  a  Narraganset,  ii,  98. 

Wtttamoo,  wife  of  Altxmtdtr,  a  potent 

Erincess,  iii,  1..— Complains  against  her 
usband,  t.— With  Philip  va  his  war.— 
Escapes  with  him  to  the  Nipmuks,  3.— 
Wife  of  QMiMajM'n.— .Drowned  in  Taun- 
ton River.— Mr.  Hubbard  and  Mr.  Math- 
er's account  of  the  event,  4.— -Mrs.  Row- 
landson's  account  of  her. 
Wtttmeitie,  a  Niantik  sachem,  ii,  91.— 

Probably  Witowaih,  98. 
W^uinomnomit,  sells   the   country  about 

Exeter,  N.  H.  iii,  96. 
Wtnew.  a  Narraganset,  iii,  61. 
Weouscnim,  a  Narraganset,  iii,  61. 
8* 


WtpiUtmoeV*  SMI  aMi  30  odwn  Mr- 
dered  by  AaeassaMotik,  ii,  l8.-4Frol«- 
bly  the  same  as]    WOeUmmk,  V,  98. 

WttmoA,  a  Pequol,  iMi  tmoMe  with  Jftais- 
tmmmok,  ii,  6K>iWith  Putmcm,  W, 
97, 98,  99,  and  «.— Another,  105. 

n^exar,  a  TarratlBe  chief,  fii,  116.  ' 

H^cyMMW,  Thomas,  a  Nipmok,  iijJ5. 

Whitlbtumm,  a  Seiieea  chief,  v,  90. 

WkSU-tya,  fint  Cant.  anan|[  the  Dela- 
waret. — Protects  toe  Moravian  missie*- 
aries.— Opponed  by  JWrtowatewc*.— 
Meets  the  American  commissioners  in 
the  levohilion.- A  messenger  to  the  Hu- 
fons,  V,  18.— 'Designs  fail. — Required  to 
join  the  ESng.— Replies  to  them. — Resi- 
denee.— Deslh,  19.— His  Indian  name, 
40,  n.— Summary  of  hisaflhirs  with  Pipt, 

WhiMohn,  anecdote  of.— A  western  chief, 

i,  17: 
White-lion,  or  H'opamaivwa,  a  Huron,  v, 

lOS. 
WhiU'loon,  a  Winnebago,  in  the  fight  at 

Presque  Isle,  v,  123.  '' 

White-thunder,  goes  with  Washington  on 

an  embassy  to  the  French,  on  Ohio.— 

Meets  with  an  accident,  v,  22. 
WiUboie,  Sam,  a  Narraganset,  ii,  76. 
Wincumbont,  wife  of  HSmmotto,  saves  the 

life  of  an  Englishman,  ii,  109. 
Wingenim,  a  noted  Demware  chief,  v,  48. 
H'ii^fHM,a  Virginia  chief,  first  known  to  the 

Eng.  iv,  2.— Takes  a  new  name,  H.— 

Son    of    Enienore,  3.— Deceives    the 

whites.— Very  serviceable  (o  them  after- 
wards, 4. 
Wimumak,  a  western  warrior,  102. — In 

the  battle  at  Tippecanoe,  103. 
WinnepHrkitt,  son    of  NemepoMhemet,  ii, 

41.— Marries  a  daughter  or  Pattaeona 

way,  53.^Anecdote,  iii,  91. 
Wimtipin,  executes  a  deed  of  hmds  on 

Concord  River,  ii,  54. 
Wi*poke. — See  Wootpaiwek,  iii,  20. 
Wittawtuh,  a  Narraganset  sachem,  ii,  69, 

Wiltuwamet,  a  distininiished  Wampanoa< 
warrior,  ii.  30.— ^Jailed  by  the  whiles  "  A 
notable  villain,"  31.— Surprised  and  slain 
by  Slandish,  36. 

Woaekotimauhan.'    See  Vnkompoin. 

Wobequob,  a  Narraganset,  iii,  61. 

Wohtiehe,  a  hostage  murdered  ia  Carolina, 
iv,  29. 

WMawa,  son  of  JtoftMoorf,  iii,  97.— See 
Hopehood,  109. 

WolAkinr,  a  Creek  chief,  iv,  27. 

Wdj]  a  Mohegan  chief,  (kther  of  HtmiHek, 
V,  S6. 

WoiiekaatMiAaiii,  son  of  Nampashtmtt,  ii, 
41.— Aids  Cammiau  in  his  war  Bgaiul 
the  PeguoU,  43.— His  wigwam  burnt  by 
some  Enr.  Called  by  the  Eng.  Bagamm 
/oAii,6ff.— Ilisdea&,63. 

Wooitock,  a  soldier  under  Tatoton,  iii,  07. 

WoonaOtmuii,  goes  with  Taioeon  to  destroy 
Clark's  garrison,  iii,  IA. 


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GENERAL    INDEX. 


Abenakiei,  oi  Abcnaquiet,(ituauvn,  iii,91. 

— Faclt  in  their  history,  128. 
Adair,  James,  view  of  his  notions  about  the 

origin  of  the  Indians,  i,  8. 
Adams,  John  Quiacy,  ii,  45,— iv,  47. 
Addison,  Joseph,  notice  of  the  five  Iroquois, 

J'  ''■ 
^lian,  his  work  refers  to  America,  i,  2. 

Affuiuschioni,  true  name  of  the  Iroquois,  v, 
2.— 1&8,  n. 

Alden,Coi.  lehabod,  killed  at  Cherry  valley, 
V,  69. 

Alden,  John,  iil,  54, 68, 

Alden,  Timothy,  missionary  to  the  Senecas, 
V,  98, 

Allen,  John,  iii,  14. 

Allerton,  Isaac,  ii,  21.— Supposed  writer  ia 
Mourt's  Journal,  29, 

Allouez,  father,  a  French  Jesuit,  visits  early 
the  Indians  of  Canada,  v,  123, 

Aiiierica,  so  named  from  Americus,  i,  1. 

Americus,  Vesputius,  bis  voyage  to  Amer- 
ica, i,  1.— Mi,  17. 

Almey,  John,  anecdote  of,  ii.  22,— iii,  62, 63, 

Amherst,  Sir  JeSrey,  sends  a  force  to  de- 
stroy the  St,  Francis  Indians,  iii.  126.  v, 
31,---Gives  an  account  of  the  battle  of 
Bloody  Bridge,  35,  36, 

Amidas  and  Barlow,  carry  Indians  to  Ens- 
land,  ii,  55, — Their  voyage  to  Virjjpnia, 
iv,  2, — Amidas  made  Gov.  of  Virginia,  3. 
—Visits  Roanoak,  6. 

Amoskeag  Falls,  Dr.  C,  Mather's  account 
of,  iii,  96, 

Andover,  attacked  by  Indians,  iii,  113, 

Androscoggin,  iii,  114.— .Some  of  the  tribe 
of  join  the  St,  Francis  tribe, — Meaning 
of  the  name,  125, 

Anecdotes,  of  While-john,  i,  18. — Of  a 
squaw  at  Turner's  Falls,  ib,— A  miisioa- 
ary  and  an  Indian,  ib,— Devils-ramrod, 
ib. — The  hunter  and  back-settler,  ib.— 
The  talking  paper,  or  the  letter  and  orcn- 
ges,  19.— Gov.  Dudley  and  an  Indian,  ib. 
—Manner  of  choosing  a  wife,  i,  20.— Of 
Sil6uee,  a  Cherokee  chief,  22.—- Of  John 
Simon,  ib. — Of  Jack-straw,  and  Sir  W. 
Ralegh  and  Tobacco,  ii,  65.— Of  Ralegh's 
History  of  the  World,  66.— Of  Miantun- 
nomoh  8  idea  of  immortality,  ii,  61. — Of 
Ninigret,  83. — Of  Porus  aiid  Alexander, 
iii,  24,  n. — Of  Philip  and  the  English,  ib. 
—Philip  and  Mr.  Eliof^  38.— Of  Mr.  Eli- 
1 


ot  and  the  Nasbuai,  Sl.^-^Of  MTmnetmr- 
kiu'tm«rriage,9l.— OfSquando's  dee«p- 
lion,  iii,  99.— Of  Capt.  Smitband  hit  ran- 
som, iv,  10.— Canassateeo,  v.  10.<— 
Skenando,  19.— Of  Hendrick,  24.— Om. 
Johnson,  25.— Of  Pontiak,  32.— Of  Sam 
Hide,  i,  23.— Of  a  Arratommakau,  26. 
—Gen.  Jackson,  iv,  51.— Of  Wauban, 
ii,  116.— Of  Buokongalielas.  v,  46.— Of 
Red-jacket  and  Col.  Siielhng,  80.— Of 
Corn-plant,  97.— Of  Topinabee,  122. 

Anno,  Queen  of  England,  visited  by  6  Iro- 
quois chiefs,  V,  6. 

Appleton,  Capt.  Samuel,  iii.  76. 

Archer,  John,  attempts  to  aefraud  Weela- 
moo,  iii,  2. 

Argal,  Capt.  Samuel,  carries  away  Poca- 
hontas prisoner,  iv,  18. 

Aristotle,  speaks  of  countries  west  of  Eu- 
rope,  i,  3. 

Arnold,  Benedict,  ii,  70.  86,  92,  93.  96,  ^6. 

Arnold,  Gen.  notice  or  his  expedition  to 
Quebeck,  iii,  126. — Dies  in  London, 
127,  n. 

Alberton,  Muor,  ii,  69,  60.— Seizes  Niai- 
gi-et  by  the  hair,  ii,  69,  31, 93, 

Atkinson,  Gen.  captures  Red-bird,  v.  124. 

Aubert,  Tliomat,  carries  Indians  to  France, 
ii,2. 

Aucosisco,  tribe  of,  ii,  63,— ^ii,  90,  n. 

Autossee,  massacre  of,  iv,  44,  45,  62. 

Avery,  Capt.  James,  iii,  43. 

Aj^lonj  Vasquez  D*,  carries  off  Indians, 
iv,  66. 


Badlock,  Capt.  tortured  at  Wyoming,  v,  68, 

Bagnai,  Walter,  ipjuros  the  Indians  and  they 
kili  him,  ii,  63. 

Baker,  Thomas,  a  captive,  retaken  by 
Church,  iii,  116. 

Bangs,  Jonathan,  a  juror  in  the  case  of  mur- 
der of  Sassannon,  in.  It. 

Barker,  Samuel,  iii,  62,  63, 

Barlow,  Capt,  Arthur. — See  Amidas. 

Barnard,  Mrs.  delivered  out  of  captivity, 
iii,  116. 

Barrell,  John,  ii,  75. 

Barrp,  de  la,  Gov.  of  Canada,  has  an  inter- 
view with  Grangula,  v,  2. 

Bartram,  William,  his  interview  with  Alta> 
kullakulla.  iv,  31. 

Bashabas,  name  of  the  highest  sacben 
among  the  Tarratines,  ii,  4.— Sends  his 


?^,1> 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


•on  to  Sagadahock  (o  visit  the  first  lel- 
llent,  ib.^^realrr  than  Sactimore.— 
Dwth  of  the  B.of  Penobscot,  iii,  90. 

Basset,  William,  a  Capt.  with  Cburrh  at 
the  eastward,  iii,  83. 

Balcman,  Edward,  bu^s  Woolwich  of  tlie 
bdiaiis,  iii.  97. 

Bston-Roun.— See  Red-sticks. 

Battles.— (K  Lake  George,  v,  23,  24.— Of 
Point  Pleasant,  S7.— Bloody  Bridge  near 
Detroit,  35.— Talladen,  iv,  61. — Autos- 
see,  63.— T4liopeka,  66.— Of  4  Nov. 
1791,  V,  S3.— Of  Presque  Isle,  66.— Of 
Oriskana,  62.— Of  Newtown,  70.— Min- 
iiiiik,  71.— Tippecanoe,  IDS.— Moravian 
Towns,  or  the  Thames,  104.— River 
Raisin,  108.— Near  loway  on  the  Mis- 
sistippi,  128,  9. 

Baan,  Capl.  in  the  southern  war,  iv,  46. 

Baasley,  Mai.  his  firht  and  death,  iv,  4S,48. 

Beaucourt,  Capt.  de,  attacks  the  Iroquois, 
V,  I6S. 

Beets,  Richard,  bis  fijj^t  and  death,  iii,  27. 

Belclicr,  Capt.  Andrew,  iii,  30. 

Berkeley,  sir  W.  captures  Opekadtano, 
iv,  S3. 

Bible,  in  Indian,  sonoe  account  of,  ii,  67.— 
Written  with  one  pen,  1 14. 

Bimlow,  Timothy,  iii,  1S7. 

Big'-knives,  the  Virginians  so  called,  v,  S6. 
—Pipe's  meptlon  of  them,  46. 

Billings,  Rev.  iV;r.  iii,  71.  " 

Billington,  John,  ii,  11. 

Black  Point,  taken  by  Indians,  ii',  106. 

Blount,  Gov.  ;v,  60. 

Boiling,  Robert,  a  I'cscendant  from  Poca- 
hontas, iv,  30. 

Boscawen,  Admiral,  v,  64. 

Boston,  early  visited  by  the  pilgrims,  ii, 
40.— Indians  threaten  to  bum  it,  iii,  80. 

Boudiiot,  Dr.  Elias,  notice  of  his  views  of 
the  origin  of  the  Indians,  i,  8. 

Bowles,  an  adopted  Creek,  iv,  40,  41. 

Boyle,  Hon.  Bx>bert,  iii,  ')S. 

Bracket,  AnthonVj  iii,  115,  118. — Thomas, 
killed  btCasoo,  110. 

Bradford,  attacked  bv  the  Indians,  iii,  93, 
106. 

Bradford,  Maj.  Wm.  iii,  68,  69. 

Bradford,  William,  "-ueht  in  an  Indian 
snare,  i,  'il.-^BMys  lauds  of  Nattahanada, 
iii,  97. 

Bradstre3t,'<i<<n.  aiarehes  to  relieve  Detroit, 
v,38. 

Brenlon.  \^  "iinm,  bttp  lai.ds  of  Philip,  iii, 
14,  U'-Si.. 

Brewster,  U'dV'..  IV^ij.  nm-.  hes  to  relieve 
Uncas,  ii.  75. 

Brewster,  Mrs.  Indians  'iiurdi  i  one  another 
In  her  hou!;e,  ii,  82,  n. 

Broadhead, Col. surprise..  Coahucton, v, 24. 

Broadnax,  Cept.  in  the  battle  of  Camp 
Defiance,  iv,  6S. 

Brock,  Gen.  v,  106. 

Brook?. ,  Wm.  sits  as  j'Tor  in  the  '.ase  of 
Rr&-'(imon'8  murder,  iii,  IS. 

Brovn,  James,  ii,  76,  84. — ^Philip  charges 
tbi  warriors  oot  to  kill,  iii,  3, — 14,  SI. — 
Philip's  men  insult  him,  23, 41. 


Brown,  John,  buys  lands  of  RofrinlHwitj  ia. 

97. 
Brown,  John,  iii,  16. 
Brown,  Mary,  first  bora  of  flewbuy,  iii, 

68.  n. 
Buflbn,  supposes   animals  degenerate   in 

America,  i,  10. 
Bull,  Jerry,  his  garrison  taken  by  Indians 

iii,  76. 
BurniflT,  Capt.  attacks  Wells,  iii,  109. 
Burr,  Aaron,  notice  of  his  Quebeck  expedi 

tion,  iii,  127. 
Burton,  waters  of,  poisonous,  iii,  98. 
Burton,  John,  condenuied  for  murdering  an 

Indian,  iv,  23. 
Butler,  John,  his  barbarities  at  Wyoming,  v, 

68.— His  character  by  Rochefoucauld, 

76,  n. 
Butler,  Col.  killed  in  St.  Clair's  defeat, 

v,63. 
Butler,  Richard,  commissioner,  v,  46_,  91. 
Butler,  Zebujon,  surrenders  Wyoming,  v, 

66. 
Butler,  Walter,  his  barbarities  at  Cherry- 
valley,  v.  67. 
Byrd,  Col.  his  life  saved  by  Silouee,  i,  22. 


Cabot,  his  discoveries,  i,  1.— Carries  Indi- 

'ans  to  England,  ii,2. 
Cabrera,  upon  the  first  peopling  of  Ameri- 
ca, i,  16, 17 
Calicres,  Gc     goes  against  the  Iroquois, 

V,  6. 
Califomians,  unlike  all  eastern  nations,  i, 

6,6. 
Campbell,  Lieut.  Col.  in  the  battle  of  Oris- 
kana, V,  64. 
Canada,  origin  of  the  name  of,  i,  24. 
Canej  Mons.— See  Canada. 
Cannibalism  among  Indians,  ii,  2.  G6,  88. 
Card,  Francis,  captive  among  the  Tarra- 

tines,  iii,  106. 
Carleton,  Gen.  iii.  127. 
Carolina,  its  transactions  with  the  Indians, 

iv,  28, 29,  30.— Discovery  of,  iv,  66. 
Carroll,  Col.  in  the  battle  of  Emukfau,  iv, 

64. 
Carthaginians,  settle  in  a  country  west  of 

Europe,  i,  3. 
Cartier,  James,  carries  Indians  to  France, 

ii,  2. 
Cascc,  the  name  derived    rom  Aucosisco, 

ii,  53.— A  fight  there,  iii,  82.— Siege  of, 

106-108. 
Cass,Col.  V,  106, 118. 
Casteins,  Baron,  notice  of,  iii,  104,  ii. 
Cayugas,  the  4th  nation  of  the  Iroquois 

confederacy,  v,  2. 
Chaillons,  conducts  an  expedition  into  New 

England  and  destroys  Haverhill,  iii,  131, 

132. 
Challons,  Capt.  sails  to  New  England,  ii, 

2. — ^Taken  i>y  the  Spaniards,  ib. 
Chamberlain,  John,  kills  Paugus,  iii,  132. 
Charles,  Prim  e,  did  not  name  New  i.rg- 

land,  ii,  17. — iv,S4.  j  , 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


Cbar(«voui,  mn  abh  yitorwn,  ii,  36. 

Cfaiefn,  Indian,  difficult  to  Mtign  lo  Umoi 
their  praiMr  stalioM,  v,  18. 

Cbelmtlbra,  BMuen  at,  of  prajrini;  Indi- 
an*, ii,  117. 

Cherokee*,  not  injured  by  eivilixation.— 
Situation  of  their  eounlrjr,  iv,  63.— '^ven 
mother  towni. — Seven  ebieft  go  to  Eng- 
land, 66.— Subdued,  69, 70. 

ChikaMuu,  a  tribe  of  the  Cre«li  nation,  i  v,  25. 

Chippewa*,  of  Hme  origin  a*  (he  Ottowat, 
V,  lOS. 

ChoktsM,  their  country,  iv,  63,  64. 

Chopart,  M.  de,  killed  for  his  abu*et  to  the 
Indnns,  iv,  36, 37. 

Cbri*tianitv,  reaaon*  of  it*  *low  prog^es* 
among  Indian*,  ii,  110,  111. 

Chabb,  Capt.  Patco,  treacheroui  to  the 
Indian*,  iii,  111— Killed,  113, 114. 

Church,  Col.  Benjamin,  viiits  (he  camp  of 
Weetamoo,  iii,  3.— Discover*  early  the 
deaigns  of  Philip,  ib.— Wi(ne*s.  15. — 
Wounded,^  29.— Surprises  many  Indians 
at  Malapoiset,  32.— Surprises  130  other*, 
33.— Severe  fight  with  Philip,  34.— 
Pursues  and  *arpri*es  him  near  Mount 
Hope^— Philip'*  death. — Orders  him 
quartered,  36.— Pursues  Annawoo,  64.— 
Buys  lands  of  Watuspat^uin,  54. — A 
housewrirht,  ib.-^ommissioned  by  the 
Gov.  of  Plimoulh,  65.— -His  rencounter 
with  a  warrior  in  a  swamp,  59.— 4oes 
against  the  Indians  and  French  in  Maine, 
8Z. — Captures  Worombo's  fort,  108. — 
Fight  at  Saco  River,  115.— Relieves 
many  captives,  ib.— Hi*  transactions 
with  Awoshonks,  64, 65, 66. 

Churrh,  Caleb,  brother  of  the  preceding, 
iii,  77. 

Church,  Thomas,  son  of  Col.  B.  C. — 
The  writer  of  hi*  history,  iii,  70. 

Chrysostom,  lauehed  at  those  who  believed 
the  earth  round,  i,  13. 

Cicero,  Red-jacket  said  to  have  been  as 
great  an  orator,  v,  81. 

Claiborne,  Gen.  advises  Mey.  Beasley  of 
hi*  danger,  iv,  48, 

Clark,  Eliz.  murdered,  iii,  68. 

Clark,  Gen.  G.  R.  commissioner,  v,  45. — 
A  successful  commander,  46.— With 
Gen.  St.  Clair,  in  his  figh(,  63. 

Clark's  garrison,  destroyed,  iii,  57. 

Clinton,  De  Witt,  his  observations  on  (he 
wes(ern  antiquities,  i,  17.— His  account 
of  Red-jacket,  v,  80,  81. 

Clyde,  Maj.  in  tlie  battle  of  Oriskana,  v, 

Cobbet,  ■■,  eap(ivil;|r  of,  iii,  102. 

Cobbler  and  Weaver,  origin  of  the  story  of 
(he,  ii,  32. 

Codding(on,  Mr.  Wm.  ii.  61. 

Cnle,  Hugh,  iii,  2. 14. 16,  23. 

Coligni,  Admiral,  sends  a  colony  to  Florida, 
iv,  6.5. 

iyolumbus,  discovers  India,  i,  1.— Con- 
quests of,  17. — Carrie*  first  Indians  to 
'  Spain,  ii,  2,  n. 

Coffee,  Gen.  iv,  49,  50.— Wounded,  64.— 
In  the  battle  of  Tobopeka,46. 


Comet,  its  appawaac*  a  preeufeor  of  ca> 

laaaily,  ii,  13. 
Commiasiooers  of  the  United  Colouea,  ( 

sured,  ii,  99, 100.— Their kiojation « 

ered.  lOit. 
Connecticut's  complaint  against  Miantoaa^ 

mob,  ii.  62. — Its  justiee  questioned  by 

Massaemuetts,  63. 
Convene,  Capt.  surprises  Indians  al  Weila. 

iii.  102. 
Cook,  Caleb,  distintuishad  in  Chureh'i  ts- 

peditipn,  iii,  36,  *7. 
Copp,  Wm.  a  hill  in  Boston,  named  fttMD, 

u,  40. 
Conielius,  a  Dutehman,  murdets  an  Indiu, 

iii,  27. 
Com,  &C.  ii,  13.— Great  scarcity  of,  iii,  SB. 

— Great  destruction  of  by  Gen.  SoUivaa, 

V,  70. 
Cotymoie,  Capt.  killed  at  Fort  P(.  George, 

iv,30. 
Cowee(a,  or  Cowetaws,  a  (ribe  of  Creeks, 

iv,  25. 
Cox,  Col.  v,  61.— Killed,  64. 
Crawford,  Col.  his  expedition  and  demlh, 

V,  47,  48. 
Creeks,  general  account  of  that  nation,  iv, 

48,  49.— Origin  of  their  name,  62.— Im- 
portance, 63,  64. 
Cresap,  Capt.  bis  murder  of  (he  Indians, 

V,  25.— -Events  of  the  war  it  occasioned, 

26,  &c. 
Crocker,  Wm.  a  juror  in  Sassamon's  case, 

iii,  IS. 
Crown,  Jon.  presented  with  Bristol,  R.  I. 

i,24. 
Gumming,    Sir    A.    iv,    30,    n.— Traveb 

among  (be  Creeks. — ^Takes  7  chiefs  lo 

England,  66. 
CuHieu(,  Sergean(,  ii,  96, 106. 
Cusse(i«fi,  a  (ribe  of  Creeks,  iv,  25. 
Cu8(oms.— See  Manners  and  Customs. 


Dale,  Sir  Thomas. 

Dalyell,  Capt.  killed  in  the  fight  at  Bloody 
Bridge,  v,  35. 

Danforth,  Thomas,  iii,  22. 

Dark,  Col.  v.  63. 

Davenport,  Capt.  a  dealer  in  Indians,  iii, 
76.— Lieu(.  ii.  106. 

Davidion,  John,  Washington's  Indian  in- 
terpreter, V,  21. 

Davis,  Capt.  Wm.  ii,  70,  iii,  22. 

Davis,  John,  Serg.  ii,  92,  93. 

Davy,  Humphrey,  iii,  98.— John,  ib. 

Dearborn,  Gen.  in  Arnold's  Quebeck  expe- 
dition, iii,  127. 

Decallieres,  Gen.  his  operations  against  the 
Iroquois,  v,  152. 

Deer  Island,  once  owned  by  Winnepurkitt, 
ii,53. 

Defoe,  Daniel,  ii,  21. 

Delaware,  Lord,  his  conduct  censured,  iv, 
16. 

Demere,  Capt.  killed,  iv,  31. 


QENCRAL  INDKX. 


OeaiMtiieiMt,  H«d-jacket  u  neat  an  ora- 
tor, V,  81. 

Oeiwitoii,  G«oige,  capuiret  Namutenooo, 
iii,  43, 74.— Gen.  86. 

Dwner,  Capl.  atiaeked  and  wounded,  ii, 
8.— Hit  voyage,  18. 

Devil,  taid  lo  people  America,  i,  7.— De- 
co^'ed  the  liidiaot  into  it,  8.^"  The 
prince  of  thii  world  by  the  wrath  of  God," 
lb.— Labors  to  prevent  ihbCospel^t  being 
introduced  into  New  Enclaiid,  ii,  9,— 
Appear*  to  the  Panieiei,  SS. 

Diamond,  John,  tortured  at  Wells,  iii.  103. 

Dieskau,  Gen.  wounded  in  the  battle  of 
Lake  George,  and  dies,  v.  XI. 

INnwiddie,  Robert,  Gov.  of  Virginia,  v,20. 

Diodorus  Siculus,  refers  to  countries  west 
of  Europe,  i,  2. — ^A  passage  from  his 
work,  3. 

Dionondadies,  a  tribe  of  the  Hurons,  v,  6. 

Donaldson,  Col.  A.  killed,  iv,  54. 

Doherty,  Gen.  in  (he  battle  of  Tohopeka,  iv, 
40. 

Done,  John,  a  juror,  in  the  trial  of  the  mur- 
derers of  Sassamon,  iii,  12. 

Donran,  Gov.  v,  2. 

Drake,  Sir  Francis,  the  first  Englishman 
in  New  England,  ii,  17.— The  Indians 
much  attached  to,  ib. — Perhaps  known  to 
MassBsoit,  ib.— A  renowned  navigator, 
55.— First  Englishman  that  sailed  round 
the  world,  ib. — First  that  carried  tobacco 
to  England,  iv,  4. 

Dubari.-ii),  a  rurious  passage  from  his  Divine 
Weeks,  i,  2. 

Dadlcy,  Gov.  Joseph,  anecdote  of,  i,  19.>— 
Thomns,  ii,  53, 62.— iii,  104. 

Dudley's  defeat,  v,  104. 

Dutch,  !i.:cuso<l  of  plotting  with  Ninigret 
against  llio  English. — Particulars  of  that 
aSaif,  ,'5,  80. 

Dwight,  Tijnothy,  of  Dedbam,  ii.  116. 


Eastman,  Philip,  a  captive,  iii,  93. 

Echclaa,  a  tribe  of  Creeks,  iv,  26. 

Eckanakaka,  batUe  of.  iv,  53. 

Edson,  Joseph,  of  Briagewater,  iii,  32. 

Echington,  Lord,  iv,  29. 

Enot,  John,  preaches  lo  the  Indians,  ii,  57. 


ing^the  Indian  language. 


ii,  lll/-Visit 


to  wanaalancet,  1 

Eliot,  Giriy,  &c.— See  M'Kee. 

Elizabeth,  Queen  of  England,  patron  of 
Ralegh,  ii,  55.— Names  Virginia. 

Ellicott,  Andrew,  iv,  41. 

Emukfau,  battle  of,  iv,  53. 

Endicot,  Capt.  ii,  58. — Gov.  John,  81. 

Enotochopko,  battle  of,_iv,  64. 

Etherington,  Maj.  surprised  at  Michilimak- 
inak,  v,  32. 

Eufaule,  a  tribe  of  Creeks,  iv,  26. 

Exeter,  New  Hampshire,  a  captive  of,  re- 
taken by  Church,  iii,  115. 


Fenner,  Capt.  ArtlNiir,capturM  TiA,  iii,SO< 

Field,  Col.  kilM  at  Poinl  PlaasMt,  v,  27. 

Fight  at  the  falls  in  Connecticut  Riter,  iii, 
72.— Pawtucket,  42,  43.— Indian  ac- 
count of,  da.-m-A  Narraganset.  29,  30^ 
Pocasset,  25.— Reboboih  Plain,  26<— 
Beers's  MounlMi,  27. 

Fitch,  James,  preMbee  to  the  MohegaiM, 
ii,  86. 

Five  Nations.— See  Iroquois. 

Flamstead,  Dr.  visited  by  Indian  cbi«ft, 
v,8. 

Flinn,  JMr.  tortured,  v,  51. 

Florida,  origin  of  its  name,  iv,  65,  n.f^-Dii- 
coverv  o^  ib. 

doyd,  Gen.  wounded  in  the  battle  of  An- 
tossee,  iv,  52. 

Folcb,  Gov.  of  Louisiana,  iv,  41. 

Forster,  J.  R.  h'^  origin  of  the  name  C«Bft- 
da,  i,  24. 

Foxe8.>-^See  Sacs  and  Foxes. 

Franklin,  Dr.  his  account  of  some  Indian 
customs,  i,  10. — V,  12. 

Freeman,  John,  iii,  21. 

French,  Washington's  embassy  to  the,  v, 
21— 23.— Elated  at  the  defeat  of  Brad- 
dock. — Defeated  at  Lake  George,  24.^ 
A  company  uiMler  Gourges  take  Florida 
from  the  Spaniards,  iv,  b5.— Visit  early 
the  western  Indians,  v,  123. 

Fronteuac,  Count,  i,  17. 

Frost.  Capt.  iii,  102.— Killed  by  Indian, 

G. 

Gama,  Vasquex  de,  i,  17. 

Gaines,  Indians  much  addicted  to,  ii,  S3, 

29. 
Gansevoort,  Col.  v,  61.— ^ends  a  force  to 

relieve  Herkimer,  63. 
Gardner,  Capt.  in  Philip's  war,  iii,  75. 
Gardner,  Lion,  his  account  of  die  Pequots, 

ii,68,64. 
Gednev,  Col.  arrests  Chub,  iii,  113. 
Gendal,  Gen.  carries  Mugg  to  Boston,  iii, 

102. 
Gemeraye,  Lieut,  de  la,  defeated  by  Black- 
kettle,  V,  152.— Escapes,  153. 
Georgia,  settled  bv  the  En^ish,  iv,  27^— 

Oppresses  the  Creeks,  46, 47. 
Gibbons,  Edward,  ii,  41,  84, 94. 
Gibbons,  Jotham.  ii,  41. 
Gibbs,  Capt.  ii,  116. 
Gilbert,  Capt.  explores  the  coast  of  Maine, 

ii,  4. 
Girty,  Simon,  escapes  from  Pittsburgh.— 

Excites  the  Indians  to  war,  v,  41, 44, 48. 

—Barbarity  to  Col.  Butler,  53. 
Gladwin,  Maj.  v,  31. — Besieged  by  Pontiak 

at  Detroit,  33^-M. 
Gnadenhuetten,  massacre  of  the  praying 

Indians  there,  v,  15. 
Gods  of  the  Indians,  i,  7,  ii,  30. 
Golding,  Capt.  Roger,  iii,  35,  36. 
Gonkin,  Maj.  Ihuiiel,  iii,  38.— Reviled  for 

his  lenity  lowafdi.ljkn  ItuUwUf  "Kr-kk 


A 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


hi*  aire, 
Wannalanfct,  ii,  117. 

8orre«,  Sir  F.  li,  3,  4,  6. 
orfon,  Samuel,  takes  the  part  of  the  In- 

diani,  ii,  4y. — Purcbaaet  Bbaomel,  60.*— 

Samuel  Jr.  interf.reter,  iii,  9,  41,  71. 
Ootnold,   AnthoDjr,  drownM  in  Virginia, 

iv,  17. 
Qoinold,  CapL  Bartholomew,  the  firit  who 

came  direct  to  New  England,  ii,  17. 
GoutMs,  Dom.  De,  deairoyt  the  Spaniard* 

in  Florida,  iv,  65. 
Granger,  Erastus,  iatarpreter  to  Iha  Sene> 

cai,  V,  90. 
Grant,    Col.  hi*  eapodilioD*   agtintt  the 
'    Cherokee*,  iv,  31. 
Gray,  Edward,  lii,  94. 
Green.  Samuel,  printer,  ii,  96, 97. 
Greenland,  N.  H.  depredation*  ther«,  iil, 

106. 
Greenvil,  Richard,  iv.  S. 
Grijalva,  di*eover*  Florida,  and  earrie*  off 

Indian*,  iv,  69,  n. 
Grotiu*  on  the  peopling  of  America,  i,  4.  9. 
Oroton,  attacked  by  the  Nipmuks,  iii,  80. 
Gulliver'*  Travel*  a  burle*qiw  on  tne  ae- 

eoiut*  of  voyngen,  i,  t. 


Hadley,  complain*  of  irruption*  of  the  Tar- 

ralinos,  iii,  97. 
Hallibees,  massacre  of,  iv,  91. 
Hall,  Mr.  captivity  of  hi*  daughters    in 

Black-hawk's  war,  v,  126. 
Hamden,  John,  supposed  lo  have  come 

over  with  the  pilgrims,  ii,  16,  33. 
Hanam,  Capt.  hi*  voyage  to  New  England^ 

ii,  4. 
Hamtramk,  Col.  with  Gen.  St.  Clair,  v,  53. 
Hanno,  notice  of  his  voyage,  i,  1 
Harding,  Capt.  ii,  9S,  96. 
Hardin,  Col.  taken  by  the  Delaware*,  v, 

44. 
Harlow,  Capt.  his  discovery,  ii,  S. 
Harpersfield,  destroyed  by  the  Indians,  v, 

71. 
Harper,  Col.  his  exploit,  v,  86,  87. 
Harrison,  Gen.  his  difficulties  with  Tecum- 

*eh,  v,  100-^. — Defeat*  Tecumseh  on 

the  Thames,  104. 
Haines,,  [John,]  ii,  78,  88. 
HassHnamesit,  its  meaning,  ii,  97.-^ii,  78. 
Hntlield,  attack  upon,  iii,  93. 
Hatherl^,  Timothy,  ii,  46. 
Haverhill,  attack  upon,  iii,  93. — Sacked  in 

1708  by  the  French  and  Indians,  131. 
Hawkins,  Col.  a  commissioner  with  Ellicott, 

iv,  41. 
Haywood,  Dorothy,  her  remarkable  deliv- 
erance from  captivity,  iii,  97,  n. 
Heard,  Anne,  delivered  from  captivity,  iii, 

115. 
Heckewelder,  John,  taken  by  the  Hurons,  v, 

14. 
Henchman,  Capt.  his  expedition  to  Wesha- 

kom,  iii,  88. 
Henderson,  Wm.  iv,  39. 

!• 


Henry,  Alexander,  hii  aecouiM  of  the  mas- 

*acre  at  Michilimakinak,  v,  St. 
Henry,  Patrick,  Cornstalk  •*  great  an  ora- 
tor, V,  30. 
Henry  VII,  Indian*  preeenled  lo,  ii,  t. 
Herkimer,  Oon.  v,  61.— Killed  at  Oriskana, 

64. 
Hertel,  Iii*  alUek  upon  Salmoo  Fail*,  iii, 

109.— Killed  at  Haverhill,  132. 
Higgin*,  BeiM.  juror  in  the  case  uf  Sasfa- 

mon'*  murder,  iii,  IX. 
Hill,  Col.  defeated  by  the  Reehabeerian*, 

iv,  24. 
Hinckley,  Thomas,  iii,  21. 
Hutory,  tme  at  one  liwe  aad  not  at  awNlMr, 

iv,et. 
Hoare,  John,  ii,  4C.— EmbMiy  of  in  Philip's 

war,  iii,  92.— ^W. 
Hob*on,  Capt.  hi*  voyage,  ii,  9. 
Holioke,  Ca{>t.  iii,  73. 
Homer,  supposed  to  refer  to  America,  i,  2. 
Hopkins.  Stephen,  i,  21.— Entertains  Sam- 

osel,  ii,  10.— Vi*iU  Ma**a*oil,  22. 
Horace,  suppo*ed  to  refer  to  America,  i,  2. 
Har*e-*hoe-Dend,  battle   of.— See   Toho- 

peka. 
Howard,  Lord,  ii,  99. 
Howland,  Jabet,  Church'*  lieutenant,  iii, 

46,47,51,69. 
Howland,  Lieut.  Isaac,  iii,  34. 
Howland,  John,  iii,  68. 
Ho^t,  Gen.  miiname*  the  fall*  in  Connec- 
ticut River,  iii,  73,  n. 
Hubbard,  William,  hi*  view*  upon  the  peo- 
plinff  of  America,  i,  4.— Erroneous,  it,  26. 
—Charitable,  87.^Uncharitable,  iii,  110. 
Huckings,  Mrs.  a  captive  among  the  Tar- 
ratines,  iii,  119. 
Hull,  Mrs.  a  captive  among  the  Tarratines, 

iii,  112. 
Humanity,  instances  of  among  Indians,  iii, 

39,  111.— V,  44.— iv.  31,  ice.  Sic. 
Hunncwell,  Lieut,  wounded,  iii,  1 19. 
Hunt.  Capt.  his  voyage  and  Icidnapping 

Indians,  ii,  9. 
Hunting,  Capt.  iii,  74. 
Hutchinson,  in  error  about  the  death  of 

Massasoit,  ii,  26.— iii,  30.— 120. 
Hutchinson,  Mr.  treats  with  the  Indians,  iii, 

112. 
Hussey,  widow,  killed,  iii,  114. 


Indians,  origin  of  the  name  of,  i,  1.— 43f 
California,  unlike  the  people  of  the  cnst, 
i,  5, 6.— Of  New  England,  their  language 
unlike  any  other,  i,  6.—"  Devil  decoyed 
them  into  America,"  i,  8. — Anecdotes  of, 
17.— First  seen  in  England,  ii,  2. — In 
France,  ib.— First  ever  seen  in  Spain, 
ii,  2. — First  seen  by  the  pilgrims,  ii,  9. — 
Their  account  of  the  great  plague,  13.— 
Their  idea  of  God's  power,  16.— Of  tlicir 
language,  S4.  n.— .Addicted  to  gaming, 
23,29  — Exactin  the  bounds  of  theirlan£, 
51.— Their  Sannaps,  60.— Power  of  Sa- 
chem lo  sell  lands,  61. — Great  mortality 


OnNTitlA!.  INDEX 


uniuii°;  Itioau  of  Lung  ImIiukI,  71. — liulo- 
cfiiirv  Id  I'ctuialc  captivei,  Ul.—Hagacil/ 
ill  lullowing  a  irack,  iii.  94.— An  huniane 
lo  priboiien,  many  of  ihem,  an  tbo  wliilti, 
3&.— Slrala^mx  lo  etcape  from  (heir 
cucmics,  42,  43.^4jale  of  those  taken  in 
Ibe  Pequot  war,  iii,  106.^)f  Ihoie  taken 
ill  the  Narraganiiel  Expedition,  75. — 
Great  bartMrily  towartit,  77,  78.>— Re- 
p«rted  lo  be  naloral  iwimmen,  99,  ».— 
War  ilratagemt,  108.— froquoit,  v,  I. 
Namei  among  Ihem  derived  from  objects, 
S.— The  name  they  give  Ibemiolves.  il>. 
—One  Uvea  to  a  peal  age,  19/— Redec- 
lions  on  their  ei^ploymont  in  war  by 
whiles.  t4. — ^Their  ganie  of  Baggaiiway, 
a. — Brant's  letter  stating  they  have  beard, 
V,  71.— Manner  of  flattening  the  head 
among  the  Muskogeea,  iv,  64^— First  em- 
ployed bylhe  AmericaiM  in  the  Revolu- 
tion, iii,  187. 

Indian  Bible,  some  account  of  the  printing 
of,  ii,  57. 

Innei,  Judge,  bis  testimony  to  the  truth  of 
Logan's  speech. 

loway  River,  battle  opposite  the  mouth  of, 
v,lS9. 

Iroquois,  erroneously  called  the  Five  Na- 
tions, V,  1. — Nations  composing  thom,  il>. 
n.--Joined  by  the  Tuscaroras,  2, — ^Tbeir 
true  name,  ib.— Visit  of  five  chiefs  lo 
England.  6. — Arrive  at  Boston,  9.— One 
dies  in  England,  iv,  69.i— Signification  of 
Iroquois,  lfi7,  n. 

Irving,  Washington,  visiu  Black-hawk-— 
His  description  of  him,  v,  1S6. 

Iwiklies.— Sec  Twightwees. 


J. 

Jackson,  Gen.  subdues  the  Creeks  under 
Weatherford,  iv,  43.— Fight  with  the  In- 
dians at  Autossee,  44.--^t  Tohopeka, 
46. — Wounded  in  a  private  quarrel,  49. 
—Speech  to  Palh-killer,  49. — Relieves 
Talladega,  51.— Attacked  at  F.mukfau, 
A3<^Interview  with  RIack-hnwk  in 
Washington,  v,  136.— At  Baltimore,  140. 

James  I,  ii,  3.^— Acknowledged  by  the  pil- 
grims, 30,  22.— By  the  Indians,  41.— His 
conduct  in  the  case  of  Ralegh,  55,  S6,  n. 
^A  weak  prince,  iv,  4. 

Jaques,  Lieut,  kilh  Rasle,  iii.  119. 

Jenerson,  his  answer  to  Bufibn  and  Raynal, 
i,  10, 22.- Fort  Jeffcnoii,  v,  5S. 

Jeremysquam  Island,  sold  by  Robinhuo'l, 
iii,  97. 

Jews,  Indians  supposed  to  be  descended 

.    from,  i,  6. 

Johnson,  Gen.  R.  M.  v,  104. 

Johnson,  Edward,  ii,  33. 

Johnson,  Isaac,  iii,  89. 

Johnson,  Sir  William,  defeats  the  French  at 
Kake  George,  v,  23. — Has  great  influ- 
eAce  v^th  the  Indians. — Ili.^  connectinn 
with  Miss  Brant,  60. 

Jphiisoii,  Robert,  Gov.  of  Carolina,  iv,  68. 

Johnston,  Charles,  captivity  of,  v,  48. 


Jonrairc,  Moos  de,  v,  M. 
JuiicD,  ilorutio,  V,  88. 
Jossclyn,  John,  derives  Iht 

TarUn,  i,  6. 
Jung,  Michael,  v,  14. 


Kadarakkui,  v,  4, 6.— eigaificalion  of,  7. 
Kaimcs,  Lord,  observntiou  of,  ea  Ikt  peo- 
ple nf  thb  north,  i,  15,  16. 
Kcnistone,  John,  kiAcd,  iii,  106. 
Kent,  William,  iii.  79. 
Keowcc,  a  Cherokee  town,  iv,  S9. 
Kichlan,  the  god  of  the  Plew  England  !■' 

dians,  ii,  30. 
Kikapooe,  some  serve  onder  Blaek-bawk, 

v,T30. 
Kimbal,  Thomas,  killed,  iii.  93.-106. 
Kiiw,  the  title  of,  why  conferred  on  Indian 

chiefs,  iv.  40. 
Kiashon,   tne   country   afterwards   called 

New  England,  v,  2. 
Kittell,  Mrs.  a  captive  among  the  Nipnoks, 

iii,  ff7. 
Kirkland,  Samuel,  bis  death,  v,  19. 
Klock,  Col.  V,  65. 
Knirkerhocker,i,  26.— The  author  of,  visit* 

Black-hbwk,  v,  136. 
Kntrht,  Dr.  tnken  prisoner,  v,  47.— M 

a  fortunate  escape  from  torture,  48. 
Knox,  Gen.  Hnary,  iv,  39. 


Labials,  not  used  bythe  Iroquois,  ii,  24. 
Labrocre,  attacks  wells  and  is  slain,  iii. 

103. 
Lafayette,  Gen.    iv,  67.— Interview  with 

Rcid-jacket,  v,  84. 
Lancaster,  people  killed  thtre,  iii,  78^— 

Capture  oA  80. 
Lane,  Gov.  Ralph,  illlreata  Indians,  iv,  3. 
Language,  specimen  of  the  Mohenn,  ii, 

89.— Wampanoag,  iii,  40.— The  Tarra- 

tine,  129.— Of  the  Iroquois,  v^  111. 
Laudonniere,  Reni  de,  settles  with  a  colony 

in  Florida.— Destroyed  by  the  Spaniards, 

iv,  65. 
Lcc,  Samuel,  lost  at  sea,  iii,  38. 
Tioc,  Arthur,  commissioner,  v,  46,  91. 
Lcffingwell,  Lieut.  Thomas,  goes  lo  the 

relief  of  Uncas,  ii,  94. 
Leverett,  Mr.  marches  against  Pessacus, 

ii,  84. 
Leverett,  Gov.  John,  iii^  32,  93. 
Lewis,  Col.  killed  at  Point  Pleasant,  v,  27. 
LigfalfooS,  John,  of  Boston,  ii,  77. 
LItlafutchc,  capture  of,  iv,  60. 
Long-knives. — See  Big-knives. 
Lord's    prayer,  in    Mohegan,  ii,    89.— In 

Wampanoag,  iii,  40. 
Lothrop,  Cant,  Thomas,  rut  off  at  Sugar- 
loaf  Hill,  ill,  27. 
Love  well,  Capt.  John,  his  expeditions  and 

dnalh,  iii,  120—4. 
Low,  Anihony,  iii,  68. 


QKNKRAL  ININEX. 


LMUiTliomat,  killed  in  a  twMM^  Sgki  mmi 

Taunlmi  lijver,  iii.  M, — Note  upoii>  it>. 
LyiilctiM,  Ciov.  muueau  Um  ClwrokeM, 

ir.fS. 

M. 

Madoek,  aippotcd  to  Imv«  jxiopied  Amer- 
ica. 

Manaert  and  custom*  ofille  Indian*. — ^Thcjr 
reader  )(ood  Tor  evil,  i,  18.— Treatmeul 
of  their  wivev,  10.— Toleraiil  ia  religion, 
ib.— Iiyi>rie*  remembered,  SI. — A  method 
of  taking  game^  ib. — CannibaiMm,  ii,  t. — 
Dance  when  riiiled  by  unnnn,  IS.— 
Dreu  or  the  New  England  Inaiam,  tO. — 
Their  u*e  of  tobacco,  ib.  n.— Detcription 
or  their  bed*,  SS.— Addicted  to  gamine, 
S3,  S9.— Whipping  practised  among,  4o. 
— JPowen  of  tneir  sachem  to  make  sale* 
of  land,  6 1  .—In  pusing  through  the  coun- 
try they  visit  the  graves  of  their  country- 
men, 64.— One  man  may  take  another's 
wife  when  the  hunband  leaves  her,  100. — 
Mjrsterious  lolemnitv  among  the  sa- 
cliems,  107. — Sense  or  duty  predominant, 
iii,  48.— Commcmorativedaneedeseribed, 
AS.— A  wai  dauce  among  the  Sogfco- 
nales,  iii,  64, 65.— Their  manner  of  pre- 
paring soldiers  to  join  another  nation,  70. 
— Sometimes  feast  captives^  iv.  10.— 
Manner  of  keeping  times  appomtea  on  dis- 
tant dav*,  iv,  %. — Manner  of  burial 
among  the  Creeks,  68. — Among  the  na- 
tion* of  the  west,  v,  1 15. 

Starch,  Capt.  besieged  at  Casco,  iK,  105. 

Martin,  — — ,  murdered  by  the  Sacs,  v,  139. 
—'Proceeding*  against  the  murdprers ,  1 31 . 

Mawn,  Capt.  John,  ii,  79,  93,  103.— Goes 
against  Sa**acus,  106. 

Maasaehusett*,  origin  of  the  name,  ii,  15.— 
The  tribe  of,  38.— Their  history,  43.-^Or- 
fers  a  bounty  (or  Indian  *calps,  iii,  I'm. 

Massacre,  of  the  crew  of  a  French  ^hip,  ii, 
14,  IS.-^f  the  Massachusetts  Indians, 
ii,  36.^0f  the  English  at  Wethcrsfleld, 
ii.  79.— Of  30  Narragansctts,  81.— Of  the 
Virginians,  iv,  SS. — Another,  S3.--Of 
friendly  Indian*  in  Virginia,  S8.— Of  Hos- 
tages at  Fort  P.  George,  30.— Of  Fort 
Mimms,  43;  48. — At  Gnadenhuetien,  v, 
16.— Al  Pomt  Pleasant,  S9.— Michilimak- 
inak,  SS. — Of  Indian  prisoners  at  Co- 
shocton, 43. — At  Tallusnatehes,  iv,  50. — 
Of  the  Ilallibees,  51. — Autossee,  iv,  46, 
8C.— Of  Christian  Indians  at  Wamesit, 
'by  burning,  ii,  117.— Of  Dassamonpeak, 
iv,  3. 
'  IfHMr,  Dr.  Cotton,  singular  noliona  of 
about  the  origin  of  the  Mimt,  t,  T<— Hi*, 
aeeount  of  Amo.<ikeag  Falls,  iii,  96. — His 
birth  and  death,  ib.  n. 

Malhef,  Increase,  singular  expression  of,  ii, 
106. — Derive*  rialromkeik  from  the  He- 
iMnnr,  iii,  96.— Die*,  ib.  n. 

Il^er,  I^«bard,iii,96. 

MxliittDh^  Researches,  i,  18.^— Doea  not 
prove  the  origin  of  the  Indian,  M. 

MedStitd  de*Uoyed,  iii,  80. 


Meigs,  R.  J.  iii,  lS7.-4*,5«. 

Memloii,  men  killed  Ihera,  iii,  T?. 

Meoominies,  v,  IS3.— Many  WM  by  Ika 
8ae*,  ISs! 

MesMsagaes  a  7th  nalioa  of  ike  Iraqwia, 
V,  S,  n. 

Mikaaauky,  rendeivoua  of  tha  Himiaali 
warrior*,  iv,  59. 

Milton,  bought  of  Kulcbamohin,  i(,  97 

Mimms.  Fort,  capture  of,  iv,  43,  48. 

Minisink,  great  battle  there,  v,  71. 

Mitchel,  Jacob,  murdered,  iii,  57. 

Mitchel,  W.  S.  marries  a  daughter  of  Mfn- 
tosh.  iv,  47. 

Mitchill,  Dr.  S.  L.  view  of  his  nolioM  ra- 
speclinr  the  Americans,  i,  I?. 

M'Ree,  Elliot  and  Girty,  in«tigate  tha  In- 
dians to  barbarities,  v,  44.— M'Kee  d^ 
ceivo*  them  at  I'resque  Isle,  59. 

M'Krimmon,  his  life  *aved  by  a  daughter 
of  Hillishagt.,  iv,  59. 

Mohawks,  war  upon  by  the  Wampanoagi, 
ii,  4f). — Name  mistakcu  for  that  of  a 
chief,  54,  n. — Murder  IVssacus  and 
others,  59.—"  A  gnat  sarhem,"  85.— 
Meaning  of  the  name.— Philip's  massacre 
of  *omo  of,  ill,  31.— Attack  the  Tarra- 
tine*,  iii,  9S. — The  Nipmuks,  94. — A 
great  terror  to  the  Tarratinea,  106.— 
Head  of  the  Iroquois  confederacy,  v,  S. 
—Attack  Ihc  Eastern  Indians,  iii,  130. 

Moolgomerv,  Col.  iv,  30. 

Montigny,  Ins  expedition  against  the  Eng- 
lish HI  Newfoundland,  iii,  131,  n. 

Montreal,  sacked  by  the  Iroquois,  v,5, 154. 

Morgan,  Gen.  in  Arnold's  Quebeck  expedi- 
tion, iii,  127. 

Morgan,  a  trader  of  Virginia,  murdered, 
iVjSl. 

Morris,  Robert,  v,  90. 

Mosely,  Capt.  Samuel,  ambassador  to  the 
Narragansets.  ii,  85,  86. — Fights  Indians 
at  Sugar-loaf  Hill,  iii,  S7.— A  fortunate 
officer,  29. — Has  a  narrow  escape,  76.— 
Severe  with  the  praying  Indians,  78,  86. 
—His  expedition  to  Pcnnakook,  94. 

Morton,  Thomas,  his  view  of  lli«  peopling 
of  America,  i,  5.— His  history,  ii,  14,  n. 
—Account  of  the  massacre  of  Weasagiu- 
cu*,  ii,  36. 

Morton,  William,  ii,  98,  99. 

Moulton,  Capt.  takes  Norridgewok,  iii,  119. 

Mounds,  the  western,  ii,  4.— v,  89. 

Muchin,  Christopher,  a  captive,  iii,  86. 

Muskoreei,  a  chief  nation  of  tho  Creeks, 
iv,  6!.— 'Prohibit  the  introduction  of  ar- 
dent spirits  among  them,  63.— Flatten  the 
beads  of  their  children. — The  Seminoles 
originate  among  them,  64. 


N. 

Naemkeek,  iii,  90. — Natieot,  9S>  96, 98, 100, 

no. 

Narraganset,  the  word  variously  WfMten. — 
Its  meaning,  ii,  SI,  38.— 4leogiapfa/  of 
the  country,  4Sd — ^War  betweoa  the  na- 
li«p  of,  and  PflfMta,  61^-Nafiohtggi», 


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m.— uamirqp  itmim  djt  im  km 
97.— PaftkiMU  M  Plufip'*w>ri  u 
8«id  MM  EMriuhiin'i  Iwwit 
Nipaivki,  iii,  A-^-IMr  felt  c( 


to  Uw 
captved 

by'ihs  EmImIi,  W    80^    FimH*  daiMt 

niiKp.--11w  eauM  oTit,  88. 
Htlik,  Muiag  of  lb*  mm,  U,  114. 
Naidin,  distraMed  by  llw  omimimb  of 

the  IVMcb,  aad  they  MokUr^nO  of  thai, 

iv,  97. 
New  Albion,  diMowty  of,  ii,  17. 
Nowburjr,  aliack  n|MM,  iii,  106^— Tkaint* 

bom  of,  iii,  68,  E.  . 

Newbury,  Capt.  iii,  61. 
New  Eajnana,  lo  luuncd  tnm  Nota  Al- 

Bioii,  li,  17.— Called  KifHoi  by  ibe 

Iraquoit,  v,  1. 
NewsMM,  Gen.  wounded  at  AnUwaee,  iv, 

61— At    Camp    Deianee,  53.— Goes 

against  the  Seminoiet,  61. 
Newman,  Rev.  Noab,  iii,  86, 42. 
Newport,  Capl.  dupea  by  Powbaian,  iv,  11. 
Newtown,  battle  or,  v,  10. 
Nicholsan.Col.  F.  v,8. 
Nipmukt  forsake  Pbilip.iii,  88>— Vntbout  a 

laebem,  ii,  16.— Under  Squaw-saebem, 

40,48^108. 
Nomdgwok,   capture  of,  iii,  l]9.^More 

praperly  «»lleo  Nerigwok,  iii.  111,  n.>- 

Norton,  Capt.  ii,  60, 106. 


O. 

Oakmufge  Fields,  description  of,  iv,  64. 
Oeonas,  a  tribe  of  Creeks,  iv.  S6. 
Ogielhorp,  Gen.  James,  conoucls  a  colony 

to  Carolina,  iv,  S6. — Makes  a  8pc«ch  to 

tbe  Indians,  26. — ^Takes  several  with  bim 

to  England,  68, 69. 
OMbam,  John,  murdered,  ii,  48^  49, 68, 60.— 

Caaonicus  prescnls  torn  with  an  island, 

60.-106. 
Oldmiion,  J.  v,6. 
Olivet,  Capt.  iii,  78. 
Oaeida  nation  join  the  Mohawks,  v,  2. 
Onondagoa,  the  third  nation  of  die  Iroquois, 

y,l 
Oriskana,  battle  of,  v,  62. 
Ormottd,  Duke  of,  entertains  the  five  Iro- 

quois  sachems  in  England,  v,  8. 
Orvilliers,  IV,  marches  to  aUaek  the  Seae- 

cas,  v,  162. 
Oagood,  William,  iii,  106. 
Otlttwas,  of  the  same  origin  ai  the  Cbippe- 

was,  v,  120. 
Ovid,  lefeia  to  Ametiea,  i,  9. 


Paddy,  William,  buys  lands  of  Natiahaaa- 

da,iii.98. 
Paine,  Nathaniel,  iii.  2, 39. 
Pataaaa,  Mqor,  iii,  43. 
?aaies«,  a  notable  cUef  tmamg  the  New 

EaflawliMlians,ii,96. 
Paaii,  a  mUoh  apoa  tiwJli«o«|i,ii,96. 


Passawaywddy,  ■aaai^g  of  the  aaaa,  i^ 

128,  a. 
PawiMkctPiglM,  iii,4C.49. 
Pe>t«e,  Capt.  Michael,  bis  njuMnkm,  md 

death,  in'  41— Notice  of,  43. 
Pelham,  Mr.  84. 
Peaasylvaaia,  graatt  800  dollan  to  the 

Seaecaa,  v.  H.— Coaicrs  aa  island  im 

Allaghaay  River  on  Big-tree,  94. 
PMaVwUfem,  aaaedeto  of,  i,  28^-Afri««a 

in  Ametiea,  v,  13. 
Peaobseol,  sigaiftcalion  ef  the  aaase,  iii,  28. 
Pepper,  Robert,  iii,  27. 
PequMs,  gaogfapky  and  history  of,  ii,  MM. 

-'■Meaning  of  the  name,  ib. 
Perkins,  JoiSi,ii,  46. 
Phaswaaaa,  some  east  away  on  a  coast 

westof  Africa,  i,  2. 
PbiladelnUi^  laaian  name  of,  ii,  17. 
Philip's  Chwr.  a  rock  so  called,  ii,  16. 
Philip,  king  or  Spain,  mistaken  for  Philip  of 

Pokanoftet,  i.  24. 
Phips,  Sir  William,  iii.  Ill 
Fiaakaianks,  a  tribe  or  Wingandaeoa,  iv,  9. 
Pickens,  Gen.  goes  against  the  Cherokees, 

iv,69. 
Pidgeon,  Ml^or,  interpreter,  v,  7. 
Pilgrims,  arrive  at  Phmoatb,  ii,  19. 
Pinchon,  JobB,  ii,  84, 103. 
Plague  ameqg  the  Indiana  of  New  EcHaad, 

Hato,  supposed  to  hav«  had  lefereaee  to 

America,  i,  3. 
Plimeuth,  so  named  by  Capt.  Smith,  ii, 

17.-4IS  Indian  name,  19.— iii,  66. 
Pokaooket,  described,  ii,  I6.-4feaniBg  ef 

the  name,  17. 
Poor,  Gen.  defeaU  the  Iiidians,  v,  70. 
Pope,  John,  murdered,  iii,  67. 
Popham,  Lord,  sends  Prin  to  New  Eng- 
land, ii,  3.— A  severe  judce,  ib.— Dies,  4. 
Portsmouth,  acU  of  tbe  Indians  there,  iii, 

106. 
Pottowattomies,  of  the  samo  origm  as  the 

Otlowas,  v,  120.— Eariy  visited  by  the 

French,  1». 
Prat,  Phinehas,  note  upon,  ii,  36. 
Prentice,  Capt.  Thomas,  bums  Pumham's 

towB,  iii,  72. 
Presque  Ide,  battle  of,  v,  58. 
Prin,  Martin,  safls  to  New  England,  ii,  13. 

--Carries  two  Indians  away,  4. 
Proctor,  Col.  defeated  at  the  Thames,  v, 

104.-Censur«l.  109. 
Proctor,  Lieut,  figtau  with  the  Indians  at 

St.  Georges,  iii,  117. 
Psalter,  an  edition  of  Ibe  Indian  and  Eng- 
lish, li,  67. 
Putnam,  Gen.  promises  lands  to   Con- 

planter,  v,  96. 

Qnabaocs,  attacked,  and  sobm  killed  by 

Uncars  son,  ii.  101. 
Quakers  of  Rhode  Island  refaie  to  ealar- 

laia  wounded  soldiers,  iii,  31,  m*  Hi 

mane  to  the  ladiant,  tS. 
Qnalogkiaa. 


'• 


•flha  Mat,  V.  10,11. 
MMMliad  by  bdtaM,  is,  10». 


tim» 


Qm^7, 


BMiorlwUk  aClU  mms,  v. 

■ahch,  Sir  W«hw,  MtilM 
•— AMcdato  of,  ii,  ALm> 
Sir  H.  Oibeit.  ib. .  Oml 

I  Mil  Mllti— > 


i,n. 

to 

«r 
niiitiiiii 


•  eoloay  is  VirKiw«.^-A  caritMa  Ibet 


iled  CwalinK,  W.n. 
Bmlle, or ItMle, ■iwiiiy  WiHw  Al 


kiWd^^AecMM  rfJMtigMiar 
ih,  wMioffe 


Atew. 


kyOw 


ii,M. 


>>». 


HtdMWMiMd 

■moor  Ike  Indiuu,  IV,  n. 
Ruidalpli,Siehu4,»<ia 

boDtas,  iv.  90. 
RawMM,  Edward,  iii,  9S. 
SaiyiMl,linAbbe, 

i,  10.— V.  71. 
Mmehthttmmj  wmr  wHk,  kr,  M. 
Rad^.iiieict,  iwdwyw  of  the 


SahoHun,  Sir  iiehami,  fMd  htmUgn 
doM  by  his  Mrraal  to  aa  MhM,  iii;  Ml 

Baafard,  Mij.  with  Otanh,  «bM  Mb 
waaUIM;iii,S6. 

SoaiMLMi 

_  aaa,  ii,  & 

8a»aap,aB  1 

^  giS!'  "^ 

Seaipa,  •  rawaid 

— tv,  SB. 
BeariMTOO^,  Mitni  bjr  Man,  iii,  1 
Sehaylar,  M^.  oMrcbM  ap&Nlba 

V,  8,  6.-4toaa  witb  Im  aaaba 

Bagtaid.S. 

Baalj,  Uaalaaaal,  i,  93. 


,4, 


FnMb. 


against  Uw  E!ngli«h,  who  loHer  %  1 

wr  hif  head,  iii,  113.— Narrowly  am 

WaMbrook'fl  •oMien.-^iia  vDbn  aap> 

tared  aad  hinuelf  ilaia,  119.— FJU  near 

the  eroM  he  had  raiMd.>-^h««B  ladiaaa   gawMoU  warv  hr,  W,  ».■   lUawnal  af  by 

ftdlarauBdhim.P-4ladpraadMd37yaan|    the  U.  StaiM,  6a-«Origia  oC^-OT  Aifr 

I,  foaitk  Miiofi  «f  tha  liaaBeia,  yi  1 


•r, 


M. 


war  ion,  iv,  M. 
',i<fc.ei>(i,a 


,ii.7A. 
itbythe  EigU,  n,lfi^ 
-Rdiavwi  ia'Phifip*!  w^by  "'  '   ' 
ladiaaa,  iii,  89.— Buiat,  76. 
Hiaga,  Aadraw,  joror  ia  the  «aaa  af 

■oa't  aiarder,  iii.  1%, 
Roanoke,  ■ettlemaat  aT,  i*.  S. 
Robertion,  Dr.  WilUaai,  hit 


'to«M 


Pwpli"?  ... 

■ame  onnn,  9. 
Robiaaon, ,  hia  Mi  amad  bv 

T,  16.- Hi*  family  dealrayad,  Jl. 
RabiauB,  ftev.  John,  hia  adviaa 

Pilcrimt,  rMpeetiag  Ihair  eaadax 

laoiaat.ii,  A. 
Homrt,  Mai.    Robert,  in  dw  baMla  .dt 
.  Aoody  nidn,  r,  3B^-4)aalima  di* 

villan  of  4t.  FraneU,  iii,  ItS. 
Rrifli,  joha,  HMrriea  Pocriwatas,  ivy  W. 
rtawlaadaen,  Mary,  her  ilerriaw  wMh  fciag 

PhHip,  ii,  S9.^-€aplared  at  ' 

80.^4UI«ued,  «r. 


^■■■■■■■■j  of  Ibair  hiiteffy, 
Sanaea,  wppiwed  to  bara  mm 
Aaaiiea,!,  4. 


baiaarwaK|«ni,U,79. 
■Mir.  a  Mon«iaa     ' 


I,  (beta  in  tba  hiitory  of,  v,  % 
Shaw,  Joaa.  a  jnrar  ia  the  eaaa  of  T 

moa'a  aairder,  iii.  It. 
Shed,  Mr.  tatar  l»  MH3iHivfay,  ir,  30. 
8hi<iBalaa,thawel,il,71. 
Sila,  PMar,  aMda  priaoaar  by  Braal,  ^^'tt* 
Sin  Hadaaa.    Sea  Iioqaait. 
Slaiaa,  John,  mefchanl,  ii,  11. 
Slavaa,  bdiaa,  taal  to  Baibadoea,  HiM. 
Saialkor,  Winiam,  proteeted  by  DaiMH|a 

halaa,  ir,M. 
Small  Poa,  deatroya  maty  IwliMi»  iii|«L 
8midi^aaMa,ba^NefMai«fEoMdMad, 

iii,  IT. 
BaMlhf  ^Mttt«  Joha,  la^cyamavoailavlMw 

Bngiaad,  aad  Mr  aaaN*  it  Aom  Itava^ 

Wan,  ii,   IT-^Urfika  AmarieB*,  «^ 

Braaghl  to  oar  aatica  by  Ralifb,  ^  dft. 

— 4Ii«  aeeeort  of  the  Miaa  aaaMa'af 


riniam,  a  Jarar  ia'  the  aaaa  of 
I'a  death,  iH,  1& 
flaeo,  people  killed  theia,  iii,  99. 
Sana,  eaily  viiitad  by  the  gVath  Jaaaiti,r^ 
Incorporated  widi  the  Foi  <riha,  ▼,  ItS. 
Prepare  fcr  war  agaiaat  the  ftoatieta.*^ 
"Make  pearee.— Kill  away  Maaai 
nSd— KHnpaoa  taia  agaUrt  them,  190. 

RriiaaaiiiUMireaaBWyl     ' 
189. 


plaeaa  in  New  England,  lit,  «0i  >geidaa 
m  Virginia.>->«eTere  with  die  ladiaM^ir, 
T.f— b  takaa  priaoaar  by  Opakaakaito** 
warriors.- Tneir  proeaadit^vHlh  hha. 
-^Taka  him  to  Powhataa,  iv^  ^  '  PiaallM 
eo^iuratioai  aaaa  Mm.>''<Wtow  khnaMal 
the  eoantry,>9/-OMdoauNd  to  die^M* 


appaiata  him  to  aerai  hia  armater.  10.><— 
Liberated,  ib.^^aeedste,  9t>^4ammi 


Oav. 


of  ViMiaia<--N« 
againat  hia.— Powhatan 
hdn.-^aoe«  iato  his  caanlry  to  tiid0'ilf 
eora.    INtwbatan  plot*  tot 
bat  it  it  diaeoYeraa  by  Poci 
Badlybaraadbyani 
-Hia  death.  U.  ^^ 

Vakia,i,10.  ^^' 


^ 


10 


cHBinnuL  nimc. 


IIm  mianirn  afeMMiaka,  i,  9, 10. 


* 


i,ia,T7. 


flirilhw,  Col.  aMe4oie  of,  and  BmMmImi, 
V,  n-—T»kM  priMMT  •  cUer  «:  fippe- 
CMMbMUa,MII. 

flolo,  PerdiaaBd  da,  wrhm  ia  Florida,  it, 
_  Hf-DtMoy  naay  hdiaat,  6S. 


:,  CapL  nlievM  Caico.  iii,  106. 

SoMkwoftli,  CoaataM,  iii.  14, 16,  SI,  6*. 

aoMlwortli,  Nalhanid,  iii,  &. 

Spaaiafdi  oNifder  a  Flaacb  coloajr  ia 
FloritCa,  n,  66. 

SpoaelMa,  ofMawaaeit,  ii,  tt— Of  Caaoo' 
icM,  60^— Philip,  iii,  M,  3Bj  Pawacon- 
awa/,  iii.  91..-«r  Waiuiala«cM,96.*.4y 
Mogf,  TanuBlun,  AMimiaaaqna,  101.F— 
CapL  SiaMM,  116.— PowlMlan,  iv,  It, 
U,  14^.0rarai««la,  v,  S^-Of  A«iario, 
ij—Ot  iLe  Sva  laeiieint  to  Queen  Aaae, 
7<— or  CaMitaieoK,  ll.'^OrOlikbina, 


fieooM  witeheniA  eaatooM-To  Lafav- 
•He,  T,  8i^— To  Oov.  of  PemMvlvawa, 
86>6..-Or  FaraMn4>ra«her,  S8.^-Or 
Can  Plaat  to  Oea.  Wariiiaguw,  91, 91 
—or  Teeuaifeh,  101,  ftc^laek-lkm- 
dwr,  IIS,  Itc—Or  OagpaioMa.  114, 110: 
-4)r  Peuleiharo,  117.— OTllelea,  118, 
119^-Or  Keewagooslilnni,  llO-l.— 
or  Koange,  r,  IMz-OT  Jalw  Neptaae, 
iii,  in. 
Spimaa,  Henry,  hit  life  saved  by  Poea- 
,n,  18. 


Spring,  iW.  1^.  ebapiaia  ia  Amold't  Qiaabaek 
•ipaaiian,  iii,  ItT. 

aiaadidl,  Alaaaader,  iii,  W.  a. 

Slaadiah,  Cap*,  kaa  diflcnhiaa  wilk  the  !■• 
Oim, k,  llSl^Aids  ItaHafoit  aniaM 
Camiliraa,  ft^-K^—Smi  agaiaai  Caaa- 
biiaat,  f7/— fibcoveri  an  intended  mas- 
•aeie  aaiMaff  the  MaMaebaselia,  91.^— 


flaaiacainal  lham,S4.— Murden  Pekniot, 

X*  tUn.  Mr.  Bobiiea'a  leaMuk  ape* 

Ihaae  aelf,  98. 
8lafbrd,CapLcaaiiaitt  a  honid  maataaie 

ia  ViMiiiia,  iv,  9. 
•MmUm,  TheoMt,  ii,  70, 75, 84, 91,  100^- 

Joha,  iii,  4S.-«obert,  44. 
St  Clur,  Gen.  hii  aeconat  oT  the  ditaeter  oT 

liaarBi7,v,84.-^Uogfaphical  noticeoT^ib. 

a.'— A  com—iMioaar  ai  Fort  Haraaer,  91. 
flicele.  Sir  Richard,  v,  7. 
■laaartfCapt  a  primier  lihataled  by  Alta- 

kallafcaVk  iv,9i,91 
•lawail,AraMla,y,a6. 
Si.  fmcis,  tribe  oTdailreyedby  Eng.  on- 

dar  Rofaw,  iii,  1S6. 
SI.  Oiafory,  opinion  or,  raipeelinf  a  eona- 

Iry  waal  MEorope,  i,  4. 
Stiilaaa,  Mid.  dataMd  by  Black4»ali,  v. 


SI.  L«gar,aai 

61. 
8ioae,CapLB,60,8aL106. 
SloHghtaa,  Capt  a,  106. 106 
Siraet,  Gea.  meedi  la  iha  caplan « 

hi.wk,v,isr  ^^ 

Slurfeoa  Cicek,  attack  noaa,  ii,  106. 
Buirgit,  FJvard,  a  iarar  ia  Iha  < 

uatrVi  aaMder,  ai,  IS. 
StayveMaal,  Go*,  ii,  10. 
Snirnraa,  Gaa.  anal  agaiaat  Iha  Five  If  attaaa, 

v,TD. 
Swaaip  Ml,  al  Petawal,  m,  SB.— Nana- 

gaaaal,  39.— Near  Taaaiaa  %im»,  94^- 

Near  Warwick,  61, 6S. 
Swift,  qoarter^MMer,  iii,  S6,  a. 
Swiaioa,  Dr.  Joha,  i^ea  the  paepKaf  of 

AaMnca,  i,  16. 
8yU,cimtiii,86. 
Syaiiaart  Taeacy,  i,  19. 

T. 

Taieot,  M^.  enu  off  Qnaiapaa,  iii,  61. 

Talladega,  battle  oil  iv,  61. 

Tafanoa,  Peter,  iii,  16. 

Tarraliaet,  greatly  feared  by  the  ladiaat 

or  Ma«acb«iMtif,  ii,  14^  40, 49. 
Taylor,  Rebecca,  a   captive  aaieag  Iha 

Tanatiaea,  iii.  111^— Attack  Maicaaoaa 

mo,  47.— rbcir  country  daccribed,  iii,  90. 

—Pacta  in  their  hiatery,  Itll     Hpariawa 

or  their  language,  US'. 
Teirair,  Gov.  aia  eorraapoadcaea  with  Gca. 

M'GilHvray,iT,39. 
Teaiperance,  a  gieal  advocala  9t,  asMag 

the  Indiana,  iv,  67. 
Tenaan,  aattlesMal  drslrayad,  iv,  48. 
Thacher,  Anthony. 
Tift,  Joahm,  aaecotad,  iii,  90,  a. 
Tilden,  Joaeph,  ii,  46. 
Theoponipaa,  sappoaad  to  hav<«  referred  la 

AaMriea,  i,  1. 
Thorewgood,  TheaMa,  derivea  the  laitiaaa 

ft«ailhaJewt,i,6. 
TiltM,  Lieot.  hit  fght,  iii,  117. 
Tippeceaoe,  batde  tl,  v,  108. 
Tbpia,Lieal,killiMagg  ai  Black  Paial, 

ni,  106. 
Tobaeco,  act  agaiaal  the  diaerderiv  <iriak> 

iag  or,  ii.  SO.— Pint  carried  to  Eaglaad, 

66:— ABMdoto  or,  ib^-4v,  4.— CaUad 

Uppowoc  ia  Virgiaia,  6. 
Tobopefca,  battle  o^iv,  66. 
Tompkina,  Gov.  D.  D.  v,  144^ 
Tompton,  John,  iii,  64w 
Torry,  James,  ii,  46. 
Tour,  Lord  Da  La,  iii,  114. 
Townaend,  Mr.  tnau  with  the  Tarratiai^ 

iii,  IIS. 
Traditioai,  not  to  be  relied  lyaa,  ii,66, 94. 
Treat,  Mai.  Robeit,  iii,  97. 
Treaty,  wiUi  Maataawt.  ii,  SO,  9S.*43aa8- 

bitoat,  S9.— The  Maaaarhaiilti,  4lw— 

Wauamequin  and  otharv,  41— Narra> 

gwweu,  Nohegana  and  Ea|^,  69^ 

mrraganseta  aad  Engliih,  97.— PbiiiB, 

iii,  17.— Tarratinaa  ia  caaoaa,  101^-401' 


MPJ 


Hi 

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Traa 
Hi 
6S. 
Tack 
IWa 
IWa 

IVhb 
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Ump 
Uaea 
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Uppc 


Vane 

Vaafa 

101 
Vaad 

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Vene 

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Vend 

vei 
Vera 

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ii,«,9l. 


— N«fi«- 


u 


Hmmt,  n^Wmiit^am,  Ul 
Tmp,  Govafaor  of  Ommw,  hr,  4C,  47. 
Tnniiii,  Mai.  — HmxCv,  41 
TiMrtiill,  Bay.  Bi^iiiiii,  telM  ia  kk 

Hiatorjr  of  Co— eeticut,  ii,  79,  9S^-«i, 

GS. 
IWkaabotohooo,  iw,  Alj—TuAttmUka,  41 
IWmt,  Cum.  u,  ae,  TI^JCOM,  !u,  73, 79. 
INuMT't  FiUt,  aceoaBl  of,  i,  18.— GiMt 

■aonera  Ihara,  iii,  711— -faiprapeiiy  oe 

callod,73,a. 
Tunu,  Hamfknr,  a,  46. 
'nHcvoraa,  join  ifio  Ifoqaoit,  v,  S. 
Tinghlwioo,  v,  1 


U. 

Unpame,  •  aaaM  of  Plimonth,  iii,  65. 
UMOtaquittot,  Maeo  Miltoa,  ii,  ST. 
Underhill,  Copt.  Jolm,  ii,  M,  106. 


Uppowoe,  dio  ladiu 
IV,  6. 


of  Tobacoo, 


V. 


▼one.  Sir  Honnr,  ii,  106. 

Vonbon,  Mai.  dofealod  bjr  Tocumteb,  r, 

105. 
Vaudrvuil,  Govenior,  ordera  ao  attack  od 

New  Emriand,  iii,  ISL 
Venega*,  Fa'Jier,  oo  ibo  primilive  iababil> 

aou  orCalifonia,  i,  5. 
Verchens,  a  Frencb  offieor  killod  at  Ha- 

vorbill,  iii.  ISS. 
Vorauini,  Jobn,  hb  discovery,  and  death, 

ii,  1 
Vetch,  Col.  V.  8. 
Viall,  John,  ii,  89. 
Vinet,  Richard,  an  early  trader  in  New 

England,  ii,  11 
Viiginla,  settlement  of,  iv,  1—31— Offers  a 

reward  for  scalps,  iv,  28. 
Vison,  Robert,  Jr.  a  juror  in  the  case  of 

Sassamon's  murder,  iii,  IS. 
Volney,  C.  F.  his  account  of  Littlemirtle, 
'  V,  A,  66.— Compares  the  Iroquois  to  the 

Spartans,  v,  56. 
Voltaire,  M.  F.  A.  i,  3.— Erroneous,  10. 11. 

—V,  71,  n. 


Wadsworth,  Capt.  iii,  86. 

Wadsworth,  John,  a  juror  in  the  trial  of  the 

murderers  of  Sassamon,  iii,  12. 
Wait,  Senr.  Richard,  ii,  75, 85. 
Wakely,  Mr.  bis  fhmily  murdered,  iii,  99. 
Waklron,  Miy.  Richard,  buries  Pessacus, 

ii.  59.— iii,  94,  102.— Murdered,  107.— 

Deceived  the  Indians  in  trade,  106. 
Walker,  James,  iii,  21. 
Walton,  Col.  Ul,  111. 
Wamesil,  ftnyiag  Indians  burnt  there  by 

whites,  ill,  117. 
Wampon,  vahie  of  in  New  England,  ii, 

71.-^ounterfeit,    iii,    38.— 49i(niiies   a 
ele,aO,n. 


spaeek,  <b<— flhMw 

Walaoa,  Joka,  iii,  79. 

Walsoa,  M^j.  gaiM  tha  batfia  of  ( 

v,63. 
WayoKMlk.  Capt. 

laad,  a,  1 3. 
Wayaa,  Oca. 

aames,  v,  55.    PafeatT  ihaa  at 

Isle,  A8.-4lis  tiaalv,  59^-IMaaia 

soutkaiB  latfiaas  uaoar  Cwislaisiae,  iv, 

70. 
WeatkersBeld,  massacre  at,  ii,  79. 
Weaver  and  Cobbler,  osigiis  of  Iba  slasjr  af, 

ii,  32. 
Webb,  William,  v,  11. 
Weiser,  Coaraa,  iatarprdsf,  v,  11,  It. 
Welbotae,  Mr.il,  95.%. 
Wells,  traasaetioBS  laesa  with  ladiaai,  ii, 

102.— Attack  upon,  ib. 
Walsh,  a  coloay  of,  oa  Iba 

101 
Westbiook,  Col.  Thoasas,  Us  ( 

Norridgsrwok,  iii,  118. 
West,  Francis,  has  a  lawsuit  with 

com,  iii,  16. 
Westna,  Capt.  Tbos.  11,  H^4JafuilBaals, 

32. 
Weymouth,  Edward,  iii,  106. 
Wheelcek,  Dr.  Eleaser,  ii,  119. 
Wheelwright,  Rev.  Joha,  iii,  96. 
White,  Gen.  destroys  the  HalFbaoa,  hr,  51. 
While,  Gov.  arrives  at  Roaaoka,  iv,  S. 
White  Hills,  Joaselyu's  dmuiflkmat,  ii, 

123,  n. 
Whitman,  Vallentine,  ialetptalar,  H,  7&. 
While,  Nathaniel,  a  captive,  iii^  llS. 
Vmm,  Perecrine,  first  white  beta  in  Haw 

Eaglaad,  iii,  68. 
Winan,  Mr.  interpreter,  iv,  96. 
Wileos,  Daniel,  interpreter,  iii,  67. 
WiUard,  Simon,  ii,  A— Scat  apmtl  Ua- 

cas,  101 
Willet,  Capt.  Thomas,  vi,  6, 7, 11 
Willet,  Col.  iv,  39.— Maiekes  to  Ike  relief 

of  Gen.  Herkimer,  v,  63. 
Williams,  Col.  Epbraua    killed  at  Laka 

George,  v,  23. 
Williams,  Roger,  Ms  derivatioa  of  Ika  MaM 

Massachusetu,  ii,  16,90.^-HiskiadBaaBto 

the  Indians,  25.— Aceoaat  of  tha  Jlaii»- 

gaasels,  48.— Not  allowad  to  visit 

61— lal 


ofiM 


'Interpreter,  96. 
Williamsoa,  Hugh,  his 

of  the  Americaas,  i,  6. 
Wiachesler,  Oaa.  eapiavad  at  the 

v,108. 


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